THE
Underground Rail Road.
A RECORD
OF
FACTS, AUTHENTIC NARRATIVES, LETTERS, &c.,
Narrating the Hardships, Hair-breadth Escapes, and Death Straggles
OF THE
Slaves in their Efforts for Freedom,
AS RELATED
BY THEMSELVES AND OTHEES, OE WITNESSED BY THE AHTHOE ;
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OE SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS,
OF THE ROAD.
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
i
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.
ILLUSTRATED WITH 70 PINE ENGRAVINGS BY BENSELL, SCHELL AND OTHERS,
AND PORTRAITS PROM PHOTOGRAPHS PROM LIPE.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
Bound in Fine English Cloth, extra, gilt, $4 50
fil Paneled Style, full gilt, 5 00
61 Sheep, Library Style, 5 50
“ Half Turkey Morocco, 6 50
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No. 822 CHESTNUT STREET.
5.C.
3a£. 113 5 $51
WHAT HAS BEEN SAID ABOUT IT.
At the dosing meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti- Slavery Society, held in Philadelphia, May 5, 1870, the following was unanimously passed :
Whereas , The position of William Still in the Vigi- lance Committee connected with the “Underground Railroad,” as its Corresponding Secretary, and Chair- man of its Active Sub-Committee, gave him peculiar facilities for collecting interesting facts pertaining to this branch of the anti-slavery service ; therefore,
Resolved , That the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society requests him to compile and publish his per- sonal reminiscences and experiences relating to the “Underground Railroad.”
Hon. John W. Porney, in a letter to the Washing- ton Sunday Chronicle , of Nov. 1, 1871, said :
“ Slavery and its mysterious inner life has never yet been described. When it is, Reality will surpass Fic- tion. Uncle Tom’s Cabin will be rebuilt and newly garnitured. A book, detailing the operations of the 4 Underground Railroad,’ is soon to be published in Philadelphia, by Wm. Still, Esq., an intelligent color- ed gentleman, which, composed entirely of facts, will supply material for indefinite dramas and romances. It will disclose a record of unparalleled courage and suffering for the right.” * * * *
And again, in a letter to the same paper of Nov. 11, 1871, Mr. Forney says :
***** “A coincidence even more romantic is soon to be revealed in the pages of the remarkable book of Wm. Still, of Philadelphia, entitled ‘The Under- ground Railroad,’ referred to in my last. Mr. Still kept a careful memorandum of the sufferings and trials of his race during the existence of the 4 Fugitive Slave Law,’ in the belief that they would be instructive to his posterity, rather than from any hope of the overthrow of the revolting system of human servitude * * * * he resolved to spread before the world this unprecedent- ed experience. When his book appears, it will accom- plish more than one object. Interesting to the literary world, it will undoubtedly facilitate the reunion of other colored families long divided, long sought for, and per- haps to this day strangers to each other. ***** The volume containing this and other equally romantic yet truthful stories will soon be out, and, my ivordfor it, no book of the times will be more eagerly read or moi e profitably remembered .”
The San Francisco Elevator , of January 5, 1872, said : * * * * “Mr. Still is one of the pioneers of ‘The Underground Railroad’ in Philadelphia, where he still resides. He has aided more slaves to escape than auy other man, Bishop Lougan, of Syracuse . perhaps excepted. ***** We hope his book will have a wide circulation, as it will be a valuable addition to the history of the anti-slavery struggle such as no other man can un'ite .”
ENDORSEMENTS OF PROMINENT MEN.
Washington, March 1, 1872.
Dear Sir :— Your book will certainly be an extremely in- teresting one. No one probably has had equal opportuni- ties with yourself of listening to the narratives of fugitive slaves. No one will repeat them more truthfully, and no stories can be mone fraught with interest than theirs. Let us rejoice, that, in our country, such narratives can never be heard again.
Yours truly,
S. P. CHASE,
Chief Justice U. S. Supreme Court.
Mr. William Still.
Senate Chamber, 3d March, 1872.
My Dear Sir:— The Underground Railroad has per- formed its part, but it must always be remembered gratefully, as one of the peculiar institutions of our country. I cannot think of it without a throbbing heart.
You do well to commemorate those associated with it by service or by benefit— the saviors and the saved. The army of the late war has had its “Roll of Honor.” You will give us two other rolls, worthy of equal honor— the roll of fugitives from slavery, helped on their way to freedom, and also the roll of their self-sacrificing benefactors. I always hesitated which to honor most, the fugitive slave or the citizen who helped him, in de- fiance of unjust laws. Your book will teach us to honor both.
Accept my best wishes, and believe me, my dear sir, Very faithfully yours,
CHARLES SUMNER,
U. & Senator from Massachusetts.
Senate Chamber, March 2d, 1872.
My Dear Mr. Still:— 1 have glanced over a few pages of your History of the Underground Railroad, and 1 most earnestly comm, end it. You have done a good work. This story of the heroic conduct of fugitive of oppression, and of the devotion of their friends, will be read with deep interest, especially by the old friends of the slave in the stern struggle through which we have passed. I hope your labors will be rewarded by a grate- ful public.
Yours truly,
HENRY WILSON,
U. S. Senator from Massachusetts.
Washington, March 2, 1872.
Dear Sir:— Having been informed by you that yon intend to publish a work on the struggles for personal freedom previous to the abolition of slavery, it gives me pleasure to say that I have no doubt you can make the narrative a very interesting contribution to the history of an important period of our national development. It will be calculated to strengthen in the whole American people a just sense of the beneficent results of the great social revolution we have achieved, and to inspire the people of your own race with a high appreciation of the blessings of liberty they now enjoy.
Truly yours,
C. SCHURZ,
U. S. Senator from Missouri.
W. Still, Esq.
3
New York, Feb. 22, 1872.
Dear Sir:— For most of the years I have lived, the escape of fugitives from slavery, and their efforts to baffle the human and other bloodhounds who tracked them, formed the romance of American History. That romance is now ended, and our grandchildren will hardly believe its leading incidents except on irresistible testimony. I rejoice that you are collecting and. present- ing that testimony , and heartily wish you a great success.
Yours,
HORACE GREELEY.
Mr. Wm. Still.
Amesbury, 10th 3d mo., 1872.
I have looked over the advance sheets of my friend William Still’s History of the “ Underground Railroad, - and judge, from a hasty examination, that he has done justice to his deeply interesting subject. The story ot the escaped fugitives— the perils, the terrors of pursuit and recapture— the shrewdness which baffled the human blood-hounds— the untiring zeal and devotion of the friends of the slave in the free States, are well described.
The book is more intei'esting than any romance. It will be of permanent value to the historian of the country, during the anti-slavery struggle.
I cheerfully commend it to the public favor.
JOHN G. WHITTIER.
Washington, 29th Feb., 1872.
Wm. Still, Esq., Dear Sir:— You will please accept my thanks for the opportunity given me to examine the advance sheets of your record of the struggle for free- dom by the slave and his friends.
It will doubtless be a work of great interest to many of our citizens.
Very truly yours,
JNO. A. BINGHAM.
Congressman from Ohio.
Washington, Feb. 29, 1872.
Wm. Still, Esq., Dear Sir.— You have my thanks for the privilege of glancing over the pages of the record of the Underground Railroad. I regret that the de- mands of public duty prevent me from reading it con- nectedly. The stories you tell with admirable simplicity and directness of the suffering heroically endured by such numbers of poor fugitives, will instruct and in- spire many who have regarded the American slave as a member of an inferior race.
Yours, very truly,
WM. D. KELLEY
flunwi Ten'll .
Office “The Press .” Philadelphia, Pg.
Mu Dear Sir:— I have read most of the proof sheets of your forthcoming book, entitled “The Under- ground Railroad.” and have just examined the let- terpress preparatory to its publication, and the accpm- panying engravings, and I cannot refrain from stating, that I believe it to be a consummate work of its kind. Its chief merit, of course, consists in its extraordinary revelations of the injustice and cruelty of the dead sys- tem of slavery, but it is gratifying to notice that it will be printed and sent forth to the world in so complete and admirable a style. I commend it most cheerfully as a book that every citizen should have in his library.
Very truly, yours, j w . F0ENEY.
Wm Rttt.t,. Uro.
I join very cordially in the preceding statement and recommendation.
HON. MORTON McMICHAEL,
(Ex- Mayor or Phila. , Editor of (he N. A.’Sf U. S. Gazette, and J'*re S t of the “ Union League ” of Phila.)
Washington, D. C., Feb. 29, 1872.
Mr. Wm. Stil*,, Dear Sir.— You could not prepare a work that would afford more instruction and interest to me than a detailed history of the operations of the so called “ Underground Railroad.” I am delighted at the casual examination I have been permitted to give the proof, and think thousands will rise up to call you blessed for your faithful record of our “legalized crime, ’ and its graphic terrible consequences set forth by you in such true pictures and plain words. I shall watch for the publication of your work with no ordinary interest Yours truly,
O. O. HOWARD,
Brig. Gen. U.S.A., Commissioner Fi'eedman' s Bureau.
I most cordially unite with Col. Forney and other ’•entlemen in recommending to the public Mr. sun s vork, entitled “The Underground Railroad. .
The thrilling narratives cannot be read, even at this lay, without exciting the deepest emotion.
From a very hurried examination, I should judge that, the work of Mr. Still is one of unusual interest. I concur with the above in recommending it to the public.
HERRICK JOHNSON, D.D.
Boston, March 1, 1872.
Dear Mr. Still:— I congratulate you that, after much patient research, careful preparation, and untir- ing labor, you have completed your voluminous work on “ The Underground Railroad,” so that its publication may be looked for speedily. Though I have had no op- portunity to see even a single proof-sheet, nor any por- tion of the manuscript, I feel no hesitancy in saying in advance, from my personal acquaintance with you, and my knowledge of your peculiar qualifications for the great task, that I am sure your work will be found to be one of absorbing interest , worthy of the ividest patronage, and historically valuable as pertaining to the tremendous struggle for the abolition of chattel slavery in our land. Mo phase of that struggle ivas so crowded with thrilling incidents, heroic adventurer, and self-sacrificing efforts as the one you have undertaken to portray , and with which you were so closely connected, to wit : “ The Underground JRaUroad.” While it will be contemplated with shame, sadness, and astonishment, by posterity, it will serve vividly to illustrate the perils which everywhere con- fronted the fugitives from the Southern “house of bondage,” and to which those who dared to give them food and shelter were also subjected.
Thanks be to God that “the sum of all villanies” is blotted out, and that in all our broad laud there exists not a slave-master, slave-hunter, nor fugitive from slavery !
Wishing you the largest success, I remain,
Yours, with much respect,
WM. LLOYD GARRISON.
I fully and heartily concur in the opinion of Col. Fornev respecting Mr. Still’s work, entitled * The Underground Railroad.”
HON. CHAS. GIBBONS.
This publication will be a : valuable addition to the His- tory of the struggles for Human Freedom.
J. GILLINGHAM FELL.
(Late Pres't “ Union League ” of Phila.)
Mr. Still’s work appears to roe to be one of great inte- rest. and I most heartily unite in recommending it to the public attention.
HON. HENRY C. CAREY-
I am happy to find that material for this interesting work exists. I had feared that much which will be here recorded, would perish with the brave and worthy men who vrere personally interested. These verities of history contain the interest of romance, and our chil- dren’s children will read them with wonder and admi- ration. _
J. WHEATON SMITH, D.D.
4
. * th-ls Publication a timely one; and do not
floubt, lrom its author’s intimate acquaintance with the °f willcl1 ke sPeaks. that it is interesting and valu-
FRANCIS R. COPE.
concur with the opinions of our 51 “tES llc5 }??' ?4’t9o1* Forney; aad trust that the success °£^?tllls. Underground Railroad” may be be- yond his most sanguine expectations.
CHAS. E. WARBURTON, Pub. “Evening Telegraph ” (Phila.)
William Still, Esq.
Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1872
My Pear Sir .-—The advance sheets of your book’1 The Undergibound Railroad,” haveinterestedmcgreatly and they fully confirm my expectations concerning it, as a literary production and a contribution to the history of our country during the dark days of slavery. You have so long and so well labored in behalf of the sufferers of your race that I have always felt that you were the best S1**1 'Irimlthe story ot tbe “ Underground Bailroad.” * * * * ?be numerous i illustrations and portraits add ..reatly to its value. * * * * I congratulate you on having produced a work which xoill be looked upon with pride by your fellow-citizens of Philadelphia. 1
I am, very respectfully, your friend,
GIBSON PEACOCK
(Editor-in-chief of “ Daily Ev’ng Bulletin,” Phila.)
Philadelphia, Feb. 23, 1872.
r,?ad this record of “The Underground Bailboad, j. * can only say that- it is a work of extraordi- alld 0J 0lLea{ value as an illustration of the despotism, which a little while ago reigned over .us all, and which is now (thank heaven !) no more.
WM. H. FUBNESS, D.D.
* * * One of its greatest values is its truth. No
other work of the kind has ever been published, and proba- bly no one but yourself preserved so much material for such a thrilling narrative. It is likely to remain the only history of one of the most exciting periods of our National existence. It will be to Fact, what Mrs. Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin” was to Fiction, and I consider it an invaluable contribution to Anti-Slavery Literature.
Y ours very truly,
JOHN D. STOCKTON,
( Editor-in-chief of the Phila. Port, formerly Managing Editor of the if . Y. Thibunk.;
New York, Feb. 22, 1872.
I have glanced at the advance sheets of Mr. Still’s work on “ The Underground Bailroad,” and having- long known him, am prepared to say that he deserves the thanks of the public for preparing and publishing a book so fraught with interest for every lover of Freedom.
OLIVEB JOHNSON,
( Editor Weekly and Semi- Weekly N. Y. Tribune.)
”g years, associated with Wil-
iSS L®tlU* la laboring for the abolition of American ^7^/, we heartily bear our testimony to his abundant tS!n5Cqul information relative to the
on ifet of Ibis book ; and to his vigilance and fidelity in all the departments of anti-slavery work in which he
^nmHngT^ed’ TVnd esPeciaHy in that department usually called “ The Underground Bailroad.” y
ftvnlg adly avj“l ourselves of this opportunity to °ur confidence in his ability to present to the terprize 11 autlieiuic and interesting history of this en-
LUCBETTA MOTT,
J. MILLED McKIM,
BOBEBT PURVIS.
MARY GREW,
E. M. DAVIS,
SABAH PUGH,
DILLWYN PABBISH,
JOSHUA L. HALLOWELL, HENRY m. laing,
MARGARET J. BURLEIGH, EDWARD HOPPER,
CHARLES WISE,
JOHN LONGSTRETH,
J. K. WILDMAN,
JAMES A. WRIGHT,
S3
p
Wnm,, Stit.Ij, Esq. PHILADELPHIA' Feb' ». 13:2'
Dear Sir:— I have been deeply interested in vour new Sfk on “ The Underground Railroad.” ^Tho nl7-
n?»d'iMwin0i1v1iaJi,1mreai? P°£e llke romance than reality, anH ^ -'Vill be duficult for future generations to realize such things could occur under a free government- but haye alded in the escape of the poor fugitive ^mflavery, and are conversant with the facts, must rejoice that one so competent as yourself (and with vour long experience as Chairman of the Vigilance Commit- tee,) has put these thrilling instances on record.
Very truly yours,
BOBEBT R. CORSON, (Late Colonel of Volunteers and Corresponding Secretary of Pax hu. Freedman' 8 Aid Union and Commission.)
* * * * 1 bave been exceedingly interested in the life-like delineations presented-^ both pen and pencil— of most extraordinary and thrilling adventures That truth ?s stranger than fiction is here made evident, for it would be difficult for the most imaginative to invent more remarkable instances of heroic fortitude and reso- ,9r of Patient endurance, than those you have faithfully portrayed direct from fact and nature * * *
It is gratifying to see that the handsome style, in all particulars, of this volume, is worthy of the great merit of its contents. & au
Yours truly,
JOHN SABTAIN,
( The Celebrated Artist and Engraver.)
William Still.
Respected Fi'iend:— I have looked over the proof sheets of “The Underground Railroad” with feel- ings of lively interest. Some of the instances narrated JSwe^»TIeJe«^i^in my ?™n know-ledge, and I can tes- tify to the faithfulness of the record, it is well that the stirring scenes of later years will be thus preserved from oblivion.
Thy friend,
SAMUEL R. SHIPLEY.
C Pres't Provident Life and Trust Cb.”)
For Terms to Agents, Ac., address
PORTER 4 COATES, Publishers,
822 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
THE
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
A RECORD
OF
j^acts , Authentic J^arratiyes, J^etters, <^c.f
Narrating the Hardships Hair-hreadth Escapes and Death Straggles
OF THE
Slaves in their efforts for Freedom,
AS RELATED
BY THEMSELVES AND OTHERS, OR WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR;
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS,
OF THE ROAD.
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.
Illustrated with 70 fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and others, and Portraits from Photographs from Life.
Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. Deut. xxiii. 15.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
PHILADELPHIA:
PORTER & COATES,
822, CHESTNUT STREET.
1872.
I
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871. by WM. STULL,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
Henry B. Ashmead, Printer , Phila.
x
FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, TO HEROIC FUGITIVES AND THEIR
POSTERITY IN THE UNITED STATES,
THESE MEMORIALS OF THEIR LOVE OF LIBERTY ARE INSCRIBED
By the AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
Whereas , The position of William Still in the vigilance committee connected with the “ Underground Rail Road,” as its corresponding secretary, and chairman of its active sub-committee, gave him peculiar facilities for collecting interesting facts pertaining to this branch of the anti- slavery service ; therefore
Resolved , That the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society request him to compile and publish his personal reminiscences and experiences relating to the “Underground Rail Road.”
In compliance with this Resolution, unanimously passed at the closing meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society held last May in Philadelphia, the writer, in the following pages, wil- lingly and he hopes satisfactorily discharges his duty.
In these Records will be found interesting narratives of the escapes of many men, women and children, from the prison- house of bondage ; from cities and plantations ; from rice swamps and cotton fields; from kitchens and mechanic shops; from Border States and Gulf States ; from cruel masters and mild mas- ters ; — some guided by the north star alone, penniless, braving the perils of land and sea, eluding the keen scent of the blood-hound as well as the more dangerous pursuit of the savage slave-hunter; some from secluded dens and caves of the earth, where for months and years they had been hidden away waiting for the chance to escape ; from mountains and swamps, where indescribable suffer- ing from hunger and other privations had patiently been endured. Occasionally fugitives came in boxes and chests, and not infre- quently some were secreted in steamers and vessels, and in some instances journeyed hundreds of miles in skiffs. Men disguised in female attire and women dressed in the garb of men have under very trying circumstances triumphed in thus making their way to freedom. And here and there when all other modes of escape seemed cut off, some, whose fair complexions have rendered' them indistinguishable from their Anglo-Saxon brethren, feeling that they could endure the yoke no longer, with assumed airs of im-
2
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
portance, such, as they had been accustomed to see their masters show when traveling, have taken the usual modes of conveyance and have even braved the most scrutinizing inspection of slave- holders, slave-catchers and car conductors, who were ever on the alert to catch those who were considered base and white enough to practice such deception. Passes have been written and used by fugitives, with their masters’ and mistresses’ names boldly attached thereto, and have answered admirably as a protection, when passing through ignorant country districts of slave regions, where but few, either white or colored, knew how to read or write correctly.
Not a few, upon arriving, of course, hardly had rags enough on them to cover their nakedness, even in the coldest weather.
It scarcely needs be stated that, as a general rule, the passengers of the U. G. R. R. were physically and intellectually above the average order of slaves.
They were determined to have liberty even at the cost of life.
The slave auction block indirectly proved to be in some respects a very active agent in promoting travel on the U. G. R. R., just as Jeff. Davis was an agent in helping to bring about the downfall of Slavery. The horrors of the block, as looked upon through the light of the daily heart-breaking separations it was causing to the oppressed, no pen could describe or mind imagine ; hence it will be seen that many of the passengers, whose narratives will be found in this work, ascribed their first undying resolution to strike for freedom to the auction block or to the fear of soon having to take their chances thereon. But other agencies were at work in the South, which in various ways aided directly or tacitly the U. G. R. R. cause.
To refer in detail to any considerable number of these agents would be impossible, if necessary. Some there were who nobly periled their all for the freedom of the oppressed, whose sufferings and deeds of bravery must have a fitting place in this volume.
Where in history, modern or ancient, could be found a more Christlike exhibition of love and humanity, of whole-souled devo- tion to freedom, than was proven in the character of the hero, Seth Concklin, who lost his life while endeavoring to rescue from Alabama slavery the wife and children of Peter Still ?
PREFACE.
3
So also do the heroic and faithful services of Samuel D. Burris demand special reference and commemoration, for his connection with the U. G. R. R. cost him not only imprisonment and the most barbarous treatment, but likewise the loss of his freedom. He was sold on the auction block.
Here too come the overwhelming claims of S. A. Smith, who at the sad cost to himself of many of the best years of his life in the Richmond penitentiary, boxed up Henry Box Brown and others in Richmond, and committed them to Adams’ Express office, to be carried in this most extraordinary manner to freedom.
We must not omit from these records the boldness and the hazard of the unparalleled undertakings of Captains Drayton, Lee, Baylis, &c.
While the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia was in no wise responsible for the suffering incurred by many of those who helped the slave, yet in order to show how men were moved to lend an ear to those hungering and thirsting for freedom, and to what extent the relentless spirit of Slavery would go in wreak- ing vengeance upon them — out of the many who were called upon to suffer thus, the individual cases here brought forward must suffice. Without introducing a few of such incidents the records would necessarily be incomplete.
Those who come after us seeking for information in regard to the existence, atrocity, struggles and destruction of Slavery, will have no trouble in finding this hydra-headed monster ruling and tyrannizing over Church and State, North and South, white and black, without let or hindrance, for at least several generations. Nor will posterity have any difficulty in finding the deeds of the brave and invincible opposers of Slavery, who in the language of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, declared without concealment and without compromise : “ I am in earnest, I will
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single inch — and I will be heard.”
While this resolute spirit actuated the hearts of all true aboli- tionists, it was a peculiar satisfaction and gratification to them to know that the slaves themselves were struggling and hungering for deliverance. Hence such evidence from this quarter never failed to meet with hearty sympathy and aid. But here the enemy was never willingly allowed to investigate.
4 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
The slave and his particular friends could only meet in private to transact the business of the Underground Rail Road ground. All others were outsiders. The right hand was not to know what the left hand was doing.
Stockholders did not expect any dividends, nor did they re- quire special reports to be published. Indeed prudence often dictated that even the recipients of our favor should not know the names of their helpers, and vice versa they did not desire to know theirs.
The risk of aiding fugitives was never lost sight of, and the safety of all concerned called for still tongues. Hence sad and thrilling stories were listened to, and made deep impressions ; but as a uni- versal rule, friend and fugitive parted with only very vivid recollec- tion of the secret interview and with mutual sympathy; for a length of time no narratives were written. The writer, in common with others, took no notes. But after the restoration of Peter Still, his own brother (the kidnapped and the ransomed), after forty years’ cruel separation from his mother, the wonderful discovery and joyful reunion, the idea forced itself upon his mind that all over this wide and extended country thousands of mothers and children, separated by Slavery, were in a similar way living without the slightest knowledge of each other’s where- abouts, praying and weeping without ceasing, as did this mother and son. Under these reflections it seemed reasonable to hope that by carefully gathering the narratives of Underground Rail Road passengers, in some way or other some of the bleeding and severed hearts might be unrited and comforted ; and by the use that might be made privately, if not publicly, of just such facts as would naturally be embraced in their brief narratives, re-unions might take place. For years it was the writer’s privilege to see many travelers, to receive from their own lips the most interesting and in many cases exceedingly thrilling accounts of their struggles for liberty, and to learn who had held them in bondage, how they had been treated, what prompted them to escape, and whom that were near and dear to them they had left in chains. Their hopes, fears and sufferings were thus recorded in a book. It scarcely Heed be added with no expectation, however, that the day was so near when these things could be published.
It is now a source of great satisfaction to feel that not
PREFACE.
5
only these numerous narratives may be published, but that in connection therewith, for the completeness of the work, many in- teresting private letters from fugitives in Canada, slaves in the South, Underground Rail Road conductors and stockholders, and last and least, from slaveholders, in the bargain — all having a direct bearing on the mysterious road.
In the use of these various documents, the writer begs to assure his readers that the most scrupulous care has been taken to furnish artless stories, simple facts, — to resort to no coloring to make the book seem romantic, as he is fully persuaded that any exaggerations or additions of his own could not possibly equal in surpassing interest, the original and natural tales given under circumstances, when life and death seemed about equally balanced in the scale, and fugitives in transit were making their way from Slavery to Freedom, with the horrors of the Fugitive Slave-law staring them in the face.
Thousands were either directly or indirectly interested in this en- terprise, and in all probability two generations will pass away before many who are now living witnesses to the truth of these records will cease to bring vividly to mind the hour and circumstance when for the first time they were led to resort to this road to escape the “ barbarism” of Slavery.
Far be it from the writer to assume, however, that these Records cover the entire Underground Rail Road operations. Many local branches existed in different parts of the country, which neither time nor limit would allow mention of in this connection. Good men labored and suffered, who deserve to be held in the highest admiration by the friends of Freedom, whose names may be looked for in vain in these pages ; for which reason some may be inclined to complain. With respect to these points it may here be remarked that in gathering narratives from unwritten sources — from memory simply — no amount of pains or labor could possibly succeed in making a trustworthy his- tory. The writer has deemed it best, therefore, to confine himself to facts coming within his personal knowledge, and to the records of his own preserving, which, by the way, are quite too voluminous to be all used in this work. Frequent abridgements and omissions must be made.
The writer is fully conscious of his literary imperfections. The
6 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
time allotted him from other pressing duties is, moreover, exceed- ingly limited. Nevertheless he feels that he owes it to the cause of Freedom, and to the Fugitives and their posterity in par- ticular, to bring the doings of the U. G. R. R. before the public in the most truthful manner; not for the purpose of amusing the reader, but to show what efforts were made and what suc- cess was gained for Freedom under difficulties. That some professing a love of liberty at this late date will be disposed to criticise some of the methods resorted to in aiding in the escape of fugitives as herein recounted, may be expected. While the writer holds the labors of Abolitionists generally in very grateful appreciation, he hopes not to be regarded as making any invidious discriminations in favor of the individual friends of the slave, whose names may be brought out prominently in this work, as it is not with the Anti-Slavery question proper that he is dealing, but simply the Underground Rail Road. In order, therefore, fittingly to bring the movements of this enterprise to light, the writer could not justly confine himself to the Acting Committee, but felt constrained to bring in others — Friends — who never forsook the fugitive, who visited him in prison, clothed him when naked, fed him when hungry, wept with him when he wept, and cheered him with their warmest sym- pathies and friendship. In addition to the names of the Act- ing Committee, he has felt constrained to beg the portraits of the following stockholders and advisers of the Road, whose names will be found on the next page, and in thus presenting a brief sketch of their labors, he feels that the true iriends of the slave in recognizing them in this connection with many of the once Fugi- tives (now citizens), will regard it as a tribute to the Anti-Slavery cause rather than the individuals themselves.
WILLIAM STILL.
Philadelphia, January, 1872.
ILLUSTRATIONS
THE AUTHOR
FRONTISPIECE.
PAGE
PETER STILL — “ THE KIDNAPPED AND THE RANSOMED
CHARITY STILL TWICE ESCAPED FROM SLAVERY
DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN
DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL
RESURRECTION OF HENRY BOX BROWN
RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN
PASSMORE WILLIAMSON
JANE JOHNSON
ESCAPING FROM PORTSMOUTH,
TWENTY-EIGHT FUGITIVES ESCAPING FROM EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND
ESCAPING FROM ALABAMA ON TOP OF A CAR
CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT
A BOLD STROKE FOR FREEDOM — CONTEST WITH FIRE-ARMS
ABRAM GALLOWAY
THE MAYOR AND POLICE OF NORFOLK SEARCHING CAPTAIN FOUNTAIN S
SCHOONER
MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING AS JO WRIGHT
JOHN HENRY HILL
DRY-GOODS MERCHANT SEARCHING THE CARS
ESCAPE WITH A LADY, AS HER COACHMAN, WITH MASTER’S HORSE AND
37
37
50
53
83
88
95
95
98
102
107
121
125
150
167
183
191
215
CARRIAGE
SIX ON TWO HORSES
UP A TREE
SAMUEL GREEN SENTENCED TO THE PENITENTIARY FOR TEN YEARS FOR
HAVING A COPY OF u UNCLE TOM*S CABIN ” IN HIS HOUSE
LEAR GREEN ESCAPING IN A CHEST
216
220
237
250
283
ESCAPE OF ELEVEN PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND IN TWO CARRIAGES... 302
THE CHRISTIANA TRAGEDY .. WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT
351
368
7
8
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE :
N. W. DEPEE 400
JACOB C. WHITE 400
CHARLES WISE 400
EDWIN H. COATES 400
KNIFING HIS VICTIM 423
LIVING IN A HOLLOW TREE 424
“ IN A CAVE 425
A NARROW ESCAPE 453
SUSPENDED BY THE HANDS WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE 470
CROSSING THE BAY 482
BREAKING HIM IN 495
MOTHER ESCAPING WITH SEVEN CHILDREN 512
FIGHT IN CHESAPEAKE BAY . 528
JOHN W. DUNGEE 542
MARY MILBURN (SECRETED IN A BOX) 558
HEAVY WEIGHTS — ARRIVAL OF A PARTY AT LEAGUE ISLAND 560
SKETCHES AND PORTRAITS OF STATION-MASTERS, PROMINENT ANTI-SLAVERY MEN, AND SUPPORTERS OF THE U. G. R. R. :
ABIGAIL GOODWIN 622
THOMAS GARRETT 622
DANIEL GIBBONS 622
LUCRETIA MOTT 622
J. MILLER M'KIM 654
WILLIAM H. FURNESS 654
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON 654
LEWIS TAPPAN 654
ELIJAH F. PENNYP ACKER 688
WILLIAM WRIGHT 688
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 688
ROBERT PURVIS 688
JOHN HUNN.... 720
SAMUEL RHOADS 720
WILLIAM WHIPPER , 720
SAMUEL D. BURRIS 720
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 724
GRACE ANNA LEWIS 748
MRS. FRANCES E. W. HARPER 748
JOHN NEEDLES 748
CONTENTS.
SETH CONKLIN
PAGE
. 23
UNDERGROUND RAILROAD LETTERS.
From Thomas Garrett-G. A. Lewis-E. L. Stevens-Sydney Howard Gay-John Henry Hill— J. Bigelowe — Ham and Eggs— Eev. H. Wilson-Sheridan For - E. F.J Pennypacker-J. C. Bustill— Slave secreted in Richmond— G. S. Nelson John Thompson — Wm. Penn
39
WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES
Came boxed np via Erricson line of Steamers
WESLEY HARRIS alias ROBERT JACKSON, CRAVEN MATTERSON
and two brothers
CLARISSA DAVIS
Arrived in Male Attire
ANTHONY BLOW alias HENRY LEYISON Secreted Ten Months-Eight days on the Steamship City of Richmond bound for Philadelphia
PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND.
Eye knocked Out
ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS AND WILLIS REDICK. Hearts full of joy for Freedom— Very anxious for Wives m Slavery
JOSEPH HENRY CAMP
Sold, the day he escaped, for Fourteen Hundred Dollars-Slave Trader loses his Bargain
SHERIDAN FORD
Secreted in the Woods — Escapes in a Steamer
JOSEPH KNEEL AND alias JOSEPH HULSON Young Master had a “Malignant Spirit”
10
CONTENTS.
“S" TYLER’S H0USEH0LD L0SES aristocratic"
69
EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN
BUTLER.
“ Two Thousand Dollars Reward” offered
70
HENRY PREDO
Daniel Hughes, Thomas Elliott, and five others betrayed into Dover Jail 72
MARY EPPS alias EMMA BROWN, JOSEPH AND ROBERT
ROBINSON.
A Slave Mother Loses her Speech at the Sale of her Child.. .Bob Escapes from his Master, a Trader, with Fifteen Hundred Dollars in North Carolina Money 74
NEALL’ BENJAMIN K LETCHER AND 79
HENRY BOX BROWN
Arrived by Adams Express
81
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J. H. WHEELER'S SLAVES JANE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS ’ 85
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH Sixty Passengers came in one Month-Twenty-eight in one Arrival-Great Panic tives Indlgnatl°n Mee^mg Interesting Correspondence from Masters and Fugi- S * 97
9
A SLAVE GIRL’S NARRATIVE.
Cordelia Loney, Slave of Mrs. Joseph Caheill, (widow of the late Hon. Joseph Caheill of Virginia)— Cordelia’s Escape from her Mistress in Philadelphia ’ n2
ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM
PETERSBURG.
Touching Scene on Meeting their Old Blind Father at the U. G. R. R. Depot 117
ROBERT BROWN alias THOMAS JONES.
Crossing the River on Horseback in the Night 191
— J LONEY alias WILLIAM ARMSTEAD AND CORNELIUS
122
SAMUEL WILLIAMS alias JOHN WILLIAMS 123
BAR^ABY GRIGBY ALIAS JOHN BOYER, AND MARY ELIZABETH HIS
al^s ANN W001^ANZER ALIAS E°BERT SG0TT’ EMILY TOSTER
124
CONTENTS.
11
WILLIAM JORDAN alias WILLIAM PRICE
JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. Two Passengers via Liverpool
WILLIAM N. TAYLOR.
“One Hundred Dollars Reward”
PAGE
, 129
. 132
. 134
LOUISA BROWN, JACOB WATERS, AND ALFRED GOULDEN 135
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.
Jefferson Pipkins alias David Jones, Louisa Pipkins, Elizabeth Brit, Harriet Brown, alias Jane Wooton, Gracy Murry alias Sophia Sims, Edward Williams alias Henry Johnson, Charles Lee alias Thomas Bushier 136
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
Henry Anderson, Charles and Margaret Congo, Chaskey Brown, William Henry Washington, James Alfred Frisley, Charles Henry Salter, Stephen Taylor, Charles Brown, Charles H. Hollis, Luther Dorsey 137
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
Jeremiah W. Smith and wife Julia 141
EIGHT ARRIVALS.
James Massey, Perry Henry Trusty, ‘George Rhoads, James Rhoads, George Wash- ington, Sarah Elizabeth Rhoads, and Child, Mary Elizabeth Stevenson 143
CHARLES THOMPSON,
Carrier of “ The National American” 146
BLOOD FLOWED FREELY.
Abram Galloway and Richard Eden— Secreted in a Vessel Loaded with Spirits of Turpentine— Shrouds Prepared to Prevent being Smoked to Death — Abram a Sol- dier under Father Abraham— Senator of North Carolina. 150
JOHN PETTIFOOT.
“One Hundred Dollars Reward” Offered— McHenry and McCulloch Anxious About John ^
EMANUEL T. WHITE.
“ Would rather Fight than Eat”
THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. Letter from “J.B.” — Letters from E. L. Stevens. ..Great Anxiety and Care...
ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER.
Baby, Little Girl and Husband left Behind— Three Hundred Dollars Reward Offered 157
12
CONTENTS.
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.
PAGE
Arrival from the Richmond Daily Dispatch Office— “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” turned Sam’s Brain — Affecting Letters 153
FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE.
Stephen Amos alias Henry Johnson, Harriet alias Mary Jane Johnson, and their four children, Ann Rebecca, William H., Elizabeth and Mary Ellen
160
ELIJAH HILTON,
From Richmond — " Five Hundred Dollars Reward” offered by R. J. Christian... Grate- ful letter from Canada 1A1
SOLOMON BROWN
Arrived per City of Richmond— Letter from Canada containing expressions of Grati- tude
163
WILLIAM HOGG alias JOHN SMITH.
Traveler from Maryland— William was much troubled about his Wife left behind— Letter from Canada
164
TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND.
Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley Sold— Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire 164
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK.
Twenty-one Passengers secreted in Captain Fountain’s Boat— Mayor and Posse of Officers on the Boat searching for U. G. R. R. Passengers 155
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
Matilda Mahoney— Dr. J. W. Pennington’s Brother and Sons— Great Adventure to deliver a Lover .
172
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE.
Ann Maria Weems alias Joe Wright — Great Triumph — Arrival on Thanksgiving
Day — Interesting letters from J. Bigelow 177
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED.
John Henry, Hezekiah and James Hill 189
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
Archer Barlow, alias Emet Robins— Samuel Bush alias William Oblebee— John Spen- cer and his son William and James Albert — Robert Fisher — Nathan Harris
Hansel Waples — Rosanna Tonnell, alias Maria Hyde — Mary Ennis alias Licia Hemmit and two Children — Lydia and Louisa Caroline 203
SAM, ISAAC, PERRY, CHARLES AND GREEN.
“ One Thousand Dollars Reward” 20S
CONTENTS.
13
PAGE
FROM RICHMOND AND NORFORK, YA.
William B. White, Susan Brooks, and Wm. Henry Atkinson 211
FOUR ARRIVALS.
Charlotte and Harriet escape in deep Mourning— White Lady and Child with a Col- ored Coachman— Three likely Young Men from Baltimore— Four large and two Small Hams— U. G. R. R. Passengers Travelling with their Masters Horses and Carriage— Six Passengers on two Horses, 214
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASH- INGTON, D. C. AND SOUTH CAROLINA 223
CHARLES GILBERT,
Fleeing from Davis, a Negro Trader— Secreted under a Hotel— Up a Tree— Under a Floor— In a Thicket— On a Steamer -
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
Jim Bowlegs alias Bill Paul ~4^
SALT-WATER FUGITIVE 242
SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD.
Ten Years in the Penitentiary for having a Copy of Uncle Tom’s Cabin in his House 246
AN IRISH GIRL’S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM.
In Love with a Slave — Gets him off to Canada — Follows him — Marriage, &c 250
“SAM” NIXON alias DR. THOMAS BAYNE.
The Escape of a Dentist on the U. G. R. R. &c
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
From Loudoun County, Va., Norfolk, Baltimore, Md., Petersburg, Va., &c 259
HEAVY REWARD.
“ Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward” Offered 272
SLAVE-TRADER HALL IS FOILED.
Robert McCoy alias William Donar, and Elizabeth Sanders, arrived per steamer 274
THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA.
A Bill providing additional Protection for the Slave Property of Citizens of this Com- monwealth 2^
ESCAPING IN A CHEST.
« One Hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward”— Lear Green 281
ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS AND KIT NICKLESS 284
14
CONTENTS.
ARRIVAL OP FIVE FROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND.
PAGE
Cyrus Mitchell alias John Steel, Joshua Handy alias Hambleton Hamby, Charles Dutton alias William Robinson, Ephraim Hudson alias John Spry, Francis Molock alias Thomas Jackson 286
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT AUGUST 1st, 1855.
Francis Hilliard and Others 287
DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK.
Thomas Madden 294
PETER MATHEWS alias SAMUEL SPARROWS.
“I might as well be in the Penitentiary as in Slavery.” 295
tl MOSES ” ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS 296
ESCAPED FROM “A WORTHLESS SOT.”
John Atkinson *. 299
WILLIAM BUTCHER alias Wm. T. MTCHELL.
,l He was abuseful” 300
“ WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS” ‘ 301
ESCAPING WITH MASTER’S CARRIAGES AND HORSES.
Harriet Shephard, and her five Children with five other Passengers 302
EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED.
Washington Somlor alias James Moore 304
ARTHUR FOWLER alias BENJAMIN JOHNSON 305
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
About the 1st of June, 1855 — Emory Roberts and others 305
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY 1st, 1855.
Verenea Mercer and others 309
SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES.
James Griffin alias Thomas Brown 314
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS.
Names of Passengers 316
OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR’S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, &c.
320
CONTENTS.
15
HEAVY REWARD.
PAGE
Three Hundred Dollars Reward — “ Tom” gone 324
CAPT. F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN “PRIME ARTICLES” ON BOARD 325
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BE- GINNING OF JANUARY, 1856.
Joseph Cornish and others 334
PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855.
Thomas J. Gooseberry and others 339
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850.
“An Act Respecting Fugitives from Justice, and Persons Escaping from the Servi- ces of their Masters.” 343
THE SLAVE HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY, IN
SEPTEMBER, 1851.
“Treason at Christiana” 348
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT.
Female Slave in Male Attire, fleeing as a Planter, with her Husband as her Body Servant 368
ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND.
Lewis Cobb and Nancy Brister 377
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA, [By Schooner.]
Major Latham, William Wilson, Henry Goram, Wiley Madison, and Andrew Shep- herd 379
THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET.
Passed over the U. G. R. R. in the Fall of 1856 382
ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856.
Charles Hall and others 383
FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS.
Mother and Child from Norfolk, Va., <fcc 386
PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND.
William Henry MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, &c 388
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 390
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C., &c., 1857.
George Carroll, Randolph Branson, John Clagart and William Royan...., 391
16
CONTENTS.
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.
PAGE
Israel Todd and Bazil Aldridge 392
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
Ordee Lee and Richard J. Booce 393
ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857.
Silas Long and Solomon Light—1 “ The Mother of Twelve Children” — Old Jane Davis 394
BENJAMIN ROSS AND HIS WIFE HARRIET Fled from Caroline County, Eastern Shore of Maryland, June, 1857 395
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 396
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857 397
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, IN 1857 399
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857 401
ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857 403
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 406
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 408
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 409
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS ROADS AND ALEXANDRIA 410
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 411
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va 412
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 413
FOUR ABLE BODIED “ ARTICLES’’ IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857 414
ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, Md., 1857 416
FIVE PASSENGERS, 1847 418
ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD COUNTY, Md., 1857 419
ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE’S COUNTY, Md., 420
ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857 421
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857 422
CONTENTS.
17
PAGE
ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS 427
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857 429
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857 429
MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857 430
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D. C 430
HON. L. McLANE’S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS via THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD— WILLIAM KNIGHT, ESQ. LOSES A SUPERIOR “ ARTICLE.” 431
ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD COUNTY, 1857 434
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 434
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1857. 435
ARRIVAL FROM HOOPERVILLE, Md., 1857 437
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 439
ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANNE COUNTY, 1858 440
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE 441
ARRIVED FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858 441
ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, Va., 1857 442
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 443
ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858 444
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 444
ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858 445
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858... 449
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858 450
ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858 451
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 452
ARRIVAL FROM BELLAIR 454
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 455
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 459
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 461
2
18
CONTENTS.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1858
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858
„ ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858...
ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, Ya., 1858
ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, Md., 1858
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C., 1858
ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858
SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859
PAGE
_ 462 „ 462 . 463
. 464
_ 465 . 470 . 471 . 472 .. 473
- 474 .. 476
— Au x 7 $
- 47S
— 480 _ 4S1 .. 4 So v 456
... 4S3 ... 491 ... 493 ... 495 497 ... 499 ... 500
CONTENTS.
19
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
PAGE
. 502 . 502 . 503 . 504 . 506 . 507
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF CO- LUMBIA 508
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA 509
ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859 511
ARRIVAL FROM TAPS’ NECK, Md., 1859 511
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 512
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.... 514
ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS 516
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860 519
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860 °‘ji
K9Q
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860 ,
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860
CROSSING THE BAY IN A BATTEAU
ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER COUNTY, 1860
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860
TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP.
TO WHOM IT MIGHT CONCERN
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858
524
525
526 528 530 532
532
533
534
535
536
20
CONTENTS.
PAGE
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859 539
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND 541
« AUNT HANNAH MOORE.” 547
KIDNAPPING OF RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER— MURDER C ? JOSEPH C. MILLER, IN 1851 AND 1852 551
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854 555
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK 558
ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS 5
HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD — INTEREST- ING LETTERS 585
PAMPHLET AND LETTERS 584
LETTERS TO THE WRITER
WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857 8
ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE..., 1
PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES * : 3
ABIGAIL GOODWIN - 617
THOMAS GARRETT ,.... 623
DANIEL GIBBONS 642
LUCRETIA MOTT 6 4 •
JAMES MILLER McKIM - 5 4
WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D 65 •
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON 65
LEWIS TAPPAN -
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER ••
WILLIAM WRIGHT
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 5
THOMAS SHIPLEY *598
ROBERT PURVIS 711
CONTENTS :
21
PAGE
JOHN HUNN 712
SAMUEL EHOADS 719
GEORGE CORSON 721
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 723
WILLIAM WHIPPER 735
ISAAC T. HOPPER 740
SAMUEL D. BURRIS 746
MARI ANN, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS 748
CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE 753
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER,
755
THE
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
SETH CONCKLIN.
Ik the long list of names who have suffered and died in the cause of freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin’s, whose noble and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery. Except John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found with respect to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be sacrificed for the de- liverance of the oppressed.
By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman, containing the story of Peter Still, “ the Kidnapped and the Ransomed,” — how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy six years old ; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to serve under the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his parents’ whereabouts; how the intense love of liberty and desire to get back to his mother had un- ceasingly absorbed his mind through all these years of bondage; how, amid the most appalling discouragements, prompted alone by his undying deter- mination to be free and be reunited with those from whom he had been sold away, he contrived to buy himself ;’ how, by extreme economy, from doing over-work^ he saved up five hundred dollars, the amount of money required for his ransom, which, with his freedom, he, from necessity, placed unre- servedly in the confidential keeping of a Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom he had known for a long time and could venture to trust, — how he had fur- ther toiled to save up money to defray his expenses on an expedition in search of his mother and kindred ; how, when this end was accomplished, with an earnest purpose he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart throbbing for his old home and people, he turned his mind very privately to- wards Philadelphia, where he hoped, by having notices read in the colored churches to the effect that “forty-one or forty-two years before two little boys*
* Sons of Levin and Sidney — the last names of his parents he was too young to remember.
23
24
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
were kidnapped and carried South ” — that the memory of some of the older members might recall the circumstances, and in this way he would lx- aided in his ardent efforts to become restored to them.
And, furthermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in Phila lei— phia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the first man . : :n Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown brother (whom L had never seen or heard of), who made the discovery that he was the lon^-l st boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped in sadness so Ion-, and for whom his mother had shed so many tears and offered so mam* during the long years of their separation; and, finally, how this - r-i : - somed and restored captive, notwithstanding his great success, was »ecl
to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow for his wife and children, whom 1 d
left in Alabama bondage.
Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and human not to feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in bon ^ as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wh 1 1 \ in- sible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, ih m be:.- ever the claims of the suffering and the wronged appealed to him. to r - nooi unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his ncaro: ..nor the greatest strangers, — it mattered not to what race or clime tiny _-ht t— long, — he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, owning all such a> hi- ae: A - bors, volunteered his services, without pay or reward, to go and r > se b* wife and three children of Peter Still.
The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was li: : . v laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed whom he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted wi:ii. A tl. - juncture even Peter was not prepared to accept this proposal, lb anted* to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as L i r desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken to :h- i i . f having them rescued in the way suggested by Concklin, fearing a laiiurc.
To J. M. McKim and the writer, the bold scheme for the delivcran Peter’s family was alone confided. It was never submitted to the Yi-i! e Committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter 1 • _ j
thereto. On first reflection, the very idea of such an undertakiiu - :
perfectly appalling. Frankly w^as he told of the great dangers ;
culties to be encountered through hundreds of miles of slave territory. Sr.h was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves to e- fallen victims to the relentless Slave Power, and had either . • .r
lives, or been incarcerated for long years in penitentiaries, wher n : xtx\ aid could be afforded them; in short, he was plainly told, tha: itL »ut very great chance, the undertaking would cost him his life. The oo n of this interview and conversation, the seriousness of Concklin and tl :::o r
failure in presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to er ate ti - j : . : -t apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sc*n^e f fear or
SETH CONCKLIN.
25
hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer. The plan was, however, allowed to rest for a time.
In the meanwhile, Peter’s mind was continually vacillating between Ala- bama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the North. Said a brother, “ If you cannot get your family, what will you do ? Will you come North and live with your relatives?” “I would as soon go out of the world, as not to go back and do all I can for them,” was the prompt reply of Peter.
The problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles quite formidable lay in the way. Alabama laws utterly denied the right of a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. The right of slave masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was positively prohibited by law. With these reflections weighing upon his mind, having stayed away from his wife as long as he could content himself to do, he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face toward Alabama, to embraoe his family in the prison-house of bondage.
His approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal Jew master, and one other friend— a slave— where he had been, the prize he had found, or any- thing in relation to his travels. To his wife and children his return was unspeakably joyous. The situation of his family concerned him with ten- fold more weight than ever before.
As the time drew near to make the offer to his wife’s master to purchase her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening the ire of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public sentiment were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the slave. Indeed, as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in those days a man would have stood about as good a chance for his life in entering a lair of hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would, in talking about freedom.
He concluded, therefore, to say nothing about buying. The plan proposed by Seth Concklin was told to Vina, his wife ; also what he had heard from his brother about the Underground Rail Road, — how, that many who could not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were daily escaping to Canada. Although the wife and children had never tasted the pleasures of freedom for a single hour in their lives, they hated slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband and father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked like deliver- ance.
So Peter proposed to Vina, that she should give him certain small articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as memo- rials, and, in case Concklin or any one else should ever come for her from him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send back, by
26
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
whoever was to befriend them, the cape, so that she and the children might not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the sign, (capi* >.
Again Peter returned to Philadelphia, and was now willing to accept the offer of Concklin. Ere long, the opportunity of an interview was and Peter gave Seth a very full description of the coufitry and of his family, and made known to him, that he had very carefully gone over with his wife and children the matter of their freedom. This interview interested Concklin most deeply. If his own wife and children had been in bond;;. . scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them.
For the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to mak- . start. True he had two sisters in Philadelphia for whom he had always che- rished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this mi - mentous mission. For full well did he know that it was not in human nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one • : these sisters, Mrs. Supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist.
Having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to 1< back, — not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them ns though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. What had becoir.- of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in Alabama to res this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. On leav:;._- home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of apparel wit;, one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time; this sum he con- sidered ample to start with. Of course he had very safely concealed al :: him Vina’s cape and one or two other articles which he was to use for : - identification in meeting her and the children on the plantation.
His first thought was, on reaching his destination, after becomii..- acquainted with the family, being familiar with Southern manners, to ha them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat f : Cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly assume t!.-; part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of slaves, and in this way he hoped to reach Cincinnati direct, before their owner had fair y discovered their escape.
But alas for Southern irregularity, two or three days’ delay after bei'..- advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers ; h this plan was abandoned. What this heroic man endured from sev struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on wav r and on foot, hungry and fatigued, rowing his living freight for seven day- and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be paralleled in the annals of tin. Underground Rail Road.
The following interesting letters penned by the hand of Concklin < n- vey minutely his last struggles and characteristically represent the singk-m - of heart which impelled him to sacrifice his life for the slave —
SETH CONCKLIK
27
Eastpoet, Miss., Feb. 3, 1851.
To Wm. Still : — Our friends in Cincinnati have failed finding anybody to assist me on my return. Searching the country opposite Paducah, I find that the whole country fifty miles r<?und is inhabited only by Christian wolves. It is customary, when a strange negro is seen, for any white man to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of the State of Illinois to Paducah, Ivy., and lodge such stranger in Paducah jail, and there claim such reward as may be offered by the master.
There is no regularity by the steamboats on the Tennessee Eiver. I was four days getting to Florence from Paducah. Sometimes they are four days starting, from the time appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for returning by steamboat. The distance from the mouth of the river to Florence, is from between three hundred and five to three hundred and forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more.
I arrived at the shoe-shop on the plantation, one o’clock, Tuesday, 28th. William and two boys were making shoes. I immediately gave the first signal, anxiously waiting thirty minutes for an opportunity to give the second and main signal, during which time I was very sociable. It was rainy and muddy — my pants were rolled up to the knees. I was in the character of a man seeking employment in this country. End of thirty minutes gave the second signal.
William appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable ; Peter and Levin at the Island ; one of the young masters with them ; not safe to undertake to see them till Saturday night, when they would be at home ; appointed a place to see Vina, in an open field, that night ; they to bring me something to eat ; our interview only four minutes; I left; appeared by night; dark and cloudy; at ten o'clock appeared William; exchanged signals ; led me a few rods to where stood Yina ; gave her the signal sent by Peter; our interview ten minutes ; she did not call me “master,” nor did she say “sir,” by which I knew she had confidence in me.
Our situation being dangerous, we decided that I meet Peter and Levin on the bank of the river early dawn of day, Sunday, to establish the laws. During our interview, William prostrated on his knees, and face to the ground; arms sprawling; head cocked back, watching for wolves, by which position a man can see better in the dark. No house to go to safely, traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which William had given me for supper ; next day going around to get employment. I thought of William, who is a Christian preacher, and of the Christian preachers in Pennsylvania. One watching for wolves by night, to rescue Yina and her three children from Christian licentiousness ; the other standing erect in open day, seeking the praise of men.
During the four days waiting for the important Sunday morning, I thoroughly surveyed the rocks and shoals of the river from Florence seven miles up, where will be my place of departure. General notice was taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. Fortu- nately there are several small grist mills within ten miles around. No taverns here, as in the North ; any planter’s house entertains travelers occasionally.
One night I stayed at a medical gentleman’s, who is not a large planter; another night at an ex -magistrate’s house in South Florence — a Yirginian by birth — one of the late census takers ; told me that many more persons cannot read and write than is reported ; one fact, amongst many others, that many persons who do not know the letters of the al- phabet, have learned to write their own names ; such are generally reported readers and writers.
It being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the morning where he has lodged, I was under the necessity of staying out all night Saturday, to be able to meet Peter and Levin, which was accomplished in due time. When we approached, I gave my signal first ; immediately they gave theirs. I talked freely. Levin’s voice, at first, evi- dently trembled. No wonder, for my presence universally attracted attention by the lords
28
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
of the land. Our interview was less than one hour ; the laws were written. I to go to Cincinnati to get a rowing boat and provisions ; a first class clipper boat to go with speed To depart from the place where the laws were written, on Saturday night of the fi5 of March. I to meet one of them at the same place Thursday night, previous to the fourth
a urday from the night previous to the Sunday when the laws were written. We to ^o down the Tennessee river to some place up the Ohio, not yet decided on, in our ro w boat Peter and Levin are good oarsmen. So am I. Telegraph station at Tuscumbia twelve miles from the plantation, also at Paducah.
Came from Florence to here Sunday night by steamboat. Eastport is in Mississippi. Waiting here for a steamboat to go down ; paying one dollar a day for board. Like other taverns here, the wretchedness is indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper tc oe had; only one room for everybody, except the gambling rooms. It is difficult for me to write. Vina intends to get a pass for Catharine and herself for the first Sunday in March.
The bank of the river where I met Peter and Levin is two miles from the plantation. I have avoided saying I am from Philadelphia. Also avoided talking about negroes. I never talked so much about milling before. I consider most of the trouble over, till I arrive m a free State with my crew, the first week in March ; then will I have to be wiser than Christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. I do not consider it safe t k~p this letter m my possession, yet I dare not put it in the post-office here; there is so little business in these post-offices that notice might be taken.
I am evidently watched ; everybody knows me to be a miller. I may write again wh n I get to Cincinnati, if I should have time. The ex-magistrate, with whom I stave I in South Florence, held three hours’ talk with me, exclusive of our morning talk. Is a man of good general information ; he was exceedingly inquisitive. il I am from Cincinna::. : ;r- merly from the State of New York” I had no opportunity to get anything to eat m seven o’clock Tuesday morning till six o’clock Wednesday evening, except the hoe cake, and no sleep.
Florence is the head of navigation fo/small steamboats. Seven miles, all the way up to my place of departure, is swift water, and rocky. Eight hundred miles to Cincinnati. I found all things here as Peter told me, except the distance of the river. South Florence contains twenty white families, three warehouses of considerable business, a post-office, but no school. McKiernon is here waiting for a steamboat to go to New Orleans, so we are in company.
Peinceton, Gibson county, Indiana, Feb. 18, 1851.
To Wm. Still: The plan is to go to Canada, on the Wabash, opposite Detroit. There are four routes to Canada. One through Illinois, commencing above and below Alton ; one through to North Indiana, and the Cincinnati route, being the largest route in the United States.
I intended to have gone through Pennsylvania, but the risk going up the Ohio river has caused me to go to Canada. Steamboat traveling is universally condemned; the ugh many go in boats, consequently many get lost. Going in a skiff is new, and is apj r ved of in my case. After I arrive at the mouth of the Tennessee river, I will go up the Ohio seventy-five miles, to the mouth of the Wabash, then up the Wabash, forty-four miles to New Harmony, where I shall go ashore by night, and go thirteen miles east, tc Larles Giier, a farmer, (colored man), who will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen miles to David Stormon, near Princeton, who will take the command, and I be released.
David Stormon estimates the expenses from his house to Canada, at forty c :!!ars. w :;h- out wrhich, no sure protection will be given. They might be instructed concerning the course, and beg their way through without money. If you wish to do what should be done, you will send me fifty dollars, in a letter, to Princeton, Gibson county, Inda., so as
SETH CONCKLIN.
29
to arrive there by the 8th of March. Eight days should be estimated for a letter to arrive from Philadelphia.
The money to be State Bank of Ohio, or State Bank, or Northern Bank of Kentucky, or any other Eastern bank. Send no notes larger than twenty dollars.
Levi Coffin had no money for me. I paid twenty dollars for the skiff. No money to get back to Philadelphia. It was not understood that I would have to be at any expense seeking aid.
One half of my time has been used in trying to find persons to assist, when I may arrive on the Ohio river, in which I have failed, except Storm on.
Having no letter of introduction to Stormon from any source, on which I could fully rely, I traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his stability. I have found many Abolitionists, nearly all who have made propositions, which themselves would not comply with, and nobody else would. Already I have traveled over three thousand miles. Two thousand and four hundred by steamboat, two hundred by railroad, one hundred by stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skiff.
I have yet five hundred miles to go to the plantation, to commence operations. I have been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three nights out, two of which I got per- fectly wet. If I had haai paper money, as McKim desired, it would have been destroyed. I have not been entertained gratis at any place except Stormon’s. I had one hundred and twenty-six dollars when I left Philadelphia, one hundred from you, twenty-six mine.
Telegraphed to station at Evansville, thirty-three miles from Stormon’s, and at Vin- clure’s, twenty-five miles from Stormon’s. The Wabash route is considered the safest route. No one has ever been lost from Stormon’s to Canada. Some have been lost between Stormon’s and the Ohio. The wolves have never suspected Stormon. Your asking aid in money for a case properly belonging east of Ohio, is detested. If you have sent money to Cincinnati, you should recall it. I will have no opportunity to use it.
Seth Concklin, Princeton, Gibson county, Ind.
P. S. First of April, will be about the time Peter’s family will arrive opposite Detroit. You should inform yourself how to find them there. I may have no opportunity.
I will look promptly for your letter at Princeton, till the 10th of March, and longer if there should have been any delay by the mails.
In March, as contemplated, Concklin arrived in Indiana, at the place designated, \fith Peter’s wife and three children, and sent a thrilling letter to the writer, portraying in the most vivid light his adventurous flight from the hour they left Alabama until their arrival in Indiana. In this report he stated, that instead of starting early in the morning, owing to some un- foreseen delay on the part of the family, they did not reach the designated place till towards day, which greatly exposed them in passing a certain town which he had hoped to avoid.
But as his brave heart was bent on prosecuting his journey without further delay, he concluded to start at all hazards, notwithstanding the dangers he apprehended from passing said town by daylight. For safety he endeavored to hide his freight by having them all lie flat down on the bottom of the skiff ; covered them with blankets, concealing them from the effulgent beams of the early morning sun, or rather from the iC Christian Wolves” who might perchance espy him from the shore in passing the town.
30
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
The wind blew fearfully. Concklin was rowing heroically when loud voices from the shore hailed him, but he was utterly deaf to the sound. Immediately one or two guns were fired in the direction of the skiff, but he heeded not this significant call ; consequently here ended this difficulty. He supposed, as the wind was blowing so hard, those on shore who hailed him must have concluded that he did not hear them and that he meant no disrespect in treating them with seeming indifference. Whilst manv straits and great dangers had to be passed, this was the greatest before reaching their destination.
But suffice it to say that the glad tidings which this letter contained filled the breast of Peter with unutterable delight and his friends and relations with wonder beyond degree.* No fond wife had ever waited with more longing desire for the return of her husband than Peter had for this blessed news. All doubts had disappeared, and a well grounded hope was cher- ished that within a few short days Peter and his fond wife and children would be reunited in Freedom on the Canada side, and that Concklin and the friends would be rejoicing with joy unspeakable over this great triumph. But alas, before the few days had expired the subjoined brief paragraph of news was discovered in the morning Ledger.
Bunaway negroes caught. — At Vincennes, Indiana, on Saturday last, a white man and four negroes were arrested. The negroes belong to B. McKiernon, of South F' 3rer.ce Alabama, and the man who was running them off calls himself John H. Miliar. The prisoners were taken charge of by the Marshall of Evansville. — April 9th.
How suddenly these sad tidings turned into mourning and gloom the hope and joy of Peter and his relatives no pen could possibly describe; at least the writer will not attempt it here, but will at once introduce a wit- ness who met the noble Concklin and the panting fugitives in Indiana and proffered them sympathy and advice. And it may safely be jsaid from a truer and more devoted friend of the slave they could not have received counsel.
Evansville, Indiana, March 31st, 1851.
Wm. Still: Dear Sir, — On last Tuesday I mailed a letter to you, written bv Seth Concklin. I presume you have received that letter. It gave an account of his res . f the family of your brother. If that is the iast news you have had from the:::. I have very painful intelligence for you. They passed on from near Princeton, where I s it ::;em and had a lengthy interview with them, up north, I think twenty-three miles a Vin- cennes, Ind., where they were seized by a party of men, and lodged in jail. Telegraphic dispatches were sent all through the South. I have since learned that the M irs tail of Evansville received a dispatch from Tuscumbia, to look out for them. By s:m means, he and the master, so says report, went to Vincennes and claimed the fugitive s chained Mr. Concklin and hurried all off. Mr. Concklin wrote to Mr. David Storm: n. I rineeton, as soon as he was cast into prison, to find bail. So soon as we got the letter ould
get off, two of us were about setting off . to render all possible aid, when we were told they
* some unaccountable manner this the last letter Concklin ever penned, perhaps, has been un- fortunately lost.
SETH CONCKLIN.
31
all had passed, a few hours before, through Princeton, Mr. Concklin in chains. What kind of process was had, if any, I know not. I immediately came down to this place, and learned that the}r had been put on a boat at 3 P. M. I did not arrive until 6. Now all hopes of their recovery are gone. No case ever so enlisted my sympathies. I had seen Mr. Concklin in Cincinnati. I had given him aid and counsel. I happened to see them after they landed in Indiana. I heard Peter and Levin tell their tale of suffering, shed tears of sorrow for them all ; but now, since they have fallen a prey to the unmerciful blood-hounds of this state, and have again been dragged back to unrelenting bondage, I am entirely unmanned. And poor Concklin ! I fear for him. When he is dragged back to Alabama, I fear they will go far be}rond the utmost rigor of the law, and vent their savage cruelty upon him. It is with pain I have to communicate these things. But you may not hear them from him. I could not get to see him or them, as Vincennes is about 4 thirty miles from Princeton, where I was when I heard of the capture.
I take pleasure in stating that, according to the letter he (Concklin) wrote to Mr. D. Stewart, Mr. Concklin did not abandon them, but risked his own liberty to save them. He was not with them when they were taken ; but went afterwards to take them out of jail upon a writ of Habeas Corpus, when they seized him too and lodged him in prison.
I write in much haste. If I can learn any more facts of importance, I may write you. If you desire to hear from me again, or if you should learn any thing specific from Mr. Concklin, be pleased to write me at Cincinnati, where I expect to be in a short time. If curious to know your correspondent, I may say I was formerly Editor of the “New Con- cord Free Press,” Ohio. I only add that every case of this kind only tends to make me abhor my (no ! ) this country more and more. It is the Devil’s Government, and God will destroy it. Yours for the slave, N. E. Johnston.
P. S. I broke open this letter to write you some more. The foregoing pages were written at night. I expected to mail it next morning before leaving Evansville ; but the boat for which I was waiting came down about three in the morning ; so I had to hurry on board, bringing the letter along. As it now is I am not sorry, for coming down, on my way to St. Louis, as far as Paducah, there I learned from a colored man at the wharf that, that same day, in the morning, the master and the family of fugitives arrived off the boat] and had then gone on their journey to Tuscumbia, but that the “white man” (Mr. Conck- lin) had “ got away from them,” about twelve miles up the river. It seems he got off the boat some way, near or at Smithland, Ky., a town at the mouth of the Cumberland Eiver. I presume the report is true, and hope he will finally escape, though I was also told that they were in pursuit of hiip. Would that the others had also escaped. Peter and Levin could have done so, I think, if they had had resolution. One of them rode a horse, he not tied either, behind the coach in which the others were. He followed ap- parently “contented and happy.” From report, they told their master, and even theif pursuers, before the master came, that Concklin had decoyed them away, they coming unwillingly. I write on a very unsteady boat. Yours, N. E. Johnston.
A report found its way into the papers to the effect that “Miller,” the white man arrested in connection with the capture of the family, was found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull frac- tuied. It proved, as his friends feared, to be Seth Concklin. And in irons, upon the river bank, there is no doubt he was buried.
In this dreadful hour one sad duty still remained to be performed. Up to this moment the two sisters were totally ignorant of their brother’s where- abouts. Not the first whisper of his death had reached them. But they must now be made acquainted with all the facts in the case. Accordingly
32
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
an interview was arranged for a meeting, and the duty of conveying this painful intelligence to one of the sisters, Mrs. Supplee, devolved upon Mr. McKim. And most tenderly and considerately did he perform his mournful task.
Although a woman of nerve, and a true friend to the slave, an earnest worker and a liberal giver in the Female Anti-Slavery Society, for a time she was overwhelmed by the intelligence of her brother’s death. As soon as possible, however, through very great effort, she controlled her emo- tions, and calmly expressed herself as being fully resigned to the awful event. Not a word of complaint had she to make because she had not been apprised of his movements ; but said repeatedly, that, had she known ever so much of his intentions, she would have been totally powerless in opposing him if she had felt so disposed, and as an illustration of the true character of the man, from his boyhood up to the day he died for his fellow- man, she related his eventful career, and recalled a number of instances of his heroic and daring deeds for others, sacrificing his time and often periling his life in the cause of those who he considered were suffering gross wrongs and oppression. Hence, she concluded, that it was only natural for him in this case to have taken the steps he did. Now and then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and most re- markable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory seemed quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to recall vividly the chief events connected with his past history. Thus his agency in this movement, which cost him his life, could readily enough be accounted for, and the individuals who listened attentively to the story were prepared to fully appreciate his character, for, prior to offering his services in this mission, he had been a stranger to them.
The following extract, taken from a letter of a subsequent date, in addi- tion to the above lettei’, throws still further flight upon the heart-rending affair, and shows Mr. Johnston’s deep sympathy with the sufferers and the oppressed generally —
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM KEY. X. R. JOHNSTOX.
My heart bleeds when I think of those poor, hunted and heart-broken fugitives, though a most interesting family, taken back to bondage ten-fold worse than Egyptian. And then poor Concklin ! How my heart expanded in love to him, as he told me his adven- tures, his trials, his toils, his fears and his hopes ! After hearing all, and then seeing and communing with the family, now joyful in hopes of soon seeing their husband and father in the land of freedom ; now in terror lest the human blood-hounds should be at their heels, I felt as though I could lay down my life in the cause of the oppressed. In that hour or two of intercourse with Peter’s family, my heart warmed with love to them. I never saw more interesting young men. They would make Remonds or Douglasses, if they had the same opportunities.
While I was with them, I was elated with joy at their escape, and yet, when I heard their tale of woe, especially that of the mother, I could not suppress tears of deepest emotion.
SETH CONCKLIN.
33
My joy was short-lived. Soon I heard of their capture. The telegraph had been the means of their being claimed. I could have torn down all the telegraph wires in the land. It was a strange dispensation of Providence.
On Saturday the sad news of their capture came to my ears. We had resolved to go to their aid on Monday, as the trial was set for Thursday. On Sabbath, I spoke from Psalm xii. 5. “ For the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now
will I arise,” saith the Lord : “ I will set him in safety from him that puffeth at (from them that would enslave) him.” When on Monday morning I learned that the fugitives had passed through the place on Sabbath, and Concklin in chains, probably at the very time I was speaking on the subject referred to, my heart sank within me. And even yet, I cannot but exclaim, when I think of it— 0, Father ! how long ere Thou wilt arise to avenge the wrongs of the poor slave! Indeed, my dear brother, His ways are very mys- terious. We have the consolation, however, to know that all is for tho best. Our Redeemer does all things well. When He hung upon the cross, His poor broken hearted disciples could not understand the providence; it was a dark time to them ; and yet that was an event that was fraught with more joy to the world than any that has occurred or could occur. Let us stand at our post and wait God’s time. Let us have on the whole armor of God, and tight for the right, knowing, that though we may fall in battle, the victory will be ours, sooner or later.
**********
May God lead you into ail truth, and sustain you in your labors, and fulfill your prayers and hopes. Adieu. N. R. Johnston.
LETTERS FROM LEYI COFFIN.
The following letters on the subject were received from the untiring and devoted friend of the slave, Levi Coffin, who for many years had occupied in Cincinnati a similar position to that of Thomas Garrett in Delaware, a sentinel and watchman commissioned of God to succor the fleeing bond- man —
Cincinnati, 4th mo., 10th, 1851.
Friend Wm. Still: — We have sorrowful news from our friend Concklin, through the papers and otherwise. I received a letter a few days ago from a friend near Princeton, Ind., stating that Concklin and the four slaves are in prison in Vincennes, and that their trial would come on in a few days. He states that they rowed seven days and nights in the skiff, and got safe to Harmony, Ind., on the Wabash river, thence to Princeton, and were conveyed to Vincennes by friends, where they were taken. The papers state, that they were all given up to the Marshal of Evansville, Indiana.
We have telegraphed to different points, to try to get some information concerning them, but failed. The last information is published in the Times of yesterday, though quite incorrect in the particulars of the case. Inclosed is the slip containing it. I fear all is over in regard to the freedom of the slave's. If the last account be true, we have some hope that Concklin will escape from those bloody tyrants. I cannot describe my feelings on hearing this sad intelligence. I feel ashamed to own my country. Oh ! what shall I say. Surely a God of justice will avenge the wrongs of the oppressed.
Thine for the poor slave, Levi Coffin.
N. B. — If thou hast any information, please write me forthwith.
Cincinnati, 5th mo., 11th, 1851.
Wm. Still: — Dear Friend — Thy letter of 1st inst., came duly to hand, but not being able to give any further information concerning our friend, Concklin, I thought best to wait a little before I wrote, still hoping to learn something more definite concerning him.
3
34
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
We that became acquainted with Seth Concklin and his hazardous enterprises (here at Cin- cinnati), who were very few, have felt intense and inexpressible anxiety about them. And particularly about poor Seth, since we heard of his falling into the hands of the ty- rants. I fear that he has fallen a victim to their inhuman thirst for blood.
I seriously doubt the rumor, that he had made his escape. I fear that he was sacrificed.
Language would fail to express my feelings ; the intense and deep anxiety I felt about them for weeks before I heard of their capture in Indiana, and then it seemed too much to bear. 0 ! my heart almost bleeds when I think of it. The hopes of the dear family all blasted by the wretched blood-hounds in human shape. And poor Seth, after all his toil, and dangerous, shrewd and wise management, and almost unheard of adventures, the many narrow and almost miraculous escapes. Then to be given up to Indianians, to the-e fiendish tyrants, to be sacrificed. 0! Shame, Shame ! !
My heart aches, my eyes fill with tears, I cannot write more. I cannot dwell longer on this painful subject now. If you get any intelligence, please inform me. Friend IN. K. Johnston, who took so much interest in them, and saw them just before they were taken, has just returned to the city. He is a minister of the Covenanter order. He is truly a lovely man, and his heart is full of the milk of humanity ; one of our best Anti-Slavery spirits. I spent last evening with him. He related the whole story to me as he had it from friend Concklin and the mother and children, and then the story of their capture We wept together. He found thy letter when he got here.
He said he would write the whole history to thee in a few days, as far as he could. He can tell it much better than I can.
Concklin left his carpet sack and clothes here with me, except a shirt or two he took with him. What shall I do with them? For if we do not hear from him soon, we must
conclude that he is lost, and the report of his escape all a hoax
Truly thy friend, Levi Coffin.
Stunning and discouraging as this horrible ending was to all con- cerned, and serious as the matter looked in the eyes of Peter’s friends with regard to Peter’s family, he could not for a moment abandon the idea of rescuing them from the jaws of the destroyer. But most formidable difficulties stood in the way of opening correspondence with reliable persons in Alabama. Indeed it seemed impossible to find a merchant, lawyer, doc- tor, planter or minister, who was not too completely interlinked with slavery to be relied upon to manage a negotiation of this nature. Whilst waiting and hoping for something favorable to turn up, the subjoined letter from the owner of Peter’s family was received and is here inserted precisely as it was written, spelled and punctuated —
McKiernon’s Letter.
South Florence Ala 6 Augest 1851
Mr William Still No 31 North Fifth street Philadelphia
Sir a few days sine mr Lewis Tharenton of Tuscumbia Ala shewed me a letter dated 6 June 51 from Cincinnati signd samuel Lewis in behalf of a Negro man by *.he name of peter Gist who informed the writer of the Letter that you ware his brother and wished an answer to be directed to you as he peter would be in philadelphi. the object of the letter was to purchis from me 4 Negros that is peters wife & 3 children 2 sons & 1 Girl the Name of said Negres are the woman Viney the (mother) Eldest son peter 21 or 2 years old second son Leven 19 or 20 years 1 Girl about 13 or 14 years old. the Husband & Father of these people once Belonged to a relation of mine by the name of Gist now
SETS CONCKLIK
35
Decest & some few years since he peter was sold to a man by the Name of Freedman who removed to Cincinnati ohio & Tuck peter with him of course peter became free by the volentary act of the master some time last march a white man by the name of Miller apperd in the nabourhood & abducted the bove negroes was caut at vincanes Indi with said negroes & was thare convicted of steling & remanded back to Ala to Abide the penalty of the law & on his return met his Just reward by Getting drownded at the mouth of Cumberland River on the ohio in attempting to make his escape I recovered & Braught Back said 4 negroes or as You would say coulard people under the Belief that peter the Husband was accessery to the offence thareby putting me to much Expense & Truble to the amt $1000 which if he gets them he or his Friends must refund these 4 negroes are worth in the market about 4000 for thea are Extraordinary fine & likely & but for the fact of Elopement I would not take 8000 Dollars for them but as the thing now stands you can say to peter & his new discovered Relations in Philadelphia I will take 5000 for the 4 culerd people & if this will suite him & he can raise the money I will delever to him or his agent at paduca at mouth of Tennessee river said negroes but the money must be Deposeted in the Hands of some respectabl person at paduca before I remove the property it wold not be safe for peter to come to this countery write me a line on recpt of this & let me Know peters views on the above
I am Yours &c B. McKiernon
N B say to peter to write & let me Know his viewes amediately as I am determined to act in a way if he dont take this offer he will never have an other oppertunity
B McKiernon
wm. still’s answer.
Philadelphia, Aug. 16th, 1851.
To B. McKiernon, Esq. : Sir— I have received your letter from South Florence, Ala., under date of the 6th inst. To say that it took me by surprise, as well as afforded me pleasure, for which I feel to be very much indebted to you, is no more than true. In regard to your informants of myself — Mr. Thornton, of Ala,, and Mr. Samuel Lewis, of Cincinnati — to them both I am a stranger. However, I am the brother of Peter, referred to, and with the fact of his having a wife and three children in your service I am also familiar. This brother, Peter, I have only had the pleasure of knowing for the brief space of one year and thirteen days, although he is now past forty and I twenty-nine years of age. Time will not allow me at present, or I should give you a detailed account of how Peter became a slave, the forty long years which intervened between the time he was kid- napped, when a boy, being only six years of age, and his arrival in this city, from Alabama, one year and fourteen days ago, when he was re-united to his mother, five brothers and three sisters.
None but a father's heart can fathom the anguish and sorrows felt by Peter during the many vicissitudes through which he has passed. He looked back to his boyhood and saw himself snatched from the tender embraces of his parents and home to be made a slave for life.
During all his prime days he was in the faithful and constant service of those who had no just claim upon him. In the meanwhile he married a wife, who bore him eleven children, the greater part of whom were emancipated from the troubles of life by death, and three only survived. To them and his wife he was devoted. Indeed I have never seen attach- ment between parents and children, or husband and wife, more entire than was manifested in the case of Peter.
Through these many years of servitude, Peter was sold and resold, from one State to another, from one owner to another, till he reached the forty -ninth year of his age, when, in a good Providence, through the kindness of a friend and the sweat of his brow, he re-
36
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
gained the God-given blessings of liberty. He eagerly sought his parents and home with all possible speed and pains, when, to his heart’s joy, he found his relatives.
Your present humble correspondent is the youngest of Peter’s brothers, and the first one of the family he saw after arriving in this part of the country. I think you could not fail to be interested in hearing how we became known to each other, and the proof of our being brothers, etc., all of which I should be most glad to relate, but time will not permit me to do so. The news of this wonderful occurrence, of Peter finding his kindred, was published quite extensively, shortly afterwards, in various newspapers, in this quarter, which may account for the fact of “ Miller’s ” knowledge of the whereabouts of the “ fugitives.” Let me say, it is my firm conviction that no one had any hand in per- suading “ Miller” to go down from Cincinnati, or any other place, after the family. As glad as I should be, and as much as I would do for the liberation of Peter’s family (now no longer young), and his three “likely” children, in whom he prides himself — how much, if you are a father, you can imagine ; yet I would not, and could not, think of persuading any friend to peril his life, as would be the case, in an errand of that kind.
As regards the price fixed upon by you for the family, I must say I do not think it possible to raise half that amount, though Peter authorized me to say he would give you twenty-five hundred for them. Probably he is not as well aware as I am, h w • rficult it is to raise so large a sum of money from the public. The applications for such objects are so frequent among us in the North, and have always been so liberally me:, that it is no wonder if many get tired of being called upon. To be sure some of us brothers own some property, but no great amount; certainly not enough to enable us to bear so great a burden. Mother owns a small farm in New Jersey, on which she has lived for nearly forty years, from which she derives her support in her old age. This sma.i farm contains between forty and fifty acres, and is the fruit of my father’s toil. Two of my brothers own small places also, but they have young families, and consequently consume nearly as much as they make, with the exception of adding some improvements to their places.
For my own part, I am employed as a clerk for a living, but my salary is quite too limited to enable me to contribute any great amount towards so large a sura as is de- manded. Thus you see how we are situated financially. We have plenty of friends, but little money. Now, sir, allow me to make an appeal to your humanity, although we are aware of your power to hold as property those poor slaves, mother, daughter and two
sons, that in no part of the United States could they escape and be secure from your
claim nevertheless, would your understanding, you-r heart, or your conscience reprove
you, should you restore to them, without price, that dear freedom, which is theirs by right of nature, or would you not feel a satisfaction in so doing which all the wealth of the world could not equal ? At all events, could you not so reduce the price as to place it in the power of Peter s relatives and friends to raise the means for their purchase ? At first, I doubt not, but that you will think my appeal very unreasonable; but, sir, serious re- flection will decide, whether the money demanded by you, after all, will be of as great a benefit to you, as the satisfaction you would find in bestowing so great a favor m r. those whose entire happiness in this life depends mainly upon your decision in the m atv r If the entire family cannot be purchased or freed, what can Vina and her daughter be pur- chased for? Hoping, sir, to hear from you, at your earliest convenience, Is- - - - my- self Your obedient servant, Wi. Still.
To B. McKiernon, Esq.
No reply to this letter was ever received from McKiernon. The ause of his reticence can be as well conjectured by the reader as the writ* r.
Time will not admit of farther details kindred to this narrative. The life, struggles, and success of Peter and his family were at !y brought before
SETH CONCKLIN.
37
the public in the “Kidnapped and the Ransomed,” being the personal recollections of Peter Still and his wife “ Vina,” after forty years of slavery, by Mrs. Kate E. R. Pickard; with an introduction by Rev. Samuel J. May, and an appendix by William H. Furness, D. D., in 1856. But, of course, it was not prudent or safe, in the days of Slavery, to publish such facts as are now brought to light; all such had to be kept concealed in the bi easts of the fugitives and their friends.
The following brief sketch, touching the separation of Peter and his mother, will fitly illustrate this point, and at the same time explain certain mysteries which have been hitherto kept hidden
THE SEPARATION .
With regard to Peter’s separation from his mother, when a little boy, in few words,” he facts were these : His parents, Levin and Sidney, were both slaves on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. “ I will die before I submit to the yoke,” was the declaration of his father to his young master before either was twenty-one years of age. Consequently he was allowed to buy himself at a very low figure, and he paid the required sum and obtained his free papers ” when quite a young man — the young wife and mother remaining in slavery under Saunders Griffin, as also her children, the latter having increased to the number of four, two little boys and two little girls. But to escape from chains, stripes, and bondage, she took her four little children and fled to a place near Greenwich, New Jersey. Not a great while, however, did she remain there in a state of freedom before the slave-hunters pursued her, and one night they pounced upon the whole family, and, without judge or jury, hurried them all back to slavery. Whether this was kidnapping or not is for the reader to decide for himself.
Safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously “ kept locked up in the garret,” until, as they supposed, she was fully “cured of the desire to do so again.” But she was incurable. She had been a witness to the fact that her own father’s brains had been blown out by the dis- charge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by his drunken master. She only needed half a chance to make still greater strug- gles than ever for freedom.
She had great faith in God, and found much solace in singing some of the good old Methodist tunes, by day and night. Her owner, observing this apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she “ seemed better contented than ever,” concluded that it was safe to let the garret door remain unlocked at night. Not many weeks were allowed to pass before she resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. This time she had to leave the two little boys, Levin and Peter, behind.
On the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping,
38
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of God, bade her mother good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to Burlington County, New Jersey, but to a different neighborhood from that where she had been seized. She changed her name to Charity, and succeeded in again joining her husband, but, alas, with the heart-breaking thought that she had been compelled to leave her two little boys in slavery and one of the little girls on the road for the father to go back after. Thus she began life in freedom anew.
Levin and Peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left at the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a Southern market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily weeping, was they knew not where.* They were too young to know that they were slaves, or to understand the nature of the afflicting separation. Sixteen years before Peter’s return, his older brother (Levin) died a slave in the State of Alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother, Peter.
No idea other than that they had been “ kidnapped” from their mother ever entered their minds ; nor had they any knowledge of the State from whence they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother and father, or where they were born. On the other hand, the mother was aware that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keep- ing the whole transaction a strict family secret. During the forty years of separation, except two or three Quaker friends, including the devoted friend of the slave, Benjamin Lundy, it is doubtful whether any other individuals were let into the secret of her slave life. And when the account given of Peter’s return, etc., was published in 1850, it led some of the family to apprehend serious danger from the partial revelation of the early condition of the mother, especially as it was about the time that the Fugitive Slave law was passed.
Hence, the author of “The Kidnapped and the Ransomed” was com- pelled to omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the “personal recollections of Peter Still” with regard to his being “kid- napped.” Likewise, in the sketch of Seth Concklin’s eventful life, written by Dr. W. H. Furness, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make but bare reference to his wonderful agency in relation to Peter’s family, although he was fully aware of all the facts in the case.
LETTERS.
39
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD LETTERS.
Here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require. All letters' will be given precisely as they were written by their respective authors, so that there may be no apparent room for charging the writer with partial colorings in any instance. Indeed, the originals, however ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in their native simplicity possess such beauty and force as corrections and additions could not possibly enhance —
LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Wilmington, 3mo. 23d, 1856.
Dear Friend, William Still Since I wrote thee this morning informing thee of the safe arrival of the Eight from Norfolk, Harry Craige has informed me, that he has a man from Delaware that he proposes to take along, who arrived since noon. He will take the man, woman and two children from here with him, and the four men will get in at Marcus Hook. Thee may take Harry Craige by the hand as a brother, true to the cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the Rail Road, and worthy of full confidence. May they all be favored to get on safe. The woman and three children are no common stock. I assure thee finer specimens of humanity are seldom met with. I hope herself and children may be enabled to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and the rest of their days be happy together. I am, as ever, thy friend, Thos. Garrett.
LETTER FROM MISS G. A. LEWIS (iJ. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Kimberton, October 28th, 1855.
Esteemed Friend : — This evening a company of eleven friends reached here, having ’eft their homes on the night of the 26th inst. They came into Wilmington, about ten o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and left there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn by two horses. They went to Thomas Garrett’s by open day-light and from thence were sent hastily onward for fear of pursuit. They reached Longwood meeting-house in the evening, at which place a Fair Circle had convened, and stayed a while in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one of the Kennet friends, they were brought to Downingtown early in the morning, and from thence, by daylight, to within a short dis- tance of this place.
They come from New Chestertown, within five miles of the place from which the nine lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored woman who knew of their intended flight and of their intention of passing through Wilmington and leaving their horses and carriages there.
I have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to us one o un usual danger. We have separated the companv for the present, sending a mot ier aiA five children, two of them quite small, in one direction, and a husband and wife and three lads in another, until I could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to the best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, m getting them to Canada The mother and children we have sent off of the usual route, and to a p ace where I do not think they can remain many days.
40 THE underground bail road .
We shall await hearing from you. H. Kimber will be in the city on third day, the 30th and any thing left at 408 Green Street directed to his care, will meet with prompt atten- tion.
Please give me again the direction of Hiram Wilson and the friend in Elmira, Mr. Jones, I think. If you have heard from any of the nine since their safe arrival, please let us know when you write. Very Respectfully, G. A. Lewis.
2d day morning , 29 th. — The person who took the husband and wife and three lads to E. P. Pennypecker, and Peart, has returned and reports that L. Peart sent three on to Norristown. We fear that there they will fall into the hands of an ignorant colored man Darnel Ross, and that he may not understand the necessity of caution. Will you please write to some careful person there? The woman and children detained in this neighbor- hood are a very helpless set. Our plan was to assist them as much as possible, and when we get things into the proper train for sending them on, to get the assistance of the hus- band and wife, who have no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in taking with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. Of the lads, or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of accompanying one of the older girls — one to whom he is paying attention, they told us. Would it not be the best way to get those in Norristown under your own care? It seems to me their being sent on could then be better arranged. This, however, is only a suggestion,
Hastily yours, G. A. Lewis.
LETTER FROM E. L. STEVENS, ESQ.
( The reader will interpret for himself.)
Washington, D. C., July 11th, 1858.
My deae Sie : — Susan Bell left here yesterday with the child of her relative, and since leaving I have thought, perhaps, you had not the address of the gentleman in Syracuse where the child is to be taken for medical treatment, etc. His name is Dr. H. B. Wilbur. A woman living with him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the child, which, no doubt, will under Providence be the means of its complete restoration to health. Be kind enough to inform me whether Susan is with you, and if she is give her the proper direction. Ten packages were sent to your address last evening, one of them belongs tcrSusan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may not have come to hand. Susan thought she would go to Harrisburg when she left here and stay over Sunday, if so, she would not get to Philadelphia till Monday or Tuesday. Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and inform me of her arrival, also when the packages came safe to hand, inform me especially if Susan’s came safely.
Truly Yours, E. L. Stevens.
LETTER FROM S. H. GAY, ESQ., EX-EDITOR OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY STAN- DARD AND NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
Feiend Still: — The two women, Laura and Lizzy, arrived this morning. I shall for- ward them to Syracuse this afternoon.
The two men came safely yesterday, but went to Gibbs’. He has friends on board the boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when found, to his house. Those whom you wish to be particularly under my charge, must have careful directions to this office.
There is now no other sure place, but the office, or Gibbs’, that I could advise you to send such persons. Those to me, therefore, must come in office hours. In a few days, however, Napoleon will have a room down town, and.at odd times they can be sent t: .^re.
I am not willing to put any more with the family where I have hitherto sometimes t>ent them.
LETTERS.
41
When it is possible I wish you would advise me two days before a shipment of your intention, as Napoleon is not always on hand to look out for them at short notice. In special cases you might advise m£ by Telegraph, thus : “ One M. (or one F.) this morning. W. S ” By which I shall understand that one Male, or one Female, as the case may be, has left Phila. by the 6 o'clock train — one or more, also, as the case may be.
Aug. 17th, 1855. Truly Yours, S. H. Gay.
LETTER FROM JOHN H. HILL, A FUGITIVE, APPEALING IN BEHALF OF A POOR SLAVE IN PETERSBURG, VA.
Hamilton, Sept. 15th, 1856.
Dear Friend Still : — I write to inform you that Miss Mary Wever arrived safe in this city. You may imagine the happiness manifested on the part of the two lovers, Mr. H. and Miss W. I think they will be married as soon as they can get ready. I presume Mrs. Hill will commence to make up the articles to-morrow. Kind Sir, as all of us is concerned about the welfare of our enslaved brethren at the South, particularly our friends, we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save poor Willis Johnson from the hands of his cruel master. It is not for me to tell you of his case, be- cause Miss Wever has related the matter fully to you. All I wish to say is this, I wish you to write to my uncle, at Petersburg, by our friend, the Capt. Tell my uncle to go to Richmond and ask my mother whereabouts this m in is. The best for him is to make his way to Petersburg; that is, if vou can get the Capt. to bring him. He have not much- money. But I hope the friends of humanity will not withhold their aid on the account of money. However we will raise all the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery. You will please communicate this to the friends as soon as possible.
Yours truly, John H. Hill.
LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.
Washington, D. C., June 22d, 1854.
Mr. William Still: — Sir — I have just received a letter from my friend, Wm. Wright, of York Sulphur Springs, Pa., in which he says, that by writing to you, I may get some information about the transportation of som z property from this neighborhood to your city or vicinity.
A person who signs himself Wm. Penn, lately wrote to Mr. Wright, saying he would pay $300 to have this service performed. It is for the conveyance of only one small package; but it has been discovered since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected without taking two larger packages with it. I understand that the three are to be brought to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding merchant in Philadelphia shall say he is ready to send on. The storage, etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $300 will be promptly paid for the whole service. I think Mr. Wright’s daughter, Hannah, has also seen you. I am also known to Prof. C. D. Cleveland, of your city. If you answer this promptly, you will soon hear from Wm. Penn himself.
Very truly yours, J. Bigelow.
LETTER FROM HAM & EGGS, SLAVE (u. G. R. R. Ag’t).
Petersburg, Va., Oct. 17th, 1860.
Mr. W. Still : — De$w Sir— T am happy to think, that the time has come when we no doubt can open our correspondence with one another again. Also I am in hopes, that these few lines may find you and family well and in the enjoyment of good health, as it leaves me and family the same. I want vou to know, that! feel as much determined to work in this glorious cause, as ever I did in all of my life, and I have some very good
42
TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
hams on hand that I would like very much for you to have. I have nothing of interest to write about just now, only that the politics of the day is in a high rage, and I don’t know of' the result, therefore, I want you to be one of those wide-a-wakes as is mentioned from your section of country now-a-days, &c. Also, if you wish to write to me, Mr. J. Brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me.
No more at present, until I hear from you ; but I want you to be a wide-a-wake.
Yours in haste, . Ham & Eggs.
LETTER FROM REV H. WILSON (u. G. R. R. AG’t).
St. Catharine, C. W., July 2d, 1855.
My Dear Friend, Wm. Still : — Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having arrived here safely on Saturday last, and found their “ companions in tribulation,” who had ar- rived before them, I am induced to write and let you know the fact. They are a cheerful, happy company, and very grateful for their freedom. I have done the best I could for their comfort, but they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you as their friend and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks. My means of support are so scanty, that I am obliged to write without paying postage, or not write at all. I hope you are not moneyless, as I am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am much of the time perplexed from lack of means ; but send on as many as you can and I will divide with them to the last crumb.
Yours truly, Hiram Wilson.
LETTER FROM SHERIDAN FORD, IN DISTRESS.
Boston, Mass., Feb. 15th, 1855.
No. 2, Change Avenue.
My Dear Friend Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of the Lord and humanity to do something for my Poor Wife and children who lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three month i Would open myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince you of my cencerity of Purpoest don’t shut your ears to the cry’s of the Widow and the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows the heart of all men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lett-le ones i cant do any thing Place as i am for i have to lay low Please lay this before the churches of Philadelphaise beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good l mean to change with her but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffer for the jail in the South are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the Slave hunters Says & may God interpose in behalf of the demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim dependent i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as such Please do all you can and Please ask the Anti Slavery friends to do all they can and God will Reward them for it i am shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration Sheridan W. Ford.
Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for God knows it
LETTERS.
43
is tha truth i sue for your Pity and all and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor Woman and two children. The Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day for me and see if the cant do something for humanity.
LETTER FROM E. F. PENNYPACKER (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Schuylkill, 11th mo., 7th day, 1857.
Wm. Still : — Respected Friend — There are three colored friends at my house now, who will reach the city by the Phil. & Reading train this evening. Please meet them.
Thine, &c.t E. F. Pennypacker.
We have within the past 2 mos. passed 43 through our hands, transported most of them to Norristown in our own conveyance. E. F. P.
LETTER FROM JOS. C. BUSTILL (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Harrisburg-, March 24, ’56.
Friend Still : — I suppose ere this you have seen those five large and three small packages I sent by way of Reading, consisting of three men and women and children. They arrived here this morning at 8} o’clock and left twenty minutes past three. You will please send me any information likely to prove interesting in relation to them.
Lately we have formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society. This is our first case, and I hope it will prove entirely successful.
When you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of in your despatches, and any other information in relation to operations of the Underground Rail Road.
Our reason for sending by the Reading Road, was to gain time ; it is expected the owners will be in town this afternoon, and by this Road we gained five hours’ time, which is a matter of much importance, and we may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. In great haste, Yours with great respect, Jos. C. Bustill.
LETTER FROM A SLAVE SECRETED IN RICHMOND.
Richmond, Ya, Oct. 18th, 1860.
To Mr. William Still : — Dear Sir — Please do me the favor as to write to my uncle a few lines in regard to the bundle that is for John H. Hill, who lives in Hamilton, C. W. Sir, if this should reach you, be assured that it comes from the same poor individual that you have heard of before; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. If you write, address your letter John M. Hill, care of Box No. 250. Lam speaking of a person who lives in P.va. I hope, sir, you will understand this is from a poor individual.
LETTER FROM G. S. NELSON (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Mr. Still : — My Dear Sir — I suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the goods did not come safe to hand on Monday evening, as you expected — consigned from Harrisburg to you. The train only was from Harrisburg to Reading, and as it happened, the goods had to stay all night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the kind, we thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could hear from you. There a^e two small boxes and two large ones ; we have them all secure ; what had better be done ? Let us know. Also, as we can learn, there are three more boxes still in Harrisburg. An- swer your communication at Harrisburg. Also, fail not to answer this by the return of mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us.
G. S. Nelson.
Reading , May 27, ’57.
We knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all taken by sur- prise. When you answer, use the word, goods. The reason of the excitement, is : some
44
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us by J. Bustill, of Harrisburg. We received it, and forwarded it on to J. Jones, Elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt of said box ; it got safe to Elmira, as I have had a letter from Jones, and all is safe.
Yours, G. S. N.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON.
Me. Still:— -You will oblige me much Iff you will Direct this Letter to Yergenia for me to my Mother & iff it well sute you Beg her in my Letter to Direct hers to you & you Can send it to me iff it sute your Convenience I am one of your Chattle.
John Thompson,
Syracuse, Jeny 6th.
Direction — Matilda Tate Care of Dudley M Pattee Worrenton Farkiear County Ver- ginia.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON, A FUGITIVE, TO HIS MOTHER.
My DeaE Mothee: — I have imbrace an opportunity of writing .you these few lines (hoping) that they may fine you as they Leave me quite well I will now inform you how I am geting I am now a free man Living By the sweet of my own Brow not serving a nother man & giving him all I Earn But what I make is mine and iff one Plasedo not sute me I am at Liberty to Leave and go some where elce & can ashore you I think highly of Freedom and would not exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it lam waiting in a Hotel I supose you Remember when I was in Jail I told you the time would Be Better and you see that the time has come when I Leave you my heart was so full & yours But I new their was a Better Day a head, & I have Live to see it I hird when I was on the Underground R. Road that the Hounds was on my Track but it was no go I new I was too far out of their Reach where they would never smell my track when I Leave you I was carred to Richmond & sold & From their I was taken to North Carolina & sold & I Ran a way & went Back to Yirginna Between Richmond & home & their I was caught & Put in Jail & their I Remain till the oner come for me then I was taken & carred Back to Richmond then I was sold to the man who I now Leave he is nothing But a But of a Feller Remember me to your Husband & all in quirin Friends & say to Miss Rosa that I am as Free as she is & more happier I no I am getting $12 per month for what Little work I am Doing I hope to here from you a gain I your Son & ever By
John Thompson.
LETTER FROM “ WM. PENN ” (OF THE BAR).
Washington, D. C., Dec. 9th, 1856.
Deae Sie : — I was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours of 6th in- stant, and although I have made inquiries, I am unable to-day , to answer your questions Satisfactorily. Although I know some of the residents of Loudon county, and have often visited there, still I have not practiced much in the Courts of that county. There are several of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and possibly , through my assistance, your commissions might be executed. If a better way shall not suggest itself to you, and you see fit to give me the facts in the case, I can better judge of my ability to help you ; but I Jcnoiv not the man resident there , whom 1 would trust with an impor- tant suit. I think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some packages left this vi- cinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in number, and as I suppose, went through your hands. It was at a time of uncommon vigilance here, and to hie it was a matter of ex- treme wonder, how and through whom, such a work was accomplished. Can you tell me? It is needful that I should know ! Not for curiosity merely, but for the good of others.
LETTERS. 45
An enclosed slip contains the marks of one of the packages, which you will read and then immediately burn.
If you can give me any light that will benefit others, I am sure you will do so.
A traveler here, very reliable, and who knows his business, has determined not to leave home again till spring, at least not without extraordinary temptations.
I think, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in Virginia.
Yours, Wm. P.
LETTER FROM MISS THEODOCIA GILBERT.
Skaneateles (Glen Haven) Chuy., 1851.
William Still: — Bear Friend and Brother — A thousand thanks for your good, gen- erous letter!
It was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and anxiety in the success and fate of poor Concklin ! That he desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind, I well understood ; but what particular one, or that he had actually embarked in the en- terprise, I had not been able to learn.
• His memory will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. He certainly dis- played more real disinterestedness, more earnest, unassuming devotedness, than those who claim to be the sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. What more SaviourAUks than the willing sacrifice he has rendered !
Never shall I forget that night of our extremes! peril (as we supposed), when he came and so heartily proffered his services at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of William L. Chaplin.
Such generosity ! at such a moment ! The emotions it awakened no words can bespeak ! They are to be sought but in the inner chambers of one's own soul! He as earnestly de- vised the means, as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned him to the task, as if it were his own-freedom he would have won.
Through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of soul came out in all its lustre ! Heroism, in its native majesty, commanded one’s admiration and love!
Most truly can I enter into your sorrows, and painfully appreciate the pang of disap- pointment which must have followed this sad intelligence. But so inadequate are words to the consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to syllable one’s svmpathies.
I cannot bear to believe, that Concklin has been actually murdered, and yet I hardly dare hope it is otherwise.
And the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what depths of hopelessness and woe are they again plunged! But the deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly sought and new-found freedom. How long must wrongs like these go unredressed? “How long, 0 God , how long V} .......
Very truly yours, Theodocia Gilbert.
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THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
WILLIAM PEEL, alias WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES.
ARRIVED PER ERRICSON LINE OF STEAMERS, WRAPPED IN STRAW AND BOXED UP,
APRIL, 1859.
William is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-lookimr, rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. William had him- self boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the Erricson line of steamers. He gave the slip to Robert H. Carr, his owner (a grocer and commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons: For some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every now and then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished William that he was liable to be in the market any day ; consequently, he preferred the box to the auction-block.
He did not complain of having been treated very badly by Carr, but felt that no man was safe while owned by another. In fact, he “ hated the very name of slaveholder.” The limit of the box not admitting of straightening himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road, suffered indescribable misery, and had his faith taxed to the utmost, — indeed was brought to the very verge of “ screaming aloud ” ere relief came. However, he controlled himself, though only for a short season, for before a great while an ex- cessive faintness came over him. Here nature became quite exhausted. He thought he must “die;” but his time had not yet come. After a severe struggle he revived, but only to encounter a third ordeal no less painful than the one through which he had just passed. Next a very “ cold chill ” came over him, which seemed almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave him intense agony, from which he only found relief on awaking, having ac- tually fallen asleep in that condition. Finally, however, he arrived at Phil- adelphia, on a steamer, Sabbath morning. A devoted friend of his, expecting him, engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. The bill of lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew where the box was located on the boat. Although he well knew freight was not usually delivered on Sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his friend determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from his perilous situation. Handing his bill of lading to the proper officer of the boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for. The officer looked at the bill and said, “No, we do not deliver freight on Sunday ;” but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he would know it if he were to see it. Slowly — fearing that too much interest manifested might excite suspicion — he replied: “I think I should.” Deliber- ately looking around amongst all the “freight,” he discovered the box,
WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES, \
47
and said, “I think that is it there/' Said officer stepped to it, looked at the directions on it, then at the bill of lading, and said, “ That is right, take it along.” Here the interest in these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest degree. But the size of the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver refused to take it. Nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a furniture car. Finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold of by the occupant’s particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fel- low within gave a sudden cough. At this startling circumstance he dropped the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if helped by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, “Hush, my babe, lie still and slumber,” with the most apparent indifference, at the same time slowly making his way from the box. Soon his fears subsided, and it was pre- sumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident, or coughing. Thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a third time, and the Rubicon was passed. The car driver, totally ignorant of the contents of the box, drove to the number to which he was directed to take it — left it and went about his business. Now is a moment of intense interest — now of inexpressible delight. The box is opened, the straw removed, and the poor fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, I will venture to say, as mortal never did rejoice, who had not been in similar peril. This particular friend was scarcely less overjoyed, however, and their joy did not abate for several hours ; nor was it confined to themselves, for two invited members of the Vigilance Committee also partook of a full share. This box man was named Wm. Jones. He was boxed up in Baltimore by the friend who re- ceived him at the wharf, who did not come in the boat with him, but came in the cars and met him at the wharf.
The trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was achieved. Jones was well cared for by the Vigilance Committee and sent on his way rejoicing, feeling that Resolution, Underground Rail Road, and Liberty were invaluable.
On his way to Canada, he stopped at Albany, and the subjoined letter gives his view of things from that stand-point—
Mr. Still : — I take this opportunity of writing a few lines to you hoping that tha may find you in good health and femaly. i am well at present and doing well at present i am now in a store and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present, i feel very much o blige to you and vour family for your kindnes to me while i was with you i have got a long without any trub le atal. i am now in albany City, give my lov to mrs and mr miller and tel them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my lov to my Brother uore Jones tel him i should like to here from him very much and he must write, tel him to give my love to all of my perticular frends and tel them i should like to see them very much, tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see him for sum thing very per- ticler. please ansure this letter as soon as posabul and excuse me for not writ ting sooner as i dont write myself, no more at the present. William Jones.
derect to one hundred 125 lydus. stt
48
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
His good friend returned to Baltimore the same day the box man started for the North, and immediately dispatched through the post the following brief letter, worded in Underground Bail Koad parables :
Baltimo April 16, 1859.
W. Still : — Dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing you these few line3 to inform you that i am well an hoping these few lines may find you enjoying, the same good blessing please to write me word at what time was it when isreal went to Jerico i am very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass over and you and i my brother will sing hally luja i shall notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place No more at the present but remain your brother N. L. J.
WESLEY HARRIS,* alias ROBERT JACKSON, AND THE MATTERSON BROTHERS.
In setting out for freedom, Wesley was the leader of this party. After two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. Both fugitives and pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other weapons used in the contest.
W esley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of the pursuers, who with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a space of about six inches in length. One of Wesley’s companions also fought heroically and only yielded when badly wounded and quite overpowered. The two younger (brothers of C. Matterson) it seemed made no resistance.
In order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of Wesley Harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then penned from the lips of this young hero, while on the Underground Rail Road, even then in a very critical state. Most fearful indeed was his condition when he was brought to the Vigilance Committee in this City.
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORD.
November 2 d, 1853. — Arrived : Robert Jackson (shot man), alias Wesley Harris ; age twenty-two years ; dark color ; medium height, and of slender stature.
Robert was born in Martinsburg, Va., and was owned by Philip Pendle- ton. From a boy he had always been hired out. At the first of this year he commenced services with Mrs. Carroll, proprietress of the United States Hotel at Harper’s Ferry. Of Mrs. Carroll he speaks in very grateful terms, saying that she was kind to him and all the servants, and promised them their freedom at her death. She excused herself for not giving them
* Shot by slave-hunters.
WESLEY HARRIS \
49
freedom on the ground that her husband died insolvent, leaving her ; he responsibility of settling his debts.
But while Mrs. Carroll was very kind to her servants, her manager was filially as cruel. About a month before Wesley left, the overseer, for some trifling cause, attempted to flog him, but was resisted, and himself flogged. This resistance of the slave was regarded by the overseer as an unpardonable ■ Hence ; consequently he communicated the intelligence to his owner, which had the desired effect on his mind as appeared from his answer to the over- seer, which was nothing less than instructions that if he should again attempt to correct Wesley and he should repel the wholesome treatment, the overseer was to put him in prison and sell him. Whether he offended again or not, the following Christmas he was to be sold without fail.
Wesley’s mistress was kind enough to apprise him of the intention of his owner and the overseer, and told him that if he could help himself he had better do so. So from that time Wesley began to contemplate how he should escape the doom which had been planned for him.
“ A friend,” says he, “ by the name of C. Matterson, told me that he was going off. Then I told him of my master’s writing to Mrs. Carroll con- cerning selling, etc., and that I was going off too. We then concluded to go together. There were two others — brothers of Matterson — who were told of our plan to escape, and readily joined with us in the undertaking. So one Saturday night, at twelve o’clock, we set out for the North. After traveling upwards of two days and over sixty miles, we found ourselves unexpectedly in Terrytown, Md. There we were informed by a friendly colored man of the danger we were in and of the bad character of the place towards colored people, especially those who were escaping to freedom ; and he advised us to hide as quickly as we could. We at once went to the woods and hid. Soon after we had secreted ourselves a man came near by and commenced splitting wood, or rails, which alarmed us. We then moved to another hiding-place in a thicket near a farmer’s barn, where we were soon startled again by a dog approaching and barking at us. The attention of the owner of the dog was drawn to his barking and to where we were. The owner of the dog was a farmer. He asked us where we were going. We replied to Gettysburg — to visit some relatives, etc. He told us that we were running off He then offered friendly advice, talked like a Quaker, and urged us to go with him to his barn for protection. After much per- suasion, we consented to go with him.
“Soon after putting us in his barn, himself and daughter prepared us a nice breakfast, which cheered our spirits, as we were hungry. For this kindness we paid him one dollar. He next told us to hide on the mow till eve, when he would safely direct us on our road to Gettysburg. All, very much fatigued from traveling, fell asleep, excepting myself; I could not -!eep; I felt as if all was not right.
4
50
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
“About noon men were heard talking around the barn. I woke my com- panions up and told them that that man had betrayed us. At first they did not believe me. In a moment afterwards the barn door was opened, and in came the men, eight in number. One of the men asked the owner of the barn if he had any long straw. ‘Yes/ was the answer. So up on the mow came three of the men, when, to their great surprise, as they pretended, we were discovered. The question was then asked the owner of the barn by one of the men, if he harbored runaway negroes in his barn? He answered, ‘No/ and pretended to be entirely ignorant of their being in his barn. One of the men replied that four negroes were on the mow, and he knew of it. The men then asked us where we were go::... We told them to Gettysburg, that we had aunts and a mother there. Also we spoke of a Mr. Houghman, a gentleman we happened to have some knowledge of, having seen him in Virginia. We were next asked for our passes. We told them that we hadn’t any, that we had not been required t- > carry them where we came from. They then said that we would have to g. . before a magistrate, and if he allowed us to go on, well and good. The men all being armed and furnished with ropes, we were ordered to be tied. I t .Id them if they took me they would have to take me dead or crippled. At that in- stant one of my friends cried out — ‘ Where is the man that betrayed us?’ Spying him at the same moment, he shot him (badly wounding him i. Then the conflict fairly began. The constable seized me by the collar, or rather behind my shoulder. I at once shot him with my pistol, but in consequence of his throwing up his arm, which hit mine as I fixed, the effect of the load of my pistol was much turned aside; his face, however, was badly burned, besides his shoulder being wounded. I again fired on the pursuers, but do not know whether I hit anybody or not. I then drew a sword, I had brought with me, and was about cutting my way to the door, when I was shot by one of the men, receiving the entire contents of one load of a double barreled gun in my left arm, that being the arm with which I was de- fending myself. The load brought me to the ground, and I was unable to make further struggle for myself. I was then badly beaten with guns, &c. In the meantime, my friend Craven, who was defending himself, was shot badly in the face, and most violently beaten until he was conquered and tied. The two young brothers of Craven stood still, without making the least resistance. After we were fairly captured, we were taken to Terry- town, which was in sight of where we were betrayed. By this time I had lost" so much blood from my wounds, that they concluded my situation was too dangerous to admit of being taken further; so I was made a p:\- mer at a tavern, kept by a man named Fisher. There my wounds were dressed, and thirty-two shot were taken from my arm. For three days I was crazy, and they thought I would die. During the first two weeks, while I was a prisoner at the tavern, I raised a great deal of blood, and was considered in a very dangerous condition — so much so that persons desiring to see me were not
£ OMUL US HALL .
51
permitted. Afterwards I began to get better, and was then kept very pri- vately— was strictly watched day and night. Occasionally, however, the ■ -ook, a colored woman (Mrs. Smith), would manage to get to see me. Also James Matthews succeeded in getting to see me; consequently, as my wounds healed, and my senses came to me, I began to plan how to make another effort to escape. I asked one of the friends, alluded to above, to get me a rope. He got it. I kept it about me four days in my pocket; in the mean- time I procured three nails. On Friday night, October 14th, I fastened my nails in under the window sill ; tied my rope to the nails, threw my shoes out of the window, put the rope in my mouth, then took hold of it with my well hand, clambered into the window, very weak, but I managed to let myself down to the ground. I was so weak, that I could scarcely walk, but I managed to hobble off to a place three quarters of a mile from the tavern, where a friend had fixed upon for me to go, if I succeeded in making my escape. There I was found by my friend, who kept me secure till Saturday eve, when a swift horse was furnished by James Rogers, and a colored man found to conduct me to Gettysburg. Instead of going direct to Gettysburg, we took a different road, in order to shun our pursuers, as the news of my escape had created general excitement. My three other companions, who were captured, were sent to Westminster jail, where they were kept three weeks, and afterwards sent to Baltimore and sold for twelve hundred dollars a piece, as I was informed while at the tavern in Terrytown.”
The Vigilance Committee procured good medical attention and afforded the fugitive time for recuperation, furnished him with clothing and a free ticket, .and sent him on his way greatly improved in health, and strong in the faith that, “ He who would be free, himself must strike the blow.” His safe arrival in Canada, with his thanks, were duly announced. And some time after becoming naturalized, in one of his letters, he wrote that he was a brakesman on the Great Western R. R., (in Canada — promoted from the U. G. R. R.,) the result of being under the protection of the British Lion.
DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL— NEW NAMEL GEORGE WEEMS.
In March, 1857, Abram Harris fled from John Henry Suthern, wIktA lived near Benedict, Charles county, Md., where he was engaged in the farming business, and was the owner of about seventy head of slaves. He> kept an overseer, and usually had flogging administered daily, on males ancV females, old and young. Abram becoming very sick of this treatment, re- solved, about the first of March, to seek out the Underground Rail Road. But for his strong attachment to his wife (who was owned by Samuel
52
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Adams, but was “ pretty well treated ”), he never would have consented to “ suffer ” as he did.
Here no hope of comfort for the future seemed to remain. So Abram con- sulted with a fellow-servant, by the name of Romulus Hall, alias George Weems, and being very warm friends, concluded to start together. Both had wives to “ tear themselves from,” and each was equally ignorant of the distance they had to travel, and the dangers and sufferings to be endured. But they “ trusted in God ” and kept the North Star in view. For nine days and nights, without a guide, they traveled at a very exhausting rate, especially as they had to go fasting for three days, and to endure very cold weather. Abram’s companion, being about fifty years of age, felt obliged to succumb, both from hunger and cold, and had to be left on the way. Abram was a man of medium size, tall, dark chestnut color, and could read and write a little and was quite intelligent ; “was a member of the Mount Zion Church,” and occasionally officiated as an “ exhorter,” and really appeared to be a man of genuine faith in the Almighty, and equally as much in freedom.
In substance, Abram gave the following information concerning his know- ledge of affairs on the farm under his master —
“Master and mistress very frequently visited the Protestant Church, but were not members. Mistress was very bad. About three weeks before I left, the overseer, in a violent fit of l)ad temper, shot and badly wounded a young slave man by the name of Henry Watery hut ad sooner than he got well enough he escaped, and had not been heard of up to the time Abram left. About three years before this happened, an overseer of my master was found shot dead on the road. At once some of the slaves were suspected, and were all taken to the Court House, at Serentown, St. Mary’s county ; but all came off clear. After this occurrence a new overseer, by the name of John Decket, was employed. Although his predecessor had been dead three years, Decket, nevertheless, concluded that it was not 6 too late ’ to flog the secret out of some of the slaves. Accordingly, he selected a young slave man for his victim, and flogged him so cruelly that he could scarcely walk or stand, and to keep from being actually killed, the boy told an un- truth, and confessed that lie and his Uncle Henry killed M ebster, the over- seer; whereupon the poor fellow If Sfl dl to b P Ws life.’
But Abram did not wait to hear the verd:--:. He r ; .*-• ! the Committee ^safely in this city, in advance of his companion, and was furnished with a free ticket and other needed assistance, and was sent on his way rejoicing. .After reaching his destination, he wrote back to know h*»w his friend and ^companion (George) wasT getting along; but in less than three weeks after he had passed, the following brief story reveals the sad fate of poor Romulus Hall , who had journeyed with him till exhausted from hunger and badly frost-bitten.
A few days after his younger companion had passed on North, Romulus
ROMULUS HALL.
53
was brought by a pitying stranger to the Vigilance Committee, in a most shocking condition. The frost had made sad havoc with his feet and legs, so much so that all sense of feeling had departed theretiom.
How he ever reached this city is a marvel. On his arrival medical at- tention and other necessary comforts were provided by the Committee, who hoped with himself, that he would be restored with the loss of his toes alone. For one week he seemed to be improving; at the expiration of this time, how- ever, his symptoms changed, indicating not only the end of slavery, but also the end of all his earthly troubles.
Lockjaw and mortification set in in the most malignant form, and for nearly thirty-six hours the unfortunate victim suffered in extreme agony, though not a murmur escaped him for having brought upon himself in seeking his liberty this painful infliction and death. It was wonderful to see how resignedly he endured his fate.
Being anxious to get his testimony relative to his escape, etc., the Chairman of the Committee took his pencil and expressed to him his wishes in the matter. Amongst other questions, he was asked: “Do you regret having attempted' to escape from slavery?” After a severe spasm he said, as his friend was about to turn to leave the room, hopeless of being gratified in his purpose: "Don’t go; I have not answered your question. I am glad I escaped from slavery!” He then gave his name, and tried to tell the name of his master, but was so weak he could not be under- stood.
At his bedside, day and night, Slavery looked more heinous than it had ever done before. Only think how this poor man, in an enlightened Chris- tian land, for the bare hope of freedom, in a strange land amongst strangers, was obliged not only to bear the sacrifice of his wife and kindred, but also of his own life.
Nothing ever appeared more sad than seeing him in a dying posture, and instead of reaching his much coveted destination in Canada, going to that “ bourne whence no traveler returns.” Of course it was expedient, even after his death, that only a few friends should follow him to his grave. Never- theless, he was decently buried in the beautiful Lebanon Cemetery.
In his purse was found one single five cent piece, his whole pecuniary dependence.
This was the first instance of death on the Underground Bail Boad in this region.
The Committee were indebted to the medical sendees of the well-known friends of the fugitive, Drs. J. L. Griscom and H. T. Childs, whose faithful services were freely given; and likewise to Mrs. H. S. Duterte and Mrs. Williams, who generously performed the offices of charity and friendship at his burial.
From his companion, who passed on Canada-ward without delay, we re-
54
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD
ceived a letter, from which, as an item of interest, we make the following extract :
“ I am enjoying good health, and hope when this reaches you, you may t- enjoying the
same blessing. Give my love to Mr. , and family, and tell them 1 tn: :n a kind
of liberty! I am a man among men!” (The above was addressed to the th .
The subjoined letter, from Rev. L. D. Mansfield, expressed on behalf of Romulus’ companion, his sad feelings on hearing of li:- friei i’s d th. And here it may not be inappropriate to add, that clearly en m -h U i: to be seen, that Rev. Mansfield was one of the rare order of ministers, who believed it right “to do unto others as one would be done by *’ in practice, not in theory merely, and who felt that they could no more be excused for “falling down,” in obedience to the Fugitive Slave Law undvr President Fillmore, than could Daniel for worshiping the “golden imag " under Nebuchadnezzar.
Auburn, New York, Mat 4te. i-'T.
Dear Br. Still: — Henry Lemmon wishes me to write to you in re: iy t y ur kin J letter, conveying the intelligence of the death of your fugitive guest, Geo. Weems He was deeply affected at the intelligence, for he was most devotedly attached to him and had been for many years. Mr. Lemmon now expects his sister to come on, wishes you to aid her in any way in your power — as he knows you will.
He wishes you to send the coat and cap of Weems by his sister when she c ernes. And when you write out the history of Weems’ escape, and it is published, f:.:.; y:u w:u id send him a copy of the papers. He has not been very successful in getting w rk yet.
Mr. and Mrs. Harris left for Canada last week. The friends made them a purse of $15 or $20, and we hope they will do well.
Mr. Lemmon sends his respects to you and Mrs. Still. Give my kind regards to her and accept also yourself, Yours very truly, L. D. Mansfield.
JAMES MERCER, WM. H. GILLIAM, AND JOHN CLAYTON.
STOWED AWAY IN A HOT BERTH.
This arrival came by Steamer. But they neither came in State-room nor as Cabin, Steerage, or Deck passengers.
A certain space, not far from the boiler, where the heat and coal dust were almost intolerable, — the colored steward on the boat in answer appeal from these unhappy bondnn n. < son . d ] ’dace for
concealment but this. Nor was he at all certain that they coaid endure the intense heat of that place. It admitted of no other posture than lying flat down, wholly shut out from the light, and nearly in * s predica- ment in regard to the air. Here, however, was a chano ol thr wu j off the yoke, even if it cost them their lives. They considered 1 r - \ 1 to try it at all hazards.
Henry Box Brown’s sufferings were nothing, compared to what these men submitted to during the entire journey.
STO WED AWAY IN A HOT BERTH.
55
They reached the house of one of the Committee about three o’clock, A. M.
All the way from the wharf the cold rain poured down in torrents and they got completely drenched, but their hearts were swelling with joy and gladness unutterable. From the thick coating of coal dust, and the effect of the rain added thereto, all traces of natural appearance were entirely obliterated, and they looked frightful in the extreme. But they had placed their lives in mortal peril for freedom.
Every step of their critical journey was reviewed and commented on, with matchless natural eloquence how, when almost on the eve of suffoca- ting in their warm berths, in order to catch a breath of air,. they were com- pelled to crawl, one at a time, to a small aperture; but scarcely would one. poor fellow pass three minutes being thus refreshed, ere the others would insist that he should “go back to his hole.” Air was precious, but for the time being they valued their liberty at still greater price.
After they had talked to their hearts’ content, and after they had been thoroughly cleansed and changed in apparel, their physical appearance could be easily discerned, which made it less a wonder whence such outbursts of eloquence had emanated. They bore every mark of determined manhood.
The date of this arrival was February 26, 1854, and the following description was then recorded —
Arrived, by Steamer Pennsylvania, James Mercer, William H. Gilliam and John Clayton, from Richmond.
James was owned by the widow, Mrs. T. E. White. He is thirty-two years of age, of dark complexion, well made, good-looking, reads and writes, is very fluent in speech, and remarkably intelligent. From a boy, he had been hired out. The last place he had the honor to fill before escaping, was with JVJessrs. "W dliarns and Brother, wholesale commission merchants. For his services in this store the widow had been drawing one hundred and twenty-five dollars per annum, clear of all expenses.
He did not complain of bad treatment from his mistress, indeed, he spoke rather favorably of her. But he could not close his eyes to the fact, that at one time Mrs. "White had been in possession of thirty head of slaves, although at the time he was counting the cost of escaping, two only remained — him- self and William, (save a little boy) and on himself a mortgage for seven hundred and fifty dollars was then resting. He could, therefore, with his remarkably quick intellect, calculate about how long it would be before he reached the auction block.
He had a wife but no child. She was owned by Mr. Henry W. Quarles. So out of that Sodom he felt he would have to escape, even at the cost of leaving his wife behind. Of course he felt hopeful that the way would open by which she could escape at a future time, and so it did, as will appear by and by. His aged mother he had to leave also.
56
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
Vm. Henry Gilliam likewise belonged to the Widow White, and he had been hired to Messrs. White and Brother to drive their broad wagon. William was a baker by trade. For his services his mistress ha< i r - : 1 one
hundred and thirty-five dollars per year. He thought his mistress quite as good, if not a little better than most slave-holders. But he had never felt persuaded to believe that she was good enough for him to remain a slave for her support.
Indeed, he had made several unsuccessful attempts before this time to escape from slavery and its horrors. He was fully posted from A : > Z, but in his own person he had been smart enough to escape nr*'* of tin- more brutal outrages.- He knew how to read and write, and in readiness of speech and general natural ability was far above the average of slaves.
He was twenty-five years of age, well made, of light complexion, and might be put down as a valuable piece of property.
This loss fell with crushing weight upon the kind-hearted : . ss. as will be seen in a letter subjoined which she wrote to the unfaithful William, some time after he had fled.
LETTER FROM MRS. L. E. WHITE.
Richmond, 16th, 1S54.
Dear Henry: — Your mother and myself received your letter; she is much istressed at your conduct ; she is remaining just as you left her, she says, and she will r.rver be reconciled to your conduct.
I think Henry, you have acted most dishonorably ; had you have made a c nfflant of me I would have been better off; and you as you are. I am badly situate 1, living with Mrs. Palmer, and having to put up with everything — your mother is also dissatisfied — I am miserably poor, do not get a cent of your hire or James’, besides losing you both, but if you can reconcile so do. By renting a cheap house, I might have lived, now it seems starvation is before me. Martha and the Doctor are living in Portsmouth, it is not in her power to do much for me. I know you will repent it. I heard six weeks before you went, that you were trying to persuade him off — but we all liked you, and I was un- willing to believe it — however, I leave it in God’s hands He will know what to do. Your mother says that I must tell you servant Jones is dead and old Mrs. Gall. Kit is well, but we are very uneasy, losing your and James' hire, I fear poor little fellow, that he will be obliged to go, as I am compelled to live, and it will be your fault. I am quite unwell, but of course, you don’t care. Yours, L. E. White.
If you choose to come back you could. I would do a very good part by you, Toler and Cooke has none.
This touching epistle was given by the disobedient William * of the Vigilant Committee, when on a visit to Canada, in 1 v ' ~ thought to be of too much value to be lost. It was pur aw . with other valuable U. G. R. R. documents for future refi-ren T . king the “rascality” of William and James and the unfortunan : . in
which it placed the kind-hearted widow, Mrs. Louisa ^ .v* . i wing editorial clipped from the wide-awake Richmond Despatch, was also highly
STO WED AWAY IN A EOT BEE TH.
57
appreciated, and preserved as conclusive testimony to the successful working of the U. G. R. R. in the Old Dominion. It reads thus —
“Rascality Somewhere. — We called attention yesterday to the adver- tisement of two negroes belonging to Mrs. Louisa White, by Toler & Cook, and in the call we expressed the opinion that they were still lurking about the city, preparatory to going off. Mr. Toler, we find, is of a different opinion. He believes that they have already cleared themselves— have escaped to a Free State, and we think it extremely probable that he is in the rio-ht. They were both of them uncommonly intelligent negroes. One of them, the one hired to Mr. White, was a tip-top baker. He had been all about the country, and had been in the habit of supplying the U. S. Penn- sylvania with bread; Mr. W. having the contract. In his visits for this purpose, of course, he formed acquaintances with all sorts of sea-faring cha- racters ; and there is every reason to believe that he has been assisted to get off in that way, along with the other boy, hired to the Messrs. Williams. That the two acted in concert, can admit of no doubt. The question is now to find out how they got off. They must undoubtedly have had white men in the secret. Have we then a nest of -A-bolition scoundrels among us? There ought to be a law to put a police officer on board every vessel as soon as she lands at the wharf. There is one, we believe for inspecting vessels before they leave. If there is not there ought to be one.
“These negroes belong to a widow lady and constitute all the property she has on earth. They have both been raised with the greatest indulgence. Had it been otherwise, they would never have had an opportunity to escape, as they have done. Their flight has left her penniless. Either of them would readily have sold for $1200 ; and Mr. Toler advised their owner to sell them at the commencement of the year, probably anticipating the very thing that has happened. She refused to do so, because she felt too much attachment to them. They have made a fine return, truly.”
Xo comment is necessary on the above editorial except simply to ex- press the hope that the editor and his friends who seemed to be utterly befogged as to how these “ uncommonly intelligent negroes ” made their escape, will find the problem satisfactorily solved in this book.
However, in order to do even-handed justice to all concerned, it seems but proper that William and James should be heard from, and hence a letter from each is here appended for what they are worth. True they were intended only for private use, but since the “ True light” (Freedom) has come, all things may be made manifest.
LETTER FROM WILLIAM HENRY GILLIAM.
St. Cathaeines, C. W., May 15th, 1854.
My Deae Feiend:-— I receaved yours, Dated the 10th and the papers on the 13th, I also saw the pice that was in Miss Shadd’s paper About me. I think Tolar is right
68
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
About my being in A free State, I am and think A great del of it. Also I have no com- passion on the penniless widow lady, I have Served her 25 yers 2 months, I think that is long Enough for me to live A Slave. Dear Sir, I am very sorry to hear o: the A — lent that happened to our Friend Mr. Meakins, I have read the letter to all that l:v - ... St. Catharines, that came from old Virginia, and then I Sented to Toronto to Mercer X Clayton to see, and to Farman to read fur themselves. Sir, you must writ ? t me see n and let me knowhow Meakins gets on with his tryal, and you must pray . r bin . have told all here to do the same for him. May God bless and protect him :: m pns n, I have heard A great del of old Richmond and Norfolk. Dear Sir, if you see Mr r Mrs Gilbert Give my love to them and tell them to write to me, also give my res* • t t ir Family and A part for yourself, love from the friends to you Soloman Brown. H Was. Johnson, Mrs Brooks, Mr. Dykes. Mr. Smith is better at presant. An . . - :
forget to write the News of Meakin’s tryal. I cannot say any more at this - -•
remain yours and A true Friend on tell Death. W. H. Gilliam, the w. . w - ...
“Our friend Minkins,” in whose behalf William asks the unite i prayers of his friends, was one of the “ scoundrels” who assisted him an 1 hi- tw > companions to escape on the steamer. Being suspected of ras .. this direction, he was arrested and put in jail, but as no evidence - ..1 be found against him he was soon released.
. ini
JAMES MERCERS LETTER.
Toronto, Marce 17th,
My Dear Friend Still : — I take this method of informing you that I am i when this comes to hand it may find you and your family enjoying good health. 8 r, my particular for writing is that I wish to hear from you, and to hear all the news fry a South. I wish to know if all things are working Right for the Rest of my Brotheran whom in bondage. I will also Say that I am very much please with Toro:.: . ' friends that came over with. It is true that we have not been Employ y- : ; : si we are in hopes of be’en so in a few days. We happen here in good time . <oc* the people in this country are going work. I am in good health and g \ - -
feeles Rejoiced in the Lord for my liberty. I Received cople of paper irom y n : - '
I wish you see James Morris whom or Abram George the first and second - n r
Penn., give my respects to them, and ask James if he will call at Henry W. Quarles n
May street oppisit the Jews synagogue and call for Marena Mercer, give my love : m : ask her of all the times about Richmond, tell her to Send me all the news. Te-* -±r. Morris that there will be no danger in going to that place. You will also te.i M. * make himself known to her as she may know who sent him. And I wish to get a
- James kL Me&cxe.
from you.
JOHN H. HILL’S LETTER.
My friend, I would like to hear from you, I have been looking for mWfar fnm you for Several days as the last was very interesting to me, please to wnie fc
Yours most Respectfully, ns ii.
Instead of weeping over the sad situation of his “ pennile* " ; '• ~
showing any signs of contrition for having wronged the man w e
mortgage of seven hundred and fifty dollars on him, James actua . rejoiced in the Lord for his liberty,” and is “very much pleased with
59
STOWED AWAY IN A HOT BERTH.
Toronto;” but is not satisfied yet, he is even concocting a plan by which his wife might be run off from Richmond, which would be the cause of her owner (Henry W. Quarles, Esq.) losing at least one thousand dollars.
St. Catharine, Canada, June 8th, 1854.
Mr Still Dear friend.: — I received a letter from the poor old widow, Mrs. L. E. White, and she says I may come back if I choose and she will do a good part by me. Yes yes I am choosing the western side of the South for my home. She is smart, but cannot bung my eye, so she shall have to die in the poor house at last, so she says, and Mercer and myself will be the cause of it. That is all right. I am getting even with her now for I was in the poor house for twenty-five years and have just got out. And she said she knew I was coming away six weeks before I started, so you may know my chance was slim. But Mr. John Wright said I came off like a gentleman and he did not blame me for coming for I was a great boy. Yes I here him enough he is all gas. I am
in Canada, and they cannot help themselves.
About that subject I will not say anything more. You must write to me as soon as you can and let me here the news and how the Family is and yourself. Let me know how the times is with the U G. R. R Co. Is it doing good business ? Mr. Dykes sends his respects to you. Give mine to your family. Your true friend, W. H. Gilliam.
John Clayton, the companion in tribulation of William and James, must not be lost sight of any longer. He was owned by the Widow Clayton, and was white enough to have been nearly related to her, being a mulatto. He was about thirty-five years of age, a man of fine appearance, and quite intel- ligent. Several years previous he had made an attempt to escape, but failed. Prior to escaping in this instance, he had been laboring in a tobacco factory at $150 a year. It is needless to say that he did not approve of the “ pecu- liar institution.” He left a wife and one child behind to mourn after him. Of his views of Canada and Freedom, the following frank and sensible let- ter, penned shortly after his arrival, speaks for itself—
Toronto, March 6th, 1854.
Dear Mr. Still : — I take this method of informing you that I am well both in health and mind You may rest assured that I fells myself a free man and do not fell as I did when I was in Virginia thanks be to God I have no master into Canada but I am my own man. I arrived safe into Canada on friday last. I must request of you to write a few lines to my wife and jest state to her that her friend arrived safe into this glorious land of liberty and I am well and she will make very short her time in Virginia, tell her that I likes here very well and hopes to like it better when I gets to work I don’t meane for you to write the same words that are written above but I wish you give her. a clear under- standing where I am and Shall Remain here untel She comes or I hears from her.
Nothing more at present but remain yours most respectfully, John Clayton.
You will please to direct the to Petersburg Luenena Johns or Clayton John is best.
60
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
CLARISSA DAVIS.
ARRIVED DRESSED IN MALE ATTIRE.
Clarissa fled from Portsmouth, Va., in May, 1854, with two of her brothers. Two months and a half before she succeeded in getting off, Cla- rissa had made a desperate effort, but failed. The brothers succeeded, but she was left. She had not given up all hope of escape, however, and there- fore sought “ a safe hiding-place until an opportunity might offer/* by which she could follow her brothers on the U. G. R. R. Clarissa was owned by Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Burkley, of Portsmouth, under whom she had always served.
Of them she spoke favorably, saying that she “ had not been used as hard as many others were.” At this period, Clarissa was about twenty-two years of age, of a bright brown complexion, with handsome features, exceedingly respectful and modest, and possessed all the characteristics of a well-bred young lady. For one so little acquainted with books as she was, the cor- rectness of her speech was perfectly astonishing.
For Clarissa and her two brothers a “ reward of one thousand dollars” was kept standing in the papers for a length of time, as these (article- 1 were considered very rare and valuable; the best that could be produced in \ ir- ginia.
In the meanwhile the brothers had passed safely on to Xew Bedford, but Clarissa remained secluded, “ waiting for the storm to subside.” Keeping up courage day by day, for seventy-five days, with the fear of being detected and severely punished, and then sold, after all her hopes and struggles, re- quired the faith of a martyr. Time after time, when she hoped to succeed in making her escape, ill luck seemed to disappoint her, and nothing but intense suffering appeared to be in store. Like many others, under the crushing weight of oppression, she thought she “ should have to die” ere she tasted liberty. In this state of mind, one day, word was conveyed to her that the steamship, City of Richmond, had arrived from Philadelphia, and that the steward on board (with whom she was acquainted), had con- sented to secrete her this trip, if she could manage to reach the ship safely, which was to start the next day. This news to Clarissa was both cheering and painful. She had been “praying all the time while waiting, but now she felt “that if it would only rain right hard the next morning about three o’clock, to drive the police officers off the street, then she could sak-ly make her way to the boat.” Therefore she prayed anxiously all that day that it would rain, “but no sign of rain appeared till towards midi _ I he
prospect looked horribly discouraging; but she prayed •'•n. and at the appointed hour (three o’clock — before day), the rain descended in : rrents. Dressed in male attire, Clarissa left the miserable coop where she had been almost without light or air for twTo and a half months, and unmolested,
ANTHONY BLOW.
61
reached the boat safely, and was secreted in a box by ¥m. Bagnal, a clever young man who sincerely sympathized with the slave, having a wife in slavery himself; and by him she was safely delivered into the hands of the Vigilance Committee.
Clarissa Davis here, by advice of the Committee, dropped her old name, and was straightway christened “ Mary D. Armstead.” Desiring to join her brothers and sister in New Bedford, she was duly furnished with her U. G. R. R. passport and directed thitherward. Her father, who was left behind when she got off, soon after made his way on North, and joined his children. He was too old and infirm probably to be worth anything, and had been al- lowed to go free, or to purchase himself for a mere nominal sum. Slave- holders would, on some such occasions, show wonderful liberality in letting their old slaves go free, when they could work no more. After reaching New Bedford, Clarissa manifested her gratitude in writing to her friends in Philadelphia repeatedly, and evinced a very lively interest in the U. G. R. R. The appended letter indicates her sincere feelings of gratitude and deep interest in the cause —
New Bedfoed, August 26, 1855.
Mb. Still:— I avail my self to write you thes few lines hopeing they may find you and your family well as they leaves me very well and all the family well except my father he seams to be improveing with his shoulder he has been able to work a little I received the papers I was highly delighted to receive them I was very glad to hear from you in the wheler case I was very glad to hear that the persons ware safe I was very sory to hear that mr Williamson was putin prison but I know if the praying part of the people will pray for him and if he will put his trust in the lord he will bring him out more than conquer please remember my Dear old farther and sisters and brothers to your family kiss the children for me I hear that the yellow fever is very bad down south now if the underground railroad could have free course the emergrant would cross the river of gordan rapidly I hope it may continue to ran and I hope the wheels of the car may be greesed with more substantial greese so they may run over swiftly I would have wrote before but circumstances would not permit me Miss Sanders and all the friends desired to be remembered to you and your family I shall be pleased to hear from the under- ground rail road often Yours respectfully, Mary D. Armstead.
ANTHONY BLOW, alias HENRY LEVISON.
SECRETED TEN MONTHS BEFORE STARTING — EIGHT DAYS STOWED AWAY ON A STEAMER BOUND FOE PHILADELPHIA.
Arrived from Norfolk, about the 1st of November, 1854. Ten months before starting, Anthony had been closely concealed. He belonged to the estate of Mrs. Peters, a widow, who had been dead about one year before his concealment.
On the settlement of his old mistress’ estate, which was to take place one year after her death, Anthony was to be transferred to Mrs. Lewis, a daugh-
62
THE UNDER GB 0 UND RAIL ROAD.
ter of Mrs. Peters (the wife of James Lewis, Esq.). Anthony felt well satisfied that he was not the slave to please the “ tyrannical whims ” of his anticipated master, young Lewis, and of course he hated the idea of having to come under his yoke. And what made it still more unpleasant for Anthony was that Mr. Lewis would frequently remind him that it was his intention to “sell him as soon as he got possession — the first dav of anuary.” “ I can get fifteen hundred dollars for you easily, and I will do it. . This contemptuous threat had caused Anthony’s blood to boil time and again. But Anthony had to take the matter as calmly as possible which however, he was not always able to do.
At any rate, Anthony concluded that his “young master had counted the chickens before they were hatched.” Indeed here Anthony began to be a deep thinker. He thought, for instance, that he had already been shot three times, at the instance of slave-holders. The first time he was shot was for refusing a flogging when only eighteen years of age. The -econd time, he was shot in the head with squirrel shot by the sheriff, who was attempting to arrest him for having resisted three “young white nuiian- ” who wished to have the pleasure of beating him, but got beaten them-elves. And in addition to being shot this time, Anthony was still further *• l,r,,J-e in ” by a terrible flogging from the Sheriff. The third time Anthony was shot he was about twenty-one years of age. In this instance he was punished for his old offence — he “ would not be whipped.”
This time his injury from being shot was light, compared with the two preceding attacks. Also in connection with these murderous conflicts, he could not forget that, he had been sold on the auction block. But lie had still deeper thinking to do yet. He determined that his young master should never get “ fifteen hundred dollars for him on the 1st of January,” unless he got them while he (Anthony) was running. For Anthony had fully made up his mind that when the last day of December ended, his bondage should end also, even if he should have to accept death as a substi- tute. He then began to think of the Underground Rail Road and of Canada • but who the agents were, or how to find the depot, was a serious puzzle to him. But his time was getting so short he was convinced that whatever he did would have to be done quickly. In this frame of mind he found a man who professed to know something about the Underground Rail Road, and for “ thirty dollars ” promised to aid him in the matter.
The thirty dollars were raised by the hardest effort and passed over t< > the pretended friend, with the expectation that it would avail great lv ■ -l,e emergency. But Anthony found himself sold for thirty dollar, a- ' » thing was done for him. However, the 1st day of January arrived, but Anthony was not to be found to answer to his name at roll call. He ha i •• t ,k out” very early in the morning. Daily he prayed in his place concealment how to find the U. G. R. R. Ten months passed away, during which time
ANTHONY BLOW.
63
he suffered almost death, but persuaded himself to believe that even that was better than slavery. With Anthony, as it has been with thousands of others similarly situated, just as everything was looking the most hopeless, word came to him in his place of concealment that a friend named Minkins, employed on the steamship City of Richmond, would undertake to conceal him on the boat, if he could be crowded in a certain place, which was about the only spot that would be perfectly safe. This was glorious news to Anthony ; but it was well for him that he was ignorant of the situation that awaited him on the boat, or his heart might have failed him. He was willing, however, to risk his life for freedom, and, therefore, went joyfully.
The hiding-place was small and he was large. A sitting attitude was the only way he could possibly occupy it. He was contented. This place was “near the range, directly over the boiler,” and of course, was very warm. Neverthel ss. Anthony felt that he would not murmur, as he knew what suffering was pretty well, and especially as he took it for granted that he would be : in about a day and a half— the usual time it took the steamer
to make her trip. At the appointed hour the steamer left Norfolk for Philadelphia, with Anthony sitting flat down in his U. G. R. R. berth, thought i i ll an 1 hopeful. But before the steamer had made half her dis- tance the storm was tossing the ship hither and thither fearfully. Head winds bh w terribly, and for a number of days the elements seemed per- fectly m 1. In addition to the extraordinary state of the weather, when the st**r::i - i 1 sided the fog took its place and held the mastery of the ship with equal despotism until the end of over seven days, when finally the storm, wii 1. and fog all disappeared, and on the eighth day of her boister- ous i >a~ _ the steamship City of Richmond landed at the wharf of Phil- adelphi i. with this giant and hero on board who had suffered for ten months in his : Ament on land and for eight days on the ship.
An: nv was of very powerful physical proportions, being six feet three inches in height, quite black, very intelligent, and of a temperament that woul In i 'iibmit to slavery. For some years his master, Col. Cunnagan, had hire 11 ::i * ut in Washington, where he was accused of being in the schooner .Pearl, with C apt. Drayton’s memorable “ seventy fugitives on board, bound for Canada. At this time he was stoker in a machine shop, and was at work on an an •.•nor weighing “ten thousand pounds.” In the excitement over the atr * to escape in the Pearl, many were arrested, and the officers with irons visit Anthony at the machine shop to arrest him, but he declined to let them put the hand-cuffs on him, but consented to go with them, if per- mitted to do so without being ironed. The officers yielded, and Anthony went will n_dy to the jail. Passing unnoticed other interesting conflicts in his hard life, suffice it to say, he left his wife, Ann, and three children, Benjamin, John and Alfred, all owned by Col. Cunnagan. In this brave- hearted man, the Committee felt a deep interest, and accorded him their usual hospitalities.
64
TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD .
PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND.
EYE KNOCKED OUT, ETC.
Perry's exit was in November, 1853. He was owned by Charles John- son, who lived at Elkton. The infliction of a severe “ flogging" from the hand of his master awakened Perry to consider the importance of the U. G. R. R. Perry had the misfortune to let a “load of fodder upset," about which his master became exasperated, and in his agitated state of mind lie succeeded in affixing a number of very ugly stationary marks on Perry's back. However, this was no new thing. Indeed he had suffered at the hands of his mistress even far more keenly than from these “ugly marks." He had but one eye; the other he had been deprived of by a terrible stroke with a cowhide in the “ hand of his mistress." This lady he pronounced to be a “ perfect savage," and added that “ she was in the habit of cowhiding any of her slaves whenever she felt like it, which was quite often." Perry was about twenty-eight years of age and a man of promise. The Committee attended to his wants and forwarded him on North.
ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS, AND WILLIS REDICK.
HEARTS FULL OF JOY FOR, FREEDOM — VERY ANXIOUS FOR WIVES IN SLAVERY.
These passengers all arrived together, concealed, per steamship City of Richmond, December, 1853. Isaac Forman, the youngest of the party — twenty-three years of age and a dark mulatto — would be considered by a Southerner capable of judging as “very likely." He fled from a widow by the name of Mrs. Sanders, who had been in the habit of hiring him out for “one hundred and twenty dollars a year." She belonged in Norfolk, Va.; so did Isaac. For four years Isaac had served in the capacity of steward on the steamship Augusta. He stated that he had a wife living in Rich- mond, and that she was confined the morning he took the U. G. R. R. Of course he could not see her. The privilege of living in Richmond with his wife “had been denied him." Thus, fearing to render her unhappy, he was obliged to conceal from her his intention to escape. “ Once or twice in the year was all the privilege allowed" him to visit her. This only added “in- sult to injury," in Isaac's opinion; wherefore he concluded that he would make one less to have to suffer thus, and common sense said he was wise in the matter. No particular charges are found recorded on the U. G. R. R. books against the mistress. He went to Canada.
In the subjoined letters (about his wife) is clearly revealed the sincere gratitude he felt towards those who aided him : at the same time it may be
ISAAC FORMAN.
65
seen how the thought of his wife being in bondage grieved his heart. It would have required men with stone hearts to have turned deaf ears to such appeals. Extract from letter soon after reaching Canada — hopeful and happy —
EXTRACT OF LETTER FROM ISAAC FORMAN.
Toronto, Feb. 20th, 1854.
Mr. William Still : — Sir — Your kind letter arrived safe at hand on the 18th, and I was very happy to receive it. I now feel that I should return you some thanks for your kindness. Dear sir I do pray from the bottom of my heart, that the high heavens may bless you for your kindness ; give my love to Mr. Bagnel and Mr. Minkins, ask them if they have heard anything from my brother, tell Mr. Bagnel to give my love to my sister- in-law and mother and all the family. I am now living at Russell's Hotel ; it is the first situation I have had since I have been here and I like it very well. Sir you would oblige me by letting me know if Mr. Minkins has seen my wife ; you will please let me know as soon as possible. I wonder if Mr. Minkins has thought of any way that he can get my wife away. I should like to know in a few days. Your well wisher, Isaac Forman.
Another letter from Isaac. He is very gloomy and his heart is almost breaking about his wife.
SECOND LETTER.
Toronto, May 7, 1854.
Mr. W. Still : — Dear Sir — I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines and hope when they reach you they will find you well. I would have written you before, but I was waiting to hear from my friend, Mr. Brown. I judge his business has been of im- portance as the occasion why he has not written before. Dear sir, nothing would have prevented me from writing, in a case of this kind, except death.
My soul is vexed, my troubles are inexpressible. I often feel as if I were willing to die. I must see my wife in short, if not, I will die. What would I not give no tongue can utter. Just to gaze on her sweet lips one moment I would be willing to die the next. I am determined to see her some time or other. The thought of being a slave again is mis- erable. I hope heaven will smile upon me again, befpre I am one again. I will leave Canada again shortly, but I don't name the place that I go, it may be in the bottom of the ocean. If I had known as much before I left, as I do now, I would never have left until I could have found means to have brought her with me. You have never suffered from being absent from a wife, as I have. I consider that to be nearly superior to death, and hope you will do all you can for me, and inquire from your friends if nothing can be done for me. Please write to me immediately on receipt of this, and say something that will cheer up my drooping spirits. You will oblige me by seeing Mr. Brown and ask him if he would oblige me by going to Richmond and see my wife, and see what arrangements he could make with her, and I would be willing to pay all his expenses there and back. Please to see both Mr. Bagnel and Mr. Minkins, and ask them if they have seen my wife. I am determined to see her, if I die the next moment. I can say I was once happy, but never will be again, until‘1 see her; because what is freedom to me, when I know that my wife is in slavery? Those persons that you shipped a few weeks ago, remained at St. Cath- erine, instead of coming over to Toronto. I sent you two letters last week and I hope you will please attend to them. The post-office is shut, so I enclose the money to pay the post, and please write me in haste.
I remain evermore your obedient servant, I. Forman.
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66
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
WILLIS REDICK.
He was owned by S. J. Wilson, a merchant, living in Portsmouth, Va. Willis was of a very dark hue, thick set, thirty-two years of age, and possessed of a fair share of mind. The owner had been accustomed to hire Willis out for “one hundred dollars a year.” Willis thought his lot “pretty hard,” and his master rather increased this notion by his severity, and especially by “threatening” to sell him. He had enjoyed, as far as it was expected for a slave to do, “five months of married life,” but he loved slavery no less on this account. In fact he had just begun to consider what it was to have a wife and children that he “could not own or protect,” and who were claimed as another’s property. Consequently he became quite restive under these reflections and his master’s ill-usage, and concluded to “ look out,' without consulting either the master or the young wife.
This step looked exceedingly hard, but what else could the poor fellow do? Slavery existed expressly for the purpose of crushing souls and breaking tender hearts.
WILLIAM DAVIS.
William might be described as a good-looking mulatto, thirty-one years Of age, and capable of thinking for himself. He made no grave complaints of ill-usage under his master, “Joseph Reynolds,” who lived at Newton, Portsmouth, Va. However, his owner had occasionally “ threatened to sell him.” As this was too much for William’s sensitive feelings, he took umbrage at it and made a hasty and hazardous move, which resulted in finding5 himself on the U. G. R. R. The most serious regret William had to report to the Committee was, that he was compelled to “ leave ” his “wife,” Catharine, and his little daughter, Louisa, two years and one month, and an infant son seven months old. He evidently loved them very ten- derly but saw no way by which he could aid them, as long as