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DICTIONARY

OF

NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY

Annesley Batrd

DICTIONARY

OF

NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY

RDITJ'.I) l!V

LESLIE STEPHEN

VOL. If. Annesuiy Baird

MACMILLAN AND CO.

LONDON . ^MITH, ELDER, & CO.

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LIST OF WEITEES

IN thp: second VOLU.ME.

E. A	Profkssob Adamson, LL.D.
0. A	Osmund Aiuy.
G. A	Grant Allen.
E. E. A. . .	R. E. Andkuson.
A. J. A. .	Sir Alexandkk John Auuuthnot,
	K.C.S.I.
T. A. A. . .	T. A. Archku.
P. B. A. . .	P. Bruce Austin.
W. E. A. A.	W. E. A. Axon.
J. E. B. .	J. E. Bailey, F.S.A.
G. F. R. B.	G. F. R. 1?ARKER.
It. B. . . .	The Rev. Ronald Bayne.
A. H. B-Y.	A. H. Beesly.
G. V. J5. .	G. Verb Benson.
G. T. B. .	G. T. Bettany.
W. G. B. .	The Rev. Professor Blaikie, D.D.
A. S. B. .	Lieutenant-Colonel Bolton.
J. B. ...	James BrittE'N.
R. C. B. .	R. C. Browne.
A. R. B. .	The Rev. A. R. Bucklaxd.
A. H. B. .	A. H. Bullen.
H. M. C. .	H. Manners Chichester.
A. M. C. .	. Miss A. M. Clerke.
D. C. . . .	The late Dutton Cook.
T. C. . . .	. Thompson Cooper, F.8.A.
C. H. C. .	. C. H. COOTE.
J. S. C. . .	. J. S. Cotton.
W. P. C. .	. W. P. Courtney.
M. C. . . .	, The Rev. Professor Creighton.
A. I). . . .	. Austin Dobson.
1']. D. . . .	. Professor Dowden, LL.D.
T. P. T. D.	The Rev. T. F. Thiselton Dyer.
F. E. . . .	. Francis Espinasse.
T. F. . . .	. The Rev. Professor Fowler.
J. G. . . .	. James Galrdner.

S. R. G. . . Professor .S. R. Gardiner, LL.D.

R. G Richard Garnett, LL.D.

J. W.-G. . . J. Westby-Gibson, LL.D.

A. G-N. . . . Alfred Goodwin.

G. G Gordon Goodwin.

A. G The Rev. Alexander Gordon.

A. H. G. . . A. H. Grant.

R. E. G. . . R. E. Graves.

A. B. G. . . The Rev. A. B. Grosart, LL.D.

J. A. H. . . J. A. Hamilton.

R. H Robert Harrison.

T. F. H. . . T. F. Henderson.

J. M. H. . . J. M. Horsburuh.

J. H Miss Jennett Humphreys.

W. H The Rev. William Hunt.

R. H. H. . . R. H. HurroN.

C. F. K. . . C. F. Keary.

C. K Charles Kent.

J. K Joseph Knight.

J. K. L. . . J. K. Laughton. I H. V. L. . . Henri van Laun.

8. L. L. . . IS. L. Lee.

S. J. L. . . . S. J. Low. ! W. B. L. . . The Rev. W. B. Lowther. j G. P. 31. . . G. P. Macdonell. ! J. M-L. . . . John Macdonell. \ M. M. . , , JilNEAs Mackay, LL.D.

J. A. F. M. J. A. Fuller Maitland. i C. T. M. . . C. T. Martin.

T. M Sir Theodore Martin, K.C.B.

J. M James Mew.

I

1 N. M Norman Moore, M.D.

J. V>. yi. . . J. Bass Mullinger.

J. H. 0. . . The Rev. Canon Overton.

I J. F. P. . . J. F. Payne, M.D.

VI

List of Writers.

R. L. P. .	. R. L. Poole.
S. L.-P. . .	. Stanley Lane-Poole.
E. R. . . .	. Ernest Radford.
J. M. R. .	. J. M. RlGG.
G. F. R. ,	. Gr. P. RODWELL.
J. H. R. .	. J. H. Round.
E. S. . . .	. Edward Smith.
G. B. S. .	. G. Barnett Smith.
W. B. S. .	. W. Barclay .Squire.
L. S. . . .	. Leslie Stephen.
H. 31. S. .	. H. 31. Stephens.

W. R. W. S. The Rev. Canon Stephens. H. R. T. . . H. R. Tedder. E. M. T. . . E. Mattnde Thompson. R. E. T. . . R. E. Thompson, M.D. T. F. T. . . Professor T. F. Tout. W. H. T. . . W. H. Tregellas.

C. W Cornelius Walfokd, F.S.A.

T. W Theodore Walrond, C.B.

H. T. W. . . H. Trueman Wood. W. W. . . . Warwick Witorn.

DICTIONARY

OF

NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY

Annesley

ANNESLEY, ALEXANDER {d. 1813),

legal and political wi-iter, was a London solicitor and member of the Liner Temple. After many years' practice, by which he acquired a large fortnne, he retired to Hyde Hall, Hertfordshire, and died there on 6 Dec. 181.3. Annesley was a man of many accom- plishments, paid repeated visits to the con- tinent, and was an enthusiastic sportsman. In politics he followed Pitt. His works, which evince Avide historical reading, are : 1 . ' Strictures on the true Cause of the present alarming Scarcity of Grain and Provisions, and a Plan for permanent Relief,' 1800. The pamphlet was dedicated to Pitt, and at- tempted to trace the cause of the high pi'ices of the time to 'the rage for accumulating wealth' which led the merchants to raise prices by arbitrarily restricting production. To meet the evil, Annesley proposed ' boun- ties on production rather than on importation, an excise on all grain, the establishment of public granaries and additional corn-mills.' He justly protested in behalf of the poor against the methods employed in enclosing common lands, and advocated a system of peasant proprietorship by colonising the com- mon lands with superannuated soldiers and sailors, beginning as an experiment with the New Forest. 2. ' Observations on the Danger of a Premature Peace,' 1800. 3. ' A Com- pendium of the Law of Marine Insurance, Bottomry, Insurance on Lives, and of In- surance against Fire, in which the mode of calculating averages is defined and il- lustrated by example,' 1808. A brief his- tory of English commerce and navigation forms the introduction to the treatise, and very full references are given to the leading law cases bearing on the subject. It is dedi- cated to John Julius Angerstein. Testimony to the usefulness of the book at the present

VOL. II,

time is borne by Mr. Cornelius Walford in his ' Insurance Cyclopaedia ' (i. 96) published in 1871. Annesley contributed largely to Tomlin's * Law Dictionary,' and to the * Edin- burgh Encyclopicdia.'

[Gont. Mag. Ixx. 1270, Ixxi. 58, Ixxviii. 419- 24, Ixxxiv. 94, where a memoir may l)e fountl ; Brit. Mus. Cat. ; Annesley's Works.] S. L. L.

ANNESLEY, ARTHUR, first Earl op Anglesey (1614-1686), was born at Dublin on 10 July 1614. His father. Sir Francis An- nesley [q .v.],better known as the Lord Mount- non-is of Straftbrd's rule in Ireland, had held high office under James I and Charles I for forty years. His mother's name was Dorothy Phillips. In 1624 he Avas sent to England, and in 1630 to Magdalen College, Oxford, where he took his degree in 16.34 (Wood's A th. O.von. iv. 181, and Happy Future Strife of Emjlmid, p. 3). In the same year he joined Lincoln's Inn. Having made the gi-and tour, he returned to Ireland in 1640. It is stated (CoLLiNs's Peerage \ Biographia Britannica) that he was then elected for Radnor covinty, but that he at once lost his seat upon petition, and that Charles Price, Esq., was elected in his place. This is a mistake. No such vote occurs in the Commons' Journals. Moreover it appears {Pari. Hist. ii. 629) that Charles Price was the first member elected, but that he was disabled, and that Annesley succeeded him, though it is uncertain when ; and his admirer. Sir W. Pett, says nothing about his being a member until 1647 {Happy Future State of England, p. 5). It is affirmed also that Annesley sat in the king's parliament at Oxford in 1643. Not only, however, does his name not occiir in the list, but that of Charles Price does {Pari. Hist. iii. 219). These mistakes have doubtless arisen from a careless misreading of the passage in

Annesley

Wood's * Athenae ' (iv. 182, ed. Bliss), from which the former notices have evidently been copied. Annesley's first public employment was in 1645. It seemed probable that Ormond would succeed in establishing a cordial union with the Scotch forces under Monroe in Ulster. To defeat this, Annesley (selected no doubt for his knowledge of Irish affairs) and two others were sent over with a com- mission under the gi-eat seal. Their duty was fulfilled ably and Avith entire success (Reid, History of the Freshyterian Church in Ireland, ii. 79, 100). In February 1647 Or- mond, who was with difficulty holding Dublin against the Irish, reluctantly applied to the parliament for help, and Annesley was placed at the head of a second commission to con- clude the matter (Carte's Ormond, iii. 168, 305). By the 19th all was settled, and Dublin handed over to the parliament. An- nesley appears to have identified himself with the parliamentary as opposed to the repub- lican party, and, according to Heath's * Cliro- nicle ' (p. 420), was one of the members se- cluded in 1648. This appears confirmed by his letter to Lenthall printed in ' England's Confusion' (note to p. 182 of vol. iv. of Wood's Athence). His name, however, does not appear on the list in the parliamentary history taken from the well-known * Vindi- cation.' In Bichard Cromwell's parliament of 1658 he sat for the city of Dublin, and endeavoured, with some others of the se- cluded members, to gain admittance into the Rump parliament when restored by the officers in 1659 (Heath, p. 420). For the statement {Biog. Brit.) that he was con- cerned in Booth's abortive rising there seems no authority ; but he was ceilainly in the confidence of the royalist party, though a pro- fessed friend to the presbyterians (Reid, ii. 335), for he held a blank commission from Charles II, Avith Grenville, Peyton, Mordaunt, and Legge, to treat, on the basis of a free pardon, with any of his majesty's subjects who had borne arms against his father except the regicides (Collins's Peerage). In February 1660 he was chosen president of the council of state. In tlie Convention parliament he sat for Carmarthen town {Pari. Hist, iv, 8). On I May he reported from the council to par- liament an unopened letter from the king to Monk, and he was on the committee for pre- paring an answer to that sent direct to the house. On the same day he took part in the conference with the lords on ' the settlement of the government of these nations.' On 1 June he was sworn of the privy council, and on 4 June was placed on the commission for tenderinsr the oaths of supremacy and alle- giance (Carte's Orinond, iv. 1). It was now

that Annesley and men of his moderate and practical views played a useful part. To them it was chiefly due that the lords were checked in their desires for revenge, and that the restoration was wellnigh bloodless. In the trials of the regicides and in the debates on the Act of Indemnity, Annesley was throughout on the side of lenity ; and he advised the carrying out of the king's declaration in its integi-ity. It was largely owing to him that Hazelrig's life was spared. At the same time he made himself useful to the court by securing on 10 Aug. the pass- ing of a money bill before the act of grace, and again on 12 Sept. by helping success- fidly to oppose the motion that the king should be requested to marry, and to marry a protestant. In November, probably in the court interest, he moved that the question of passing the king's declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs into a law should be referred to a committee of the whole house. At the abolition of the court of wards he strenuously but vainly resisted, on the ground of its injustice, the proposal made in the interests of the landed gentry to lay the burden on the excise. In the settlement of Ireland his services were often called for and liberally rewarded. In August 1660 he received his father's office of vice-treasurer and receiver-general for Ireland, which he held until July 1667, when he exchanged it with Sir G. Carteret for the treasurership of the navy (Carte's Ormo7id, iv. 340; Pepys, 26 June 1667), and on 6 Feb. 1660-1 he received a captaincy of horse. On 9 March 1660-1 he was placed on the commission for executing the king's declaration for the settlement of Ireland, and in June on the permanent committee of council for Irish affairs. By the death of his father in No- vember 1660, he became Viscount Valentia, and on 20 April 1661 he was made an English peer by the title of Lord Annesley of Newport-Pagnell in Bucks, and Earl of Anglesey. On 21 July 1663, Anglesey ap- peared as the sole signer of a protest against the bill for the encouragement of trade on gi-ounds Avhich show how little such ques- tions were then understood, while in 1666, on the other hand, he strongly opposed the bill for prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle {Pari. Hist. iv. 284; and Carte's Ormond, iv. 234). In 1667 he was threat- ened with an examination of his accounts if he refused to assist in Buckingham's attack on Ormond; and such an examination ac- tually took place in 1668, but no charge could be sustained. He was, however, tem- porarily suspended from his office of trea- surer to the navy (Carte, iv. 330, 340;

Annesley

Pepys, 8 Dec. 1667, and 29 nnd 81 Oct., and 4), 11, and 14 Nov. 1668). During 1671 and 1672 Anglesey was employed continuously upon commissions appointed to inquire into the working of the acts of settlement ; and in 1671 he also took the leading part in the conference between tlie houses regarding the lords' right to alter money bills, and wrote an acute and learned comment thereupon. On 22 April 1672 his services were rewarded with the office of lord X)rivy seal, and in 1679 he ■was placed on the newly modelled privy •council, which Avas framed at Temple's in- stance. AVhenthe popish terror began, Angle- sey showed independence of character ; he is recorded as the only peer who dissented from the vote declaring the existence of an Irish plot ; and, according to his own testimony, he interceded for Langhorne, Plunket, and Straftord, though convinced of the guilt of the last {Happy Future State, p. 20o ; SiR W, Pett, Memoirs of Anglesea, pp. 8, 9). This line of action brought upon him, on 20 Oct. 1680, an accusation by Dangerfield, and he was attacked by Sir William Jones, attorney- general, in the House of Commons {Happy Future State, p. 267 ; Dangerfield, Nar- ration). In 1681 Anglesea published * A Letter from a Person of Honour in the Oountiy,' containing his ' Animadversions ' upon some memoirs regarding Irish affiiirs written by the Earl of Castlehaven. There were in this letter passages which seemed to reflect on Charles I ; Ormond was called upon to answer it, and on 9 Aug. 1682 Anglesey was dismissed from his lucrative post of privy seal. His loss of office was doubtless hastened by another paper addressed to the king, entitled ' The Account of Arthur, Earl of Anglesea, to your most excellent Majesty, •of the true State of your Majesty's Govern- ment and Kingdom.' This was dated 27 April 1682, immediately after the dissolution of Charles's last parliament. The boldness of the tone of remonstrance, and the vehemence witli which the attack on James was sup- ported at such a time, are remarkable. Upon his dismissal he retired to his seat of Blech- ingdon in Oxfordshire, and took no further ])art in public affairs, except by voting in a minority of two, in 1685, against the reversal •of Lord Strafford's attainder, for whose con- demnation he had voted, though pleading afterwards for his pardon (Sir W. Pett, Me- moirg, p. 10). He died of quinsy on 26 April 1686.

Anglesey Avas undoubtedly a most useful official during his unbroken service of twenty years (Pepys, passim), laborious, skilful, cautious, moderate, and apparently, on the whole, honest and independent in action, a

Annesley

sound lawyer, with a high reputation for scholarship, research, and the use of a ' smooth, sharp, and keen pen ' {Athena O.von. ii. 784). But there is no reason whatever for regarding him as a great man. His care for his own interests was constant and successful. Besides the profits of his various offices he secured large sums and grants from Ireland. Thus, in 1661, he had a grant of the forfeited estates of the regi- cides Ludlow and Jones, as well as other spoil; on 10 3Iarch 166.'5-6 he received a pension of 600/. a year ; on 24 March in the following year o007. ; on 10 Oct. 5,000/. out of forfeited lands, as well as many grants, both of lands and money, under the acts of settlement, at various times.

Anglesey is noted as perhaps the first peer who devoted time and money to the forma- tion of a great library. I'he sale of this library at his death is remembered because among the books was a copy of the * Eikon Basilike,' which contained a memorandum, presumably by himself, though this is warmly disputed {Biog, liritan.), to the effect that the writer had been told both by Charles II and James II that the ' Eikon Basilike ' had been composed not by Charles I but by Bishop Gauden.

In addition to the works mentioned, Anglesey Avrote : 1. 'The History of the late Commotions and Troubles in Ireland,' from the Rebellion of 1641 to the Restora- tion, the manuscript of which was unfortu- nately lost. 2. * True Account of the whole Proceedings betwixt his Grace the Duke of Ormond and the Earl of Anglesea.' 3. ' The King's Right of Indulgence in Spiritual ]\Iat- ters asserted.' 4. ' Truth Unveiled.' 5. * Re- flections on a Discourse concerning Transub- stantiation.'

[Wood's Athense (Bliss), iv. 18; Biographia Britannica; and other authorities quoted above.] p.9Li-vy afciJ-/*^) .- E..M. ^V'/VM^o, ^,

ANNESLEY, FRANCIS, Baron Mount- NORRis and Viscount Valentia (1685-1660), descended from the ancient family of An- nesley of Annesley, Nottinghamshire, was the son of Thomas Annesley, high constable of Newport, Buckinghamshire, and was baptised 2 Jan. 1585-6. As early as 1606 he had left England to reside at Dublin, and he took advantage of the frequent distributions of Irish land made to English colonists in the early part of the seventeenth century to ac- quire estates in various parts of Ireland. With Sir Arthur Chichester, who became lord deputy in 1604, he lived on terms of intimacy, and several small offices of state, with a pen.sion granted 5 Nov. 1607, were

Annesley

bestowed on him in his youthful days. In the colonisation of Ulster, which began in 1608, Annesley played a leading part, and secured some of the spoils. In October 1609 he was charged with the conveyance of Sir Neil O'Donnell and other Ulster rebels to England for trial. On 13 March 1611-12 James I wrote to the lord deputy confirming his grant of the fort and land of Mountnorris to Annesley * in consideration of the good opinion he has conceived of the said Francis from Sir Arthur's report of him.' On 26 May 1612 Annesley was granted a reversion to the clerkship of the ' Checque of the Armies and Garrisons,' to which he succeeded 9 Dec. 1625. In 1613 county Armagh returned Annesley to the Irish parliament, and he supported the protestants there in their quarrels with the catholics. On 16 July 1616 the king knighted him at Theobalds ; in 1618 he be- came principal secretary of state for Ireland ; on 5 Aug. 1620 received from the king an Irish baronetcy ; and on 11 March 1620-1 received a reversionary grant to the viscounty of Va- lentia, which had recently been confeiTed on Sir Henry Power, a kinsman of Annesley, without direct heir. In 1622 Lord Falk- land became lord deputy of Ireland, and Sir Francis sympathised very little with his efforts to make the authority of his office effective througliout Ireland. Dissensions between him and Falkland in the council chamber were constant, and in March 1625 the lord deputy wrote to Conway, the Eng- lish secretaiy of state, that a minority of the councillors, ' amongst whom Sir Francis An- nesley is not least violent nor the least im- pertinent,' was thwarting him in every direc- tion. But Annesley's friends at the JEnglish court contrived his promotion two months later to the important post of vice-treasurer and receiver-general of Ireland, which gave him full control of Irish finance (Rymer's Fcedera (2nd edition), xviii. 148), and in 1628 Charles I raised him to the Irish peerage as Baron Mountnorris of Mountnorris. In Oc- tober of the same year an opportunity was given Annesley, of which he readily took ad- vantage, to make Falkland's continiiance in Ireland impossible. He was nominated on a committee of the Irish privy council appointed to investigate charges of injustice preferred against Falkland by an Irish sept named Byrne, holding land in Wicklow. The com- mittee, relying on the testimony of corrupt witnesses, condemned Falkland's treatment of the Byrnes, and Falkland was necessarily recalled on 10 Aug. 1629. On 13 June 16.32 the additional office of * treasurer at wars ' was conferred on Mountnorris. In 1633 Sir ThomasWentworth, afterwards

Earl of Strafford, became lord deputy, and Lord MoimtnoiTis soon discovered that he was de- termined to insist on the rights of his office more emphatically than Falkland. "Went- worth disliked Mountnorris from the first as a gay liver, and as having been long guilty, ac- cording to popular report, of corruption in the conduct of official duties. In May 1634 "\A''entAvorth obtained an order from the Eng- lish privy council forbidding his practice of taking percentages on the revenue to which he was not lawfully entitled ; this order- Mountnorris refused to obey. Fresh charges of malversation were brought against him in 1635, and, after threatening to resign office,, he announced that all intercourse between the lord deputy and himself was at an end, and that he shoidd leave his case with the king. Mountnorris's relatives took \xn the quarrel. A younger brother insidted Went- worth at a review, and another kinsman di'opped a stool in Dublin castle on Went- worth's gouty foot. At a dinner (8 April 1635) at the house of the lord chancellor, one of his supporters, Mountnorris boasted of this last act as probably done in revenge of the lord deputy s conduct towards himself ;. he referred to his brother as being unwilling to take ' such a revenge,' and was understood to- imply that some further insult to Wentworth was contemplated. Wentworth was now resolved to crush Movintnon-is, and on 31 July following obtained the consent of Charles I to inquire formally into the vice-treasurer's alleged malversation and to bring him before a coiu-t-martial for the words spoken at the dinner in April. At the end of November a committee of the Irish privy council under- took the first duty, and on 12 Dec. Mount- norris was brought before a coimcil of war at Dublin castle and charged, as an officer in the army, with having spoken words dis- respectful to his commander and likely to breed mutiny, an offence legally punishable by death. Wentworth appeared as suitor for- justice ; after he had stated his case, and counsel had been refused Mountnorris, the court briefly deliberated in Wentworth 's presence, and pronounced sentence of death. The lord deputy informed Mountnorris that he would appeal to the king against the sentence, and added : ' I would rather lose my head than you should lose your head.'' In England the sentence was condemned on all hands ; in letters to friends, ' Wentworth attempted to justify it in the cause of dis- cipline, and even at his trial he spoke of it as in no way reflecting upon himself. The only real justification for Wentworth's con- duct, however, lies in the fact that he had obviously no desire to see the sentence exe-

Annesley

ciited ; he felt it necessary, as he confessed two years later, to remove Mountnorris from office, and this was the most effective means he could take. Hume attempts to extenuate Strafford's conduct, but Hallam condemns the vindictive bitterness he here exhibited in strong terms ; and although Mr. S. R. Gardiner has shown that law was technically on Went- worth's side, and his intention was merely to terrify Mountnorris, Hallam's verdict seems substantially just. In the result Mount- norris, after three days' imprisonment, was promised his freedom if he Avould admit the justice of the sentence, but this he refused to do. On the report of the privy council's committee of inquiry he was stripped of all his offices, but on 13 Feb. 1635-6 a petition to Strafford from Lady Mountnorris, which was never answered, proves that he was still in prison. Later in the year Lady Mount- noms petitioned the king to permit her husband to return to England, and the request was granted.

The rest of Mountnorris's life was passed in attempts to regain his lost offices. On 11 May 1641 he wrote to Strafford enumerat- ing the Avrongs he had done him, and desiring, in behalf of wife and children, a reconciliation with himself, and his aid in regaining the king's favour. But other agencies had al- ready been set at work in his behalf. A committee of the Long parliament had begun At the close of 1640 to examine his rela- tions with Strafford, and on 9 Sept. 1641 a vote of the commons declared his sentence, imprisonment, and deprivations unjust and illegal. The declaration was sent up to the lords, who made several orders between October and December 1641 for the attend- ance before them of witnesses to enable them to judge the questions at issue ; but their final decision is not recorded in their journals. In 164:2 Mountnorris succeeded to the vis- county of Valentia on Sir Henry Power's death. In 1643 the House of Commons granted him permission, after much delay, to go to Duncannon in Ireland. In 1646 lie was for some time in London, but he lived, when not in Ireland, on an estate near his birth-place, at Newport Pagnell, Bucking- hamshire, which had been sold to him by Charles I in 1627. In 1648 parliament re- stored him to the office of clerk of the signet in Ireland, and made him a grant of 500^. Later he appears to have lived on friendly terms with Henry Cromwell, the lord deputy of Ireland during the protectorate, and to have secured the office of secretary of state at Dublin. In November 1656 he proposed to the English government that he should resign these posts to his son Aithur {Bawl.

Annesley

MSS., A. 44, f. 120: A. 57, f. 263}. Henry

Cromwell, writing to General Fleetwood (4 Feb. 1657-8), urges him to aid in carry- ing out this arrangement, and speaks in high terms of father and son (Thurloe's State Papers^ vi. 777). Lord Mountnorris died in 1660.

Lord Mountnorris married Dorothy, daughter of Sir John riiillipps, Bart., of Picton Castle, Pembrokeshire, who died 3 May 1624. By her he had three sons, of whom Arthur, the eldest, became later Lord An- nesley and Earl of Anglesey [see Annesley, Aethue].

[Lipscomb's Buckinghamshire, i. 279-80 ; Gardiner's History of England, ed. 1884, V\\\. 20-3, 182-198; Nichols's Progresses of James I, vols. iii. and iv. ; Hallam's Historj', ii. 445 ; Calendars of Irish Stiite Papers, 1606-25; Cla- rendon State Papers, vol. i. piissim ; Strafford's Letters, i. 508, et seq. ; Lords' Journals, vols. iv. ix.; Commons' Journals, vols. ii. iii. v. vi. ; Liber Hibernise, 44, 45, 99.] S. L. L.

ANNESLEY, JAMES (1715-1760), claimant, was born in 1715, and was the son of Lord Altham, acconiing to one account, by his wife Mary Sheffield, natural daughter of the Duke of Buckingham, or, according to another, by a woman called Juggy Landy. Lord Altham, gi-andson of Arthui*, the first Earl of Anglesey, was a dissolute spend- thrift. He was married in 1706, quarrelled with his wife, was reconciled to her in 1713, and lived with her for some time at his house at Dunmaine, co. Wexford. During their co- habitation the child was born. In 1716 they were again separated; the cliild remained with the father, and was said to have been treated for a time like a legitimate heir. About 1722 Lord Altham fell under the in- fluence of a mistress, named Gregoiy. Lady Altham returned to England in 1723, having for some time suffered from paralysis, and lingered in London till her death in October 1729. Meanwhile the mistress (it is sug- gested) alienated the father's aftections by persuading him that the boy was not his own son. The lad was left to himself, ram- bled to different places during two years pre- viously to his father's death (16 Nov. 1727), and was at one time protected by a butcher named Purcell. Lord Altham was succeeded by his brother Richard, afterwards Earl of Anglesey, in spite of the reports as to the existence of a legitimate son. In order to make things pleasant, the uncle attempted to kidnap the nephew, and succeeded, about four months after the father's death, in having him sent to America and sold for a common slave. The boy remained tliere till the term of his slavery was out ; at the end of 1740

Annesley

he entered one of the ships of Admiral Ver- non's fleet as a sailor, told his story to the officers, and was brought back by Vernon to England, where he took measures to sup- port liis claim. He was actively supported

by a Mr. Mackercher, who appears as M

in a chapter of 'Peregrine Pickle,' where Smollett introduces a long narrative (of questionable authenticity) of the Annesley case and Mackercher's previous history. An action of ejectment was brought against the uncle, now Lord Anglesey, in possession of the Irish estates. On 1 May 1742 James Annesley went out shooting at Staines, with a gamekeeper; they met a poacher netting the river, and a dispute followed, in which Annesley shot the man dead. He was tried for murder (15 July 1742), and Lord Anglesey, who had previously been thinking of a compromise, now thouglit that he could get rid of his nephew, instructed an attorney to prosecute, and said that he did not care if it cost him 10,000/. to have his nephew hanged. It Avas, however, clearly proved that the shot was fired by accident, and James Annesley was acquitted. He went to Ireland in 1743 with Mackercher to carry on his action, in spite, as is said, of various attempts upon his life by the uncle. On 16 Sept. 1743 they went to some horse races at the Curragh, where they encountered Lord Anglesey and his party. A riot took place ; the party were violently assaulted by the earl's servants and friends ; Annesley escaped by the speed of his horse, though injured by a bad fall, and three of his friends were knocked down, beaten, and stunned. The trial for ejectment came on upon 11 Nov. 1743, and lasted for the then unprecedented space of fifteen days. The question Avas simply Avhether Lady Altham or Juggj^ Landy was the claimant's mother. The most contra- dictory eA'idence was given. Several wit- nesses swore that they had been in the house at the time of the birth, and said that Landy Avas the foster-mother ; that a road was spe- cially made to her cottage after the eA'ent ; that the christening Avas celebrated by bonfires ; and that Lord Altham repeatedly acknowledged James as his legitimate son and treated him accordingly. On the other hand it was sworn, especially by INIary Heath, who attended Lady Altham until her death, that the lady had never been pregnant at all. The weight of evidence seems to be against the legitimacy, as the parents had strong reasons for establishing the birth of a legiti- mate heir ; though Lord Anglesey's unscru- pulous behaviour implies doubt as to the sufficiency of his cause. The Aerdict, how- ever, Avas giA'en for the claimant. Mary

Heath was prosecuted for perjury on 3 Feb. 1744, but, after a repetition of much of the former evidence, Avas acquitted. On 3 Aug, 1744 Lord Anglesey, with Francis Annesley and John Jans, was tried for the assault at tlie Curragh, and they Avere all conA'icted and fined.

It seems that Annesley was ixnable to raise the funds necessary to prosecute his case further. An ' Abstract of the Case of James Annesley,' published in 17ol, is an appeal to the public to help him. He died 5 Jan. 1760, liaAing been twice married, to a daughter of Mr. Chester of Staines {d. 1749), by Avhom he left a son (d. 1763) and tAVO daughters, and, secondly, to a daughter of Sir Thomas I'Anson, by whom he had a son (d. 1764) and a daughter {d. 1765). A doubt- ful narratiA'e of his life in America is giAen in the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' aoI. xiii. The Aery cui-ious trials are fully reported in the ' State Trials,' vols. xvi. and xvii. The story Avas turned to account by Scott in * Guy Mannering ' (see Gent. Mag. for Jixly 1840), and it has been more directly used by Charles Reade in the ' Wandering Heir.'

[HoAvell's State Trials, vols. xvi. and xvii. ; Abstract of Caseof James Anneslej', 1751; Gent. Mag. vols. xiii. and xiv.] L. S.

ANNESLEY, EICHARD, Earl of Anglesey (1694-1761), AA^as se\'enth Vis- count Valentia, seventh Baron Mountnorris, and fifth Baron Altham in the peerage of Ireland, and sixth Earl of Anglesey and Baron of NeAA^ort-Pagnell in the peerage of England, and held for some time the post of gOA'ernor of Wexford, but was chiefly distinguished for the doubts Avhich hung about his title to the barony of Altham and the legitimacy of his children. He took his seat in the Irish House of Loi'ds as Baron Altham in 1727, on the death of his brother, the fourth baron, second son of Richard, the third baron, sometime prebendary of West- minster, and dean of Exeter in 1680, and succeeded his cousin Arthur, the fifth Earl of Anglesey, as remainderman in default of lawful issue in 1737, Avhen he took his seat in the Irish House of Lords as Lord Viscount Valentia and Baron Mountnorris, and in the English House of Lords as Earl of Angle- sey and Baron of NeAvport-Pagnell. He was for a short time an ensign in the army, but qiutted the service in 1715. In this year he married a lady named Ann Prust or Prest, daughter of Captain John Prust or Prest, of Monckton, near Bideford, DcAonshire, but he appears to haA'e deserted her almost imme- diately. She died in 1741 Avithout issue. Between 1737 and 1740 he lived with a lady

Annesley

named Ann Simpson, whom he forced to quit his house in 1740 or 1741. From that time until his death he lived with one Juliana Donnovan, Avhom he married in 1752. In 1741, Ann Simpson having taken proceedings against him in the ecclesiastical court on the grounds of cruelty and adultery, with a view to obtaining permanent alimony, he set up by way of defence that he was lawfully married to Ann Prest at the time when he was alleged to have gone through the ceremony of mari'iage with Ann Simpson, and the lady appears to have gained nothing by her suit. She survived the earl, dying in 1765, leaving three daughters, Dorothea, Caroline, and Elizabeth, but no son. Juliana Donnovan is variously reported as the daughter of a mer- chant in Wexford, and of an alehouse-keeper in Cammolin. By this woman the earl had four children, Arthur, Richarda, Juliana, and Catherine. In or about 1742 there appeared in England one James Annesley, who repre- sented himself to be the legitimate son of Arthur, the late Baron Altham, an account of whose claim is given under Annesley, James. James Annesley failed to establish his claim, and the earl continued in the enjoyment of his estates and his titles until his death in 1761. Upon that event two memorials were

{•resented to the Earl of Halifax, the lord- ieutenant of Ireland : one by Sir John An- nesley and the other by the Countess Jviliana, on behalf of her infant son Arthur, both claiming the Irish honours of Viscount Va- lentia and Baron Mountnorris. Both me- morials were referred to the attorney-general and solicitor-general for consideration, who in 1765 reported to the lords-justices in favour of the claim of Arthur, who accord- ingly, on coming of age, took his seat in the Irish House of Lords. He was not, how- ever, so successful in the proceedings which he took to make good his claim to the Eng- lish earldom. In 1766, being, then of age, he presented a petition to the king, praying to be summoned to parliament as Earl of Anglesey and Baron of Newport-Pagnell'. The petition Avas considered by the committee of privileges in 1770-1. It was opposed by Constantine Phipps, Lord Mulgrave, who claimed to be interested in the result by virtue of the will of James, Earl of Angle- sey, the grandfather of the claimant. Mr. Wedderburn (afterwards Lord Loughbo- rough, Earl of Rosslyn), who became solicitor- general during the progress of the inquiry, and Mr. Dunning, appeared for the claimant ; Mr. Seijeant Leigh and Mr. Mansfield for Lord Mulgrave. The issue came to depend entirely on whether a certain marriage cer- tificate, bearing date 1741, was genuine or

not. The countess swore that she had been secretly married to the late earl in 1741, and produced the certificate in evidence. On the other hand Lord Mulgrave's witnesses swore that the certificate had been made out at the date of the marriage in 1752, and puriwsely antedated. The witnesses to the alleged marriage being all dead, the case for the claimant broke down, and the committee re- ported that he had no right to the titles, honours, and dignities claimed by him. The English peerage accordingly became extinct. The earl by his will had entailed his estates upon the issue of his son Arthur, whose right to the Irish titles was reinvestigated on the petition of John Annesley of Ballysax, Esq., but was confirmed, and who in 1793 was created Earl of Mountnorris. This title has, however, since become extinct, the pi'esent Viscount Valentia and Baron Mount- norris being the lineal descendant of the sixth son of the first viscount. The family derives its name from Annesley, in Notting- shire, where it is supposed to have been settled before the conquest. The Irish titles were derived from Sir Francis Annesley, who in 1619 was created baronet of Ireland, and subsequently (1621) Viscount Valentia by James I, and (1628) Baron Mountnorris by Charles I. The arbitrary imprisonment of the first viscount by Strafford in 1635 for a mere personal affront was made part of the fifth article of his impeachment. The second viscount was created Baron Annesley of Newport-Pagnell in Bucks and Earl of Anglesey in 1661. As to the title of Baron Altham, see Altham ad fin. The present Marquis of Anglesey [see Paget] belongs to a difterent family.

[Peerage Claims, i. ; Eep. from the Committee for Privileges on the Anglesey Peerage, ordered to be printed 11 May 1819; Howell's Suite Trials, xvii. 1094, 1124-5, 1139, 1148-9, 1245, 1443, 1464 ; Lodge's Peerage of Ireland and Biu:ke's Extinct Peerage, sub tit. ' Annesley ; ' Gent. Mag. xiii. 93, 204, 306, 332 ; Joiu-nals of the House of Lords, (Ireland) iii. 1 , 363, (England) XXV. 113; Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1760-65, 2019,2037,2130; 1766-69, 173; 1770- 1772, 869, 933, 1098, 1119, 1136, 1246.]

J. M. R.

ANNESLEY, SAMUEL (1620 ?-l 696); one of the most eminent of the later puritan nonconformists, was the son of John Aneley {sic) of Hareley, in Warwickshire ; this spell- ing of his father's name was accentuated by Anthony a Wood in order to su^jport his baseless representation that Samuel Annes- ley, by slightly altering his name, falsely sought relationship with the first Earl of Anglesey. As a matter of fact, he was ac-

Annesley

8

Annesley

knowledged as the earl's full nephew, and when the Countess of Anglesey was dying she asked to be buried in his grave. Annesley was born ' about the year 1620 ' at Kellingworth, near Warwick. Deprived of his father in his fourth year, the care of his education de- volved on his mother, who was * a very pru- dent and religious woman.' In Michaelmas term, 1635, he was admitted a student in Queen's College, Oxford, and there he pro- ceeded successively B.A. and M.A. He seems to have been naturally slow and slug- gish while at the university, but to have * supplied this defect in nature by prodigious application.' He was from his youth ' in- clined to the ministry.' Like others he must have had a twofold ordination. First An- thony a Wood informs us * he took holy orders from a bishop.' Secondly, Calamy adduces a certificate of presbyterian ordination, dated 18 Dec. 1644, and subscribed by seven pres- byterian ministers. The latter stated that he was appointed chaplain on * a man of war called the Globe.' It is possible, however, that Anthony a Wood was misinformed, see- ing that in 1644 he was just of age to re- ceive orders. In the Globe he was chap- lain to the Earl of Warwick, then admiral of the parliament's fleet.

' In process of time his own behaviour and the great interest he had with such as were then in power ' procured him one of the prizes of the church, viz. Cliffe in Kent. Ilere he succeeded Dr. Griffith Higges, who was ejected for his loyalty to the king and treason to the Commonwealth. Clift'e was an important post ; for besides its in- come of nearly 400/. per annum * a great juris- diction belonged to the incumbent, who held a court wherein all matters relating to wills, marriage contracts, &;c., were decided.' The parishioners were devoted to their ejected clergyman, and were disposed to show their esteem by rude and rough misconduct to- wards his successor. Annesley told them ' that if they conceived him to be biassed by the value of so considerable a living, they were exceedingly mistaken ; that he came among them with an intent to do good to their souls, and that he was resolved to stay, how ill soever they used him, till he had fitted them for the reception of a better minister ; which whenever it happened, he would leave them, notwithstanding the great value of the living.'

On 26 July 1648 he preached the fast ser- mon before the House of Commons, which Anthony k Wood vehemently attacks and supporters of the parliament highly praise.

' About this time ' he was ' honoured with the title of doctor of laAVS by the university

of Oxford.' Nearly contemporaneously he was again at sea with the Earl of Warwick, ' who was employed in giA'ing chase to that part of the English navy which went over to the then prince, afterwards King Charles II.'

The parishioners of Cliffe being not only reconciled but greatly attached to Annesley, he resigned the living that he might keep the promise he had made to them ' when they were in another disposition.' In 1657 he was nominated directly by Cromwell * lecturer of St. Paul's,' and in 1658 was presented by Richard Cromwell to the vicarage of St. Giles, Oripplegate, London. This presentation becoming ' useless,' he, in 1660, procured another ' from the trustees for the maintenance of ministers,' being also a commissioner for 'the approbation and admission of ministers of the Gospel after the presbyterian manner.' This second pre- sentation growing equally out of date with the first, he, on 28 Aug. 1660, procured a third presentation from Charles II. But even this did not hold him long at St. Giles, for in 1662 he chose to be one of the illus- trious band of the ejected two thousand. His undoubted relative, the Eai-l of Angle- sey, did all he could to induce him to con- form, but in vain. He preached semi-pri- vately wherever opportunity was given him. His nonconformity ' created him,' says Neal, ' troubles, but no inward imeasiness.' His goods were distrained for, as the phrase ran, ' keeping a conventicle.' That * conventicle ' was the meeting-house in Little St. Helen's. He was spared to ' a good old age.' He died on 31 Dec. 1696, and his funeral sermon was preached by Dr. Daniel AVilliams,while Daniel Defoe (who was a member of his congregation) wrote a pathetic and melodious elegy on his death. * He had the reputation,' concludes the ' Biographia Britannica,' ' of being a warm, pa- thetic preacher, as well as a pious, prudent, and very charitable divine, laying by the tenth part of his income, whatever it was, for the use of the poor.' The * notorious ' John Dunton was his son-in-law (see his Life and Errors). More memorable still, his daughter Ann, as wife of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, became the mother of the Wesleys. His writings consisted of sermons separately published, and in the various ' Morning Exercises' and certain minor biographical things.

[Kippis's Biogr. Brit., where his will is printed ; Calamy and Pahner's Nonconf. Mem. i. 124 ; Wood's Athenje (Bliss), iv. 509, and Fasti, ii. 114, Oxen. ; Walker's Sufferings, pt. ii. p. 39 ; Calamy's Abridgment of Baxter, iii. 67 ; Turner's Remarkable Providences, ch. 143; Wil- son's History and Antiquities of Dissenting

Annet

Churches, i. 365-70 ; Adam Clarke's Wesley Family ; Nichols's Lit. Anec. v. 232.] A. B. G.

ANNET, PETER (1693-1769), deistical writer, is said to have been born at Liver- pool in 1693. lie was at one time a school- master, but about the years 1743 and 1744 he published some bitter attacks upon the apologetic writings of Bishop Sherlock and others, and in consequence lost his employ- ment, lie was one of the most conspicuous members of the Robin Hood Society, which took its name from the public house — the Robin Hood and Little John in Butcher Row — where its debates were held. Its theolo- gical discussions are ridiculed by Fielding in the ' Covent Garden Journal ' (1752). In 17o6, as appears by a letter of Annet's {Geytt. Mag. liv. 250), he held a small post in some public office, and he says that some one of his way of thinking had offered to make him steward to an estate in the coun- try. He is supposed to have been the author of ' A History of the 3Ian after God's own Heart' (1761); the preface says that George II had been compared to David by his panegyrists, and the book is intended to show ' how the memory of the British monarch is insulted by the comparison.' This book seems to have suggested \ oltaire's * Saul,' which is described by its author, with obvious mystification, as translated from the English of ' M. Huet,' member of the Eng- lish parliament and nephew of the famous bishop of Avranches, 'qui, en 1728, composa le petit Yi\re tres curieux, " The Man after the Heart of God." Indign6 d'avoir entendu un pr^dicateur comparer a David le roi Georges II, qui n'avait ni assassin^ pei'sonne, ni fait bruler 8es prisonniers fran9ais dans des fours a. briques, il fit une justice 6clatante de ce roi- telet juif.' The book has also been attributed to a John Noorthook {Notes and Queries, 1st series, xi. 204). In 1761 Annet published nine numbers of a paper called the Tree Enquirer,' attacking the Old Testament his- tory. He was tried for blasphemous libel in the Michaelmas term of 1763, the information stating that he had ridiculed the Holy Scrip- tures ( in the ' Free Enquirer ') and tried to show ' that the prophet Moses was an im- postor, and that the sacred truths and miracles recorded and set foi'th in the Pentateuch were impositions and false inventions, and thereby to infuse and propagate iiTeligious and diabo- lical opinions in the minds of his majesty's subjects and to shake the foundations of the christian religion and of the civil and eccle- siastical government established in this king- dom ' (Starkie's Law of Libel, 1876, p. 596). He Avas convicted and sentenced to a month's

imprisonment in Newgate, to stand twice in the pillorj', then to have a year's hard labour in Bridewell, and to find sureties for good behaviour during the rest of his life. lie is described as * withered with age ' and making no defence. Some * liberal minds,' we are told, subscribed to relieve him in Newgate. Archbishop Seeker, it is added, * afterwards repented so far ' — or, according to his friends, showed so much christian charity — as to re- lieve Annet's wants till the day of his death. Goldsmith procured for him an offer of ten guineas for a child's grammar ; but the offer was withdrawn upon Annet's passionately refusing to be anonymous. He Kept a small school at Lambeth after his release, where one of his pupils was James Stephen (1758- 1832'), afterwards master in Chancery (un- published papers). Annet died on 18 Jan. 1769.

Annet's writings are of some interest as forming a connecting link between the deism of the early part of the eighteenth century and the more aggressive and outspoken deism of Paine and the revolutionary period. He is a coarse but forcible writer. ' A Collec- tion of the Tracts of a certain Free Enquirer noted by his sufferings for his opinions' (n. d.) includes ' Judging for Ourselves, or Freethinking the great Duty of Religion, displayed in two lectures delivered at Plais- terers' Hall, by P. A., minister of the gospel,' 1739; 'The History and Character of St. Paul examined' (in answer to Lyttelton); ' Supernaturals examined ' (in answer to Gilbert West and Jackson); * Social Bliss considered ' (an argument in favour of liberty of divorce), 1749; 'The Resurrection of Jesus considered, in answer to [Sherlock's] the Tryal of the Witnesses, the third edition with great amendments, by a Moral Phi- losopher' (1744); 'The Resurrection re- considered ' (1744) ; ' The Sequel of the Resurrection of Jesus considered ; ' ' The Resurrection Defenders stripped of all De- fence,' 1745. A volume of lectures of similar character, 'by the late Mr. Peter Annet, coiTected and revised by him just before his death, with the head of the author curiously engraved by his own direction,' has a por- trait of ' Peter Annet, aetat. 75, anno 1768.'

Besides these works, Annet was author of a system of shorthand. Priestley learned it at school and entered into correspondence with the author. A copy of verses by Priest- ley is prefixed to a second edition of the system.

[Notes and Queries (1st series), x. 405, xi. 214 ; [h. (5th series), viii. 98, 350; European Mag. xxiv. 92 ; Gent. Mai?, xxxii. 560, xxxiii. 26, 28, 60, 86, 105, liv. 250; Robiu Hood Society by

Ansell

lO

Ansel m

Peter Pounce (Eichard Lewis), 1756 ; Bentham's Works, X. 65 ; Hawkins's Johnson, 566 ; Rutt's Life of Priestley, i. 19; Priestley's Essay on Government, sect, x.] L. S.

ANSELL, CHAKLES, F.R.S., F.SA. (1794-1881), known for some years before liis death as the father of the profession of actuaries, was born (probably in Essex) in 1794, entered the Atlas Fire and Life As- surance Company in 1808, and took a pro- minent position on the staff in 1810. In 1823 he was appointed actuary of the life branch of the company, and lield the office down to 1864— a period of forty-one years — when he retired from active official life, but still remained the considting actuary of the company. He also filled a similar post in the National Provident, the Friends' Pro- vident, and the Clergy Mutual Life Offices, and was, likewise, the actuary of the Cus- toms' Annuity and Benevolent Fund.

He Avas on several occasions called upon to advise on various schemes of national finance, notably on the government super- annuation scheme, which ultimately fell through. He gave evidence before the select parliamentary committee (1841-43) to con- sider the law of joint-stock companies, and the select committee on assurance associa- tions (185.3).

His chief practice for many years was in connection with the actuarial problems in- volved in the working of friendly societies. He published a Avork upon that subject in 1835, which attracted much attention at the time, and remained a useful handbook for many years afterwards. It was, indeed, almost a first effort to treat friendly so- cieties from a scientific standpoint. The work was published under the superinten- dence of the Society for the Diffusion of Use- ful Knowledge. He gave evidence before the select parliamentary committee on friendly societies in 1849, and before some of the later committees. Many years since he was instructed by the then Bishop of London (Dr. Blomfield) to make some calculations of this class, and he named as his fee 100 guineas. ' A hundred guineas, Mr. Ansell ! Why, thei'e are many curates in my diocese who don't get more than that for a year's ser- vices.' * That may be,' was the quiet re- joinder ; * but actuaries are bishops.' The fee was paid.

Mr. Ansell resided during the later years of his life at Brighton, but he was only a feAV years before his death high sheriff' of Merionethshire, where he had considerable landed property. He superintended the bonus investigation of the National Provident As- sociation when close upon eighty years of

age, and died at the close of 1881, at the age of 87. His personal estate was proved for 21,000/.

[For further and more technical details seo Insurance Cyclopiedia, vol. i.] C. W.

ANSELL, GEORGE FREDERICK (1826-1880), scientific inventor, was born at Oarshalton on 4 March 1826. He was ap- prenticed for four years to a surgeon, and studied medicine with the intention of adopt- ing a medical life as his profession, but aban- doned it for chemistry. After undergoing a course of instruction at the Royal College of Chemistry, he became an assistant to Dr. A. W. Hofmann at the Royal School of Mines. In 1854 he gave lectures in chemistry at the Panopticon in Leicester Square, Lon- don, but that institution did not last long, and Mr. Ansell accepted from Mr. Thomas Graham, in November 1856, a situation in the Royal Mint. He remained in this office for more than ten years, when differences of opinion between him and its chiefs led to the loss of his position. After his retire- ment and until his death, which took place on 21 Dec. 1880, he practised as an analyst. Mr. Ansell devoted much attention to the dangers arising from firedamp in collieries, and made a valuable series of experiments on the subject in the Ince Plall collieiy near Wigan. The ' firedamp indicator,' which he subsequently patented, has been adopted with considerable success in many of the collieries on the continent. For the cyclo- psedia of Mr. Charles Tomlinson he wrote a treatise on coining — one hundred copies of which Avere struck off' for private circulation — and his work on the ' Royal Mint ' Avas an amplification of this article. This Aolume first appeared in 1870, and was reissued in the next year ; its popularity Avas somewhat marred by the introduction of the narratiAe of his quarrels with his colleagues in the office, but it contained much information not to be found elsewhere. SeAcral articles on the subjects in which he took most in- terest were contributed by him to the seA'entli edition of Ure's ' Dictionary of Arts,' &c.

[Times, 25 Dec. 1880, p. 10 ; Athenaeum, 1 Jan. 1881, p. 24.] W. P. C.

ANSELM, Saint (1033-1109), arch- bishop of Canterbury, Avas born at or near Aosta about the year 1033, or two years be- fore the death of Cnut, king of England, and tAvo years before William the Conqueror became duke of Normandy. At the date of Anselm's birth Aosta Avas on the bor- ders of Lombardy and Burgundy, but was reckoned as belonging to the latter, which

Anselm

II

Anselm

had ceased to be an independent king- dom by the death of Rudolph III in 1032, and had become part of the empire. Tliere is some probability that Ermeuberga, the motherof Anselm, was a niece of Rudolph III. She was also related to Odo, count of Mau- rienne, who, by his marriage with Adelaide, marchioness of Susa, added the valley of ' Aosta to his domains, and became progenitor of the royal house of Savoy. Anselm's father also, Gundulf, who was a Lombard by birth, but thoroughly naturalised at Aosta, seems to have been a kinsman to the j\Jai'- chioness Adelaide. A comparison of passages in several chroniclers respecting the parentage of Anselm suggests the conclusion that he had royal blood in his veins on his mother's side, but not on his father's. At any rate both parents were well born, and held considerable property under the counts of Maurienne. It probably included the village of Gressan, about three miles south-west of Aosta. "Whether a tower at Gressan, called St. Anselm's tower, can have been a part of his parents' dwelling- place, is more than doubtful, but it is likely enough that they had a house here, and the solitary anecdote of Anselm's early childhood bears the impress of the scenery amidst which he must have lived. He imagined that heaven rested upon the mountains ; he dreamed that one day he climbed the mountain-side until he reached the palace of the great King, and there having reported to Him the idleness of His handmaidens, Avhom he had passed, lazily reaping the corn in the valley, he was re- freshed with bread of heavenly purity and wliiteness by the steward of the divine house- hold (Eadmek, Vita Ans. i. 2).

It was from his mother that he first learned, as was natural, his religious ideas and love of holy things. She was a good and prudent housewife, as well as a devout woman. His father Gundulf was an impetuous man, liberal and generous to a fault. Anselm seems to have been their only son, and he had an only sister younger than himself, liichera, or Ri- cheza, who married a man named Burgundius, by whom she became the mother of a son who bore his uncle's name. Anselm took great interest in the education of this nephew, and several letters are addressed to him (see esp. Epist. iv. 31, 52). From an early age Anselm Avas studious, as well as clever and amiable. He made rapid progi-ess in learning, and grew up loving and beloved. He pro- bably received his earliest teaching in the school of the abbey of St. Leger, near Aosta ; but after a time he was entrusted to the care of a kinsman as his private tutor, who kept him so closely confined to his studies that his health gave way. He became shy and me-

lancholy. His mother's good sense saved his reason, if not his life ; she brought him home and bade her servants let him do exactly what he liked, until he gradually recovered his health and spirits (Cod. 499, Queen of Swe- den's collection in Vatican library, copied by Mr, Rule, Life, vol. i. appendix).

Before he was fifteen he began to consider how he might best shape his life according to God, and he became persuaded that there was nothing in the ways of men better than the life of monks. So he went to a certain abbot whom he knew, and begged that he might be made a monk ; but the abbot refused on find- ing that the request was made without his father's knowledge. The boy then prayed for an illness, hoping that it might induce his father to yield to his inclination. The sick- ness came; he sent for the abbot and imjjlored him, as one who was about to die, to make him a monk without delay. The abbot, how- ever, dreading the displeasure of Anselm's father, still refused ; and the lad recovered. A period of reaction foUoAved ; his longing for the religious life, and even his ardour for study, cooled ; he began to devote himself more to youthful sports, and after the death of his mother, being like a ship parted from its anchor, he drifted yet more completely into a worldly course of life (Eadmek, Vita, i. 3, 4). Some passages in one of his ' Medi- tations ' (xvi.) would, if literally interpreted, imply that he fell into very serious sin ; but there is some doubt whether he is speaking in his OAvn person, and, even if he is, the lan- guage may be no more than the self-reproaches, rhetorically expressed, of a highly sensitive conscience. For some reason not explained, his father, Gundulf, conceived a great dislike to him, which Anselm's meekness and sub- mission seemed rather to inflame than soften. At last in despair, when he Avas about tAventy- three years of age, he resohed to quit his home and seek his fortune in some other land. He set out northwards, accompanied by a single clerk. In crossing Mont Cenis, Anselm was much exhausted, their provisions Avere spent, and but for his companion moistening his lips with snow, and the timely discovery of a morsel of bread in the wallet, he must have perished on the road. Having spent three years partly in Burgundy, partly in France, he made his Avay to Normandy, and took up his abode at Avranches about the year 1069. Here Lanfranc had kept a school ; but he had now become prior of the abbey of Le Bee. His fame as a scholar had made that house one of the most renowned seats of learning in Avestern Christendom, and to Bee, after a brief sojourn at Avranches, Anselm also re- paired. AVhen Anselm came to Bee, Lanfranc

Anselm

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had been prior for several years, and the house was at the height of its reputation. Students flocked to it from all quarters, and the great men of Normandy lavished gifts upon it. An- selm threw himself heartily into the work of the place. The severity of his studies and the austerities of the monastic rule were almost more than the delicate frame could bear ; but he was persuaded that the moral discipline was good for his soul, and his desire to become a monk increased in strength. But if he be- came a monk, whither was he to go ? If to Clugny, he thought his learning would be thrown away, owing to the excessive strict- ness of the rule. If he remained at Bee, he thought it would be so completely over- shadowed by that of Lanfranc as to be of little use. Meanwhile, by the death of his father, he became the heir of the family pro- perty. Three courses then presented them- selves for selection. Should he settle at Bee, or become a hermit, or return to his native valley and administer his patrimony for the benefit of the poor ? He took counsel with Lanfranc. Lanfi'anc advised him to consult Maurilius, archbishop of Rouen, and accom- panied him on a visit to that prelate. Mau- rilius decided in favour of the monastic life, and so in 1060 Anselm took the coavI and remained at Bee. Three years afterwards Lanfranc was made abbot of the new house of St. Stephen at Caen, founded by Duke "William. Anselm succeeded him at Bee in the office of prior. He held this post for fifteen years, 1063-78. Then Herlwin, founder and abbot, died, and for fifteen years more Anselm governed the house as abbot, 1078-93, It was during this period of thirty years that his powers developed themselves to the full. If Lanfranc was a man of great talent, Anselm was a man of lofty genius. Both morally and intellectually his character was of a finer type. He had not only more tender- ness, more breadth of sympatliy, and more transparent simplicity of purpose, but far pro- founder and more original powers of thought. Having an absolute and unshakeable faith in Holy Scripture, he did not shrink from apply- ing to it the full force of his reason, and therefore he was enabled, in the words of his biographer Eadmer ( Vita, i. 9), to penetrate and unravel some of tlie most intricate and, before his time, unsolved questions touching the nature of God and of our faith. The whole day between the hours of prayer was often consumed in giving advice orally or by letter to persons, many of them of high rank, Avho consulted him on questions of faith or conduct; and the greater part of the night was spent either in correcting the books of the monastery (which up to that time Eadmer

says were the most ill- written in the world), or in meditation and devotional exercises. He did not shrink even from the drudgery of instructing boys in the rudiments of gram- mar, although he owned (^Epist. i. 55) that he found this an irksome task. But the work in which he most delighted and excelled was that of moulding the minds and characters of young men. For this he was eminently fitted by his affectionate sweetness and sympathy which Avon their hearts, by his deep piety and powerful intellect, by his acuteness in discerning character, and his practical wis- dom in suggesting rules for moral conduct. He compared the age of youth to wax fitly tempered for the seal. If the Avax be too hard or too soft, it will not take a clear im- pression. Youth, being betAveen the two, was an apt compound of softness and hard- ness, Avhich could receiAe lasting impressions and be turned to any shape. Similar good sense in the education of the young is mani- fested in his advice to an abbot Avho com- plained of the difficulty of teaching the boys brought up in his monastery. They were in- corrigibly perverse, the abbot said, and al- though beaten continually day and night they only gTeAv Avorse. ' Beat them, do you ? ' said Anselm ; ' and pray what kind of creatures are they Avhen they are groAvn up ? ' 'Dull and brutal,' Avas the reply. ' You are A-erily un- fortunate,' said Anselm, ' if you only succeed in turning men into beasts.' ' But what can we do then ? ' rejoined the abbot ; ' Ave con- strain them in every possible way, but all to no purpose.' ' Constrain them, my lord ab- bot ! If you planted a young shoot in your garden, and then confined it on all sides, so that it could not put forth its branches, would it not turn out a strange misshapen thing Avhen at last you set it free, and all from yoiu' OAvn fault? So these children have been planted in the garden of the church to grow and bear fruit for God. But you cramp them so excessiA'ely Avith threats and punishments that they contract all manner of evil tempers, and doggedly resent all cor- rection.' After more plain speaking of this kind the abbot, Avith a sigh, confessed that his method of education had been all Avrong, and promised to try and amend it (Eadmek, Vita, i. 29-31).

Anselm's own tact in dealing with the young Avas illustrated by his management of a youthful monk named Osbern. Osbern was clever, but headstrong, and set himself up as the leader of a small faction Avhich resented the appointment of Anselm as prior. Anselm first softened him by forbearance and small indulgences. Having thus gained his affection, he gradually withdrew the in-

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diligences, and subjected him at last to the full rigour of monastic discipline, even to the extent of punishing him with stripes. Osbern stood all these tests even in the face of taunts from his companions, and became exceedingly dear to the prior, who rejoiced over his steady growth in goodness. After a while, however, he was stricken with a mortal illness. Anselm watched him by day and night. As the end drew near, Anselm charged him, if it were possible, to reveal him- self to him after deatli. Osbern promised and passed away. Wlien the body was placed in the church and the brethren were chanting the psalms, Anselm ret ii-ed to a corner of the building to weep and pray in secret, and at length, overpowered by weariness and sorrow, he fell asleep. In his sleep he saw certain forms of most reverend aspect, clad in the whitest of garments, enter the room where Osbern had died, and sit in a circle as if to gi^e judgment. Presently there entered Os- bern himself, pale and haggard. Anselm asked him how he fared. ' Thrice,' said he, 'did the old sei-pent rise up against me, thrice did I fall backwards, and thrice did the bear- ward of the Lord deliver me.' Then Anselm awoke and was comforted (Eadmek, Vita, i. 13-16). The memory of Osbern never faded from his mind. During a whole year he offered a daily mass for Osbern's soul, and in one of his letters to his friend Gundulf, bishop of Rochester {Ep. i. 4), he writes : ' AVherever Osbern is, his soul is my soul ; farewell ! farewell ! I pray, I pray, I pray, remember me, and forget not the soul of Osbern my beloved, and if that seem too much for you, then forget me and remember him.'

Notwithstanding his powerful influence, Anselm shrank with extreme reluctance from the responsibility of ruling others. When he was unanimously elected abbot of Bee on the death of Ilerlwin, he besought the brethren with the most passionate entreaties to spare him ; and it was only in deference to their persistence and the authority of the arch- bishop of Rouen that he yielded at last. As abbot he gave up most of the secular business of the liouse to such of the brethren as he could trust, and devoted himself to study, meditation, and the instruction of others. If the monastery, however, was in- voh'ed in any lawsuit of importance, he took care to be present in court, in order to prevent any chicanery being practised by his own party ; but if the other side used craft and sophistry, he heeded not, and occupied his time in discussing some passage in the Scrip- tures or some question of ethics, or calmly went to sleep. Yet if the cunning argu-

ments of his opponents were submitted to his judgment he speedily detected the flaws in them, and tore them to pieces as if he had been wide awake and listening all the time (Eadmer, Vita, i. 37), He was also obliged occasionally to visit the property of the house in various parts of Normandy and Flanders. These journeys brought Iiim into contact with persons of all ranks and con- ditions, and many gave themselves and their property to the monastery. For himself he never would accept anything as his private possession (Eadmbb, Vita, i. 33).

He visited England soon after he became abbot, not only to look after the English possessions of his house, but also to see Lan- franc, now primate. He was received with great respect at Canterbury, and, after making an address to the monks of Christ Church, was admitted as a member of the house. Here began his acquaintance with Eadmer, one of the brotherhood, who became his most devoted friend and biographer. He has re- corded the great impression which Anselm made at Canterbury by the wonderful way he discoursed and by his private conversation. His large-heartedness also was displayed on this occasion in his decision of a case Avhich the ai'chbishop submitted to him. Lanfranc told Anselm that he doubted the claim of one of his predecessors, Archbishop ^Elfeah, to martyrdom, because, although he had been murdered by the Danes, he did not die in defence of any religious truth. Anselm, how- ever, maintained that since yElfeah died rather than wring a ransom from his tenants, he had died for righteousness' sake, and that he who died for righteousness would cer- tainly have died for Christ himself who taught it, and therefore he was fully entitled to the honours of martyrdom (Eadmek, Vita^ i. 41-44).

The almost feminine tenderness of Anselm's nature appeared in his treatment of the lower animals, which he regarded with respect as the product of God's hand. And, as in the love of animals for their oftsjjring he saw an emblem of the love of God for man, so in any cruelty to animals on the part of man he saw a figure of the devil's malice and his hatred to all God's creatures. Thus, one day seeing a bird teased by a boy who had fastened a string to its leg and let it fly a little way in order to pull it back again, he made him release it, saying that was just the Avay in which the devil sensed his victims. So also when a hare ran for shelter under the legs of his horse, and the hunters crowded round with noisy delight at its capture, he burst into tears and forbade them to touch it, saying that it was an apt image of the

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departing soul of man, which on going forth from the body was beset by the evil spirits who had pursued it all through life. So he suffered not the dogs or hunters to touch the hare (Eadmer, Lib.de Similitudinibus S. Atis. 189, 190).

William the Conqueror received his death- Avound in 1087. In the presence of Anselm we are told that he who to most men seemed harsh and terrible became so mild that by- .standers looked on with amazement (P^admer, Vit. Ans. i. 47). And Avhen he lay dying in the abbey of St. Gervase at llouen he sent for Anselm to hear the confession of his burdened conscience. Anselm came from Bee. William, however, put oiF seeing him for a few days, deeming that he should get better. Meanwhile Anselm himself fell ill, and before he had recovered the king died ( Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 1, 17 c). Anselm, how- ever, was present at the strange and terrible scenes amidst which the body of the Con- queror was laid in the minster of St. Stephen at Caen.

Lanfranc crowned William the Red king of England, and in the following year, 1089, he died. William the Red was, unlike his father, profligate and profane, without re- A'erence for goodness, or respect for law and justice. He found a minister worthy of him- self in Ralph Flambard, a lowborn Norman clerk, a coarse and unscnipulous man. One simple expedient for replenishing the royal treasury was to keep the great offices of the church vacant and confiscate their revenues.

After the death of Lanfranc the see of Canterbury was kept vacant for more than tliree years, and its lands were farmed to tlie highest bidders. The whole nation was shocked by this shameless spoliation of the metropolitan see, and longed to see the man appointed to it who, on his visits to England, liad won the hearts of all men, and who was admitted to have no superior in Christen- dom in xjiety and learning. But the king cared not. MeanAvhile, in 1092 Hugh of Avranches, eai-1 of Chester, invited Anselm to England, to assist him in the work of sub- stituting monks for canons in the minster of St. AVei'burgh at Chester. Anselm, how- ever, having heard the rumour which marked him out for the primacy, and fearing that the motives of his visit might be miscon- strued, declined to come ; but at last he was com])elled to yield to the urgent entreaties of the earl, who said that he was mortally ill, and that if Anselm did not come his soul's peace in the future world might be for ever disturbed. The chapter of Bee also wished him to go, in order to get the royal xactions on their English property lightened.

So he set sail from Boulogne, where he had been staying with the Countess Ida, and reached Canterbury on 8 Sept., the eve of the Nativity of the "S^irgin ; but being hailed by monks and people as their future archbishop, he hurried away early the next morning. On his road to Chester he visited the court, Avhere he was received with great honour, even by the king himself. Anselm asked for a private interview, in which he rebuked the king for the evil things which men said were done by him. William seems to have turned the suljject off with a laugh, saying he could not prevent idle rumours, and that the holy man ought not to believe them. So they parted, and Anselm went on to Chester. Here he found Earl Hugh re- stored to health, and after spending some months in settling the new constitution of St. Werburgh he desired to return to Nor- mandy ; but the king Avould not give him leave to go. In the baseness of his soul he may liave thought that Anselm secretly de- sired the primacy, and that even he might be induced to pay some price for it. Mean- while the midwinter gemot, held at Glou- cester, had passed a resolution that the king- should be asked to allow prayers to be offered in all churches that God would put it into his heart to appoint some Avorthy man to the long vacant see. The king assented, but contemptuously remarked, •' Pray what ye Avill ; no man's prayer shall shake my pur- pose.' Anselm Avas compelled to frame the prayer. After the gemot the king AA-ent to a royal seat at Ah-estone, near Gloucester. Here one of his nobles spoke one day of the A'irtues of Anselm, hoAv he was a man who loA'ed God only, and desired nothing belong- ing to this fleeting AA'orld. ' Not CA'en the archbishopric ? ' said William, Avith a sneer. * No, not even that,' replied the other, ' and many think Avith me.' The king, howeA'er, maintained that had Anselm the least chance of it he AA'ould rush to embrace it, but ' by the holy face of Lucca,' he added, ' neither he nor any one else shall be arch- bishop at present except myself.' Soon after this the king Avas taken very ill. He Avas moAed to Gloucester ; the lay nobles, bishops, and other great men visited the sick and, as it Avas thought, dying man, and virged him to redress the wrongs Avhich he had inflicted on the nation, and especially on the church. But the king's advisers felt the need of some one at this critical moment aa'Iio had peculiar skill in aAA'akening the conscience and mini- stering to the diseases of the soul. Thei-e was no one comparable to Anselm, and he, unconscious of the king's illness, was sojourn- ing not far from Gloucester. He Avas fetched

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with all speed. He heard and approved of

the advice already given to the king ; the holy man was brought to the bedside of the royal sinner ; he bade him make a clean confession of his misdeeds, solemnly promise amendment if he should recover, and promptly perform it. The king confessed, and pledged his faith that if he recovered he would rule with justice and mercy. He took the bishops to be witnesses of his

5)romise, and to record it before the altar. <'urther, a ])roclamation was issued under the royal seal, promising all manner of re- forms, ecclesiastical and civil. But the great men of the realm urged on him the duty of proving his repentance by doing immediate justice to the long vacant see of Canterbury. The sick man signified his willingness. lie was asked to name the man whom he deemed worthy of such an office. He raised himself with an effort on his arm in the bed, and,

Eointing to Anselm, said, ' I choose yonder oly man' (Will. Malm. Gest. Tout. i. 48). A shout of joy rang through the chamber. When Anselm heard it he trembled and turned pale, and when the bishops tried to drag him to the king to receive the pastoral staff at his hands he resisted with all his force. The bishops took him aside and remonstrated with him. Anselm pleaded that he was an old man, unused to Avoi'ldly affairs, and unfitted for the duties of so burdensome an office. Moreover, he was the subject of another realm, and he owed alle- giance not only to the Duke of Normandy but to the archbishop of Rouen, and to the chapter of his own abbey. These pleas, how- ever, were all made light of, and he was again taken to the bedside of William, who besought him by his friendship for his father and mother to yield to the general wish. Anselm was inflexible. At the king's bidding they fell down at his feet, but Anselm pro- strated himself also, and could not be per- suaded. Then they lost patience ; they partly pushed and partly pulled him to the king's bedside. The king presented the pas- toral staff; they held out Anselm's hand to take it, but he kept his hand tightly clenched ; they tried to force it open till he cried aloud Avith pain. At length they succeeded in im- closing his forefinger, and thrust the staff in between that and the other clenched fingers. Anselm was borne rather than led into the neighbouring church, still protest- ing and exclaiming, * It is nought that ye do.' ' It would have been difficult,' he says. In a letter to the monks at Bee, 'for a looker-on to say Avhether a sane man was being dragged by a crowd of madmen, or Avhether sane men were dragging a madman

along ' {Ep. iii. 1 ). After some ceremony in the church, Anselm went back to the king and renewed his protest in the shape of a prophecy. 'I tell thee, my lord king, that thou wilt not die of this sickness ; therefore thou mayest undo Avhat thou hast done In my case, fttr I have not consented, nor do I noAV consent, to its being ratified.' Then, turning to the bishojjs, he told them they did not knoAv Avhat they were doing : they were yoking an untamed bull Avith a AA'eak old sheep to the plough of the church, which ought to be drawn by tAA'o strong oxen. He then burst Into tears, and, faint with fatigue and distress, retired to his lodging. (Eadmer, Vit. Am. li. 1, 2; Hist. Nov. i. 18, 19). All this took place on the first day of Lent, 6 March 10f)3. The king gave orders that Anselm should be Inducted without delay into the tem])oral possessions of the see, and that meanAvhile he should reside on some of the archiepiscopal manors under the care of his friend Gundulf, bishop of Rochester. The consent of Robert, duke of Normandy, and of the archbishop of Rouen to the ap- pointment of Anselm was easily obtained, but the monks of Bee were very reluctant to part with their beloved abbot, and it was after a long debate and by a Aery narrow majority that they acquiesced In the appoint- ment {Epist. HI. 3, 6).

MeanAvhile the Red King recovered, and repented of his repentance. His last state Avas Avorse than the first, and the ill Avhich he had done before seemed good in comparison with the evil Avhicli he did noAv, And Avhen Bishop Gundulf remonstrated with him he SAA'ore by his faA'ourlte oath, the holy face of Lucca, that he Avould neA'er requite good for the ill which God had done to him (Eadmek, Hist. Nov. I. 19 b). He did not, however, reA'oke the ap])oIntment of Anselm.

In the course of the summer of 1093 William, returning from a conference at Dover with the count of Flanders, met An- selm at Rochester. Anselm then told him that he was still hesitating Avhether he Avould accept the archbishopric, but if he did it must be on three conditions : (1) that all the lands belonging to the see in the time of Lanfranc should be restored Avithout any laAvsuIt or dispute, (2) that the king should see justice done in respect of lands upon which the see had a long-standing claim, (3) that In matters pei'talning to God the king should take him for his counsellor and spiritual father, as he on his part Avould acknoAA'ledge the king as his earthly lord. Lastly he warned the king that of the tAVo rlA'al claimants to the papacy, Clement and ITrban, he himself, in common with the

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whole Norman church, had acknowledged Urban, and to this choice he must adhere. The king took counsel with Count Robert of Meulan and William of St. Calais, bishop of Durham, a prelate who had a few years before been banished for appealing to the pope against a judgment of the king and witan on a purely temporal charge, but wlio appears throughout the transaction with Anselm one of the most zealous supporters of the royal supremacy (Freeman, Will. Rufu.9, i. ch. 2). The king asked Anselm to repeat his statement in the hearing of these counsellors, and after conferring with them he replied that he would restore all the lands which had belonged to the see in the time of Lanfranc, but upon the other points he sliould reserve his judgment.

A few days afterwards he summoned Anselm to Windsor, and begged him to ac- cept the primacy to which he was called by the choice of the whole realm (Eadmer, Hist. Noi\ i. 371). It is remarkable that neither at this point of the story nor any other is there a distinct record of any formal election, either by the monks at Canterbury or by the witan. Expressions to that effect seem to be used in a vague and rhetorical sense, and to signify no more than the gene- ral desire that the archbishopric might be conferred on Anselm, and the unanimous , approval of the appointment. We must either suppose that, the general wish in favour of Anselm being notorious, a formal election was deemed unnecessaiy, or that, if it did i take place, it was for the same reason deemed i needless by the chroniclers to make any formal i-ecord of it. With the request that Anselm would accept the primacy, the king coupled a request which started a fresh diffi- culty. Certain lands held of the archiepi- scopal see by Englishmen on tenure of knight's service before the Norman conquest had lapsed to the lord for lack of heirs during the incumbency of Lanfranc. They had, in fact, become demesne lands of the see, but during the vacancy the king had turned them into militaiy fiefs, and he now arbi- trarily summoned Anselm into the king's court in order that this arrangement might be made permanent. But Anselm refused ; it would involve, he thought, a Avrong to the church which the king, as advocate, had no right to inflict, and which he himself, as trustee, had no right to permit. To accept the archbishopric on such terms would be very like a simoniacal transaction. The king was so much irritated by his refusal that Anselm began to hope he might, after all, escape the burden of the office he so much dreaded {Ep. iii. 24).

This, however, was not to be. The whole nation was enraged by the king's relapse into evil courses, and Avas determined to force him, if possible, to a renewal of the promises which he had made during his sickness at Gloucester. A special gemot was held for this pui-pose at Winchester, in which the king solemnly renewed his pledges. Anselm was now persuaded to accept the archbishopric, and did homage according to custom. The royal writ was ' issued, announcing that the king had be- stowed the archbishopric on Anselm with all the rights, powers, and possessions which belonged to the see, and with all liberties over all his men, and over as many thegiis as King Edward had granted to the church (Eadm. Hist. Nov. i. 372 ; Focdem, i. o). These last words seem to imply that the point disputed at Windsor was conceded in Anselm's favour. On 5 Sept. 1093, Anselm was enthroned at Cantei'bury amidst a re- joicing multitude. But the solemnity and festivity of the event was disturbed by one whose appearance was a sinister omen of troubles to come. To the indignation of all, the insolent Ralph Flam bard took this strange opportunity of serving a writ in the king's name for a suit against the primate. The object of the A\Tit is not stated ; we are only told that it concerned a matter with which the king's court had properly nothing to do (Eadm. Hist. Nov. i. 372).

On 4 Dec. Anselm was consecrated by Thomas of Bayeux archbishop of York, assisted by all the bishops of the southern province except Wulfstan of Worcester, Herbert of Thetford, and Osbern of Exeter. According to the old ritual, the book of the Gospels, opened at random, was laid 6n the shoulders of the newly consecrated prelate, and the passage at which it opened was taken as a sort of omen of his episcopate. The passage which now presented itself was, ' He bade many, and sent his servant at supper-time to say to them that were bidden, Come, for all things are now ready. And they all with one consent began to make excuse.'

The Christmas gemot of 1093 Avas held at Gloucester. Anselm attended, and Avas AA'armly Avelcomed, not only by the nobility of the realm, but by the king himself. At this gemot a hostile message from Robert, duke of Normandy, Avas considered,- and war AA'as decreed. As usual the great need Avas money. The chief men offi^red their con- tributions, and Anselm offered 500 pounds of sih'er. The king accepted the gift gi-a- ciously, but some malignant persons repre- sented that he ought to liaAe receiA'ed a

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much larger sum, :?,0(X)/. or ],0(K)/. at least. So a message was sent later to Anselm that his ott'er was rejected. Anselm sought an audience with the king, and entreated him to take the contribution, which, although his first, would not be his last. A free gift, however small, was far more valuable than a much larger one forcibly exacted. The king felt that this remark Avas intended as a reproof of his extortionate methods of raising money, and he angrily rej)lied, ' Keep your scolding and your money to youxself.

1 have enough of my own. Begone.' Anselm departed, thankful, after all, that the gift had been refused, for no man could now insinuate that his gift was a precon- certed price for the ai'chbishopric. He was lu'ged to oiTer double the sum, but stead- fastly refused, and bestowed his despised present on the poor. So the midwinter gemot broke uj) : Anselm went to his manor at HaiTow, where he consecrated a church built by Lanfranc. His right Avas disputed by Maurice, bishop of London, in whose diocese the manor lay. The question was referred to the aged Wulfstan, bishop of AVorcester (£pi>^t. iii. 19), who decided in favour of Anselm, declaring that the pri- mates had always exercised free spiritual rights in all their manors wherever they might be (Eadm. Hist. Nov. 372-5). On

2 Feb. 1094, the forces destined for the inva- sion of Normandy were collected at Hast- [ ings. Anselm and other bishops were sum- I moned thither to invoke a blessing on the expedition. The passage of the army was delayed for more than a month by contrary winds. During this interval, on 11 Feb., Ar^elm, assisted by seven bishops, conse- crated the church of the great abbey which the late king, in fulfilment of his vow, had reared upon the ground where his victory over Harold had been won. In one reli- gious act, at least, the. two unequal yoke- fellows, the fierce bull and the gentle sheep, William, the sinner, and Anselm, the saint, took part together as they stood before the altar of ' St. Martin of the place of battle.'

On 12 Feb. Anselm consecrated Robert Bloet bishop of Lincoln in the chapel of the castle at Hastings, and on the first day of Lent he presided at the ceremony of sprinkling ashes, and preached a sermon, | in which he took the opportunity of re- i buking the young courtiers for their mincing j gait, their effeminate dress and habits, and ; especially that of wearing their hair long. He refused to give the ashes of penitence or administer absolution to those who would not abandon these customs. He had good reason for attacking them, since they were

VOL, II.

the outward signs of gross and detestable vice, vice which Anselm says in one of his letters (iii. 62) had grown so common that many practised it without any con- sciousness of sin. The king himself was ad- dicted to it ; nevertheless Anselm tried to get his help in repressing it. In one of the daily interviews which he seems to have had Avith AVilliam at Hastings, he frankly told him that if he Avould hope for a bless- ing upon his expedition to Normandy or any other enterjjrise, he must aid in re- establishing Christianity, which had Avell- I nigh perished out of the land. He there- I fore asked leave to hold a national synod of ! bishops, which was a time-honoured remedy ! in ICngland and Normandy for ecclesiastical ■ and moral evils, AVilliam replied that he I Avould call a council at his OAvn pleasure, ; not Anselm's ; ' and pray,' said he, with a I sneer, 'what will you talk about in your council ? ' ' The sin of Sodom,' answered I Anselm, ' to say nothing of other detestabh* vices which have become rampant. Only let the king and the primate unite their authority, and this new and monstrous growth of evil may be rooted out.' But the heart of the Red King Avas hardened, and he only asked, ' And what good Avill come of this matter for you ? ' ' For me, perhaps, nothing,' replied Anselm, 'but something, I hope, for God and for thyself.' ' Enough ! ' rejoined the king ; ' speak no more on this subject.' Anselm obeyed, but turned to another eAil, the injury done to religion by the ])rolonged Aacancies in the abbeys. This touched the king in tAvo of his tenderest points, his greed of money and his royal rights. ' AVhat,' he burst forth, ' are the abbeA's to you ? Are they not mine ? Shall you do as you like with your manors, and shall I not deal as I choose Avith my abbeys .P' 'The abbeys,' returned Anselm, ' are yours to protect as their advocate, not to waste and destroy. They belong to God, and their revenues are intended for the support of His ministers, not of your Avars.' ' Your words are highly offensive to me,' said tlie king ; ' your predecessor Avould never have dared to speak thus to my father. I Avill do nothing for you.' So Anselm, seeing that his words were cast to the winds, rose up and Avent his way. But he Ava.** deeply A'exed at this loss of the royal favour, because he felt that without it he could not accomplish the reforms on which his heart was set. He sent the bishops to the king to beg that he would take him into hi.-, friendship, or, at least, say Avhy lie refused it. The bishops returned, saying that the king did not accuse Anselm of anything,

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but would not show bim any favour, because he ' heard not wherefore he should.' Anselm inquired what the latter words meant. 1 * The mystery,' replied the bishops, ' is plain. ] If you want peace with him, you must give I plenty of money. Offer him again the oOOl. which he refused, and promise him as much j more, to be raised from your tenants.' j Anselm indignantly rejected such a method. I It would set a disastrous precedent for | buying oif the king's wrath. The bishops | urged him at least to repeat the offer of the ! 500/., but Anselm refused to give again what had been once rejected ; moreover, he j said he had promised it to the poor, and the ' greater part had already been given away. His words were reported to the king, who sent back his answer. ' Yesterday I hated him much, to-day I hate him more, and to- morrow and henceforth I shall hate him with even bitterer hatred. I will no longer hold him as father and archbishop, and his blessing and prayers I utterly abhor and despise. Let him go where he will, and not tarry any longer to bless my voyage.' * We therefore speedily left the court,' says Eadmer, who became from this time his constant companion, 'and abandoned the king to his will' {Hist. Nov. i. 379 b). William crossed at length to Normandy about the middle of March. He spent much and gained little in his campaign, and returned to England on 28 Dec. 1094.

Anselm had not yet received his pallium from the pope, which, although not con- sidered essential to the validity of archi- episcopal functions, was looked upon as an indispensable badge of metropolitan autho- rity ; and Anselm had now been a full year in office without receiving it. Some time, therefore, in February 1095, he went to Gil- lingham, near Shaftesbury, where the king was keeping court, and asked leave to go to Rome for his pallium. The papacy was now claimed by two rivals. Urban and Clement. Normandy had acknowledged Ur- ban. England had not as yet acknowledged either. William asked Anselm from which of the two he intended to get his pallium. ' From Urban,' was the reply : and he re- minded the king of the warning he had given him at Rochester, that he had, when abbot of Bee, promised allegiance to Urban, and could not recede from it. William, however, maintained that Anselm could not obey the pope against the king's will consistently with the allegiance due to himself. He had not yet acknowledged Urban, and it was neither his custom nor his father's to let any one in England acknowledge any pope without his leave.

Anselm felt that the king had no right to force any one into renouncing a choice made before he became a subject. The conflict, however, between the claims of the king and of the pope oh his obedience was one which he rightly thought could be settled only by the great council of the nation. He asked for such a council, and the request was granted. A great assembly of the chief men in church and state was convened for Sunday, 11 March 1095, at the royal castle of Rockingham, on the borders of Leicester- shire and Northamptonshire. A crowd of bishops, abbots, nobles, monks, clerks, and laymen were gathered at an early hour in the castle and the precincts. The king and a party of privy councillors sat in a sepa- rate chamber; a messenger passed to and fro between them and the general assembly, which seems to have been either in the chapel of the castle or the great hall which may have opened out of it.

Anselm himself opened the proceedings with an address ; the bishops came from the royal presence chamber to hear it. He ex- plained the object of the assembly, Avhich was to decide whether there was any real incompatibility between his allegiance to the king and his obedience to Urban. The bishops, who, throughout these transactions, appear as timid and obsequious courtiers, replied that the archbishop was too wise and good a man to need advice from them ; but, at any rate, no advice could they give him unless he first submitted absolutely to the king's will. They reported his speech, how- ever, to the king, who adjourned the pro- ceedings to the morrow.

On Monday, therefore, Anselm, sitting in the midst of the assembly, asked the bishops if they were now ready with their advice. But they had only the same answer to make. Then Anselm spoke in solemn tones, with uplifted eyes and kindling countenance, ' Since you, the shepherds of the people, who are called the leaders of the nation, will give no counsel to me, your head, save according to the will of one man, I will betake me to the chief Shepherd and Head of all, to the Angel of great counsel, and will follow the counsel which I shall receive from Him in ray cause, yea, rather in His cause and that of His church. He Avho declared that obedience was due to St. Peter and the other apostles, and through them to the bishops, saying, " He " that despiseth you despiseth me," also taught that the things of Caesar Avere to be i-endered to CsBsar. By those words I wall abide. In the things which are God's I will give obedience to the vicar of the blessed Peter ;

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in things touching the earthly dignity of deny. Meanwhile a murmur of svmpatliv

my lord the king, I will, to the best of with Anselm ran through the mixed throng,

my ability, give him faitliful counsel and A soldier stepped forward, and, kneeling

help.' The cowardly bishops could not before the archbishop, said, ' My lord

gainsay the words of Anselm, but neither father, thy children beseech thee, t'hrougli

<lid they dare cany them to the king. So me, not to be disquieted, but to be mindful

Anselm went himself to the presence chamber, and repeated them in the audience of William. The king was exceedingly wroth, and consulted with the bishops and nobles concerning the answer to be given. Their perplexity was extreme. They broke up into small groups, each discussing how some answer might be framed. Anselm meanwhile, having retired to the place of assembly, rested his head against the wall, and went quietly to sleep. At last he was roused by a party of bishops and lay lords bearing a message from the king. lie de- manded an immediate answer from Anselm. As for the matter at issue between him and the primate, it needed no explanation. For themselves the bishops counselled Anselm to cast away his obedience to Urban, and freely submit, as became an ai'chbishop of Canterbury, to the king's will in everything, Anselm replied that he certainly would not renounce his obedience to the pope, but as the day was far spent he asked leave to reserve his ansAver for the morrow. The bishops suspected this meant that he was wavering, or that he did not know what to say. The crafty and unscrupulous William of St. Calais, bishop of Durham, who was the leader of the bishops on the king's side, now thought he would be able to drive Anselm into a corner. lie boasted to the king that he would force the primate either to renounce obedience to the pope, or to resign the archiepiscopal staff and ring. This fell in with the king's wishes. So the bishop of Durham and his party hastened back to Anselm, and informed him that no delay would be gi-anted him unless he imme- diately reinvested the king with the im- perial dignity of which he had robbed him by having made the bishop of Ostia pope without his authority. Anselm, having patiently listened to this peremptory address, calmly replied : ' Whoever wishes to prove that I violate my allegiance to my earthly sovereign, because I will not renounce my obedience to the sovereign pontiff of the Holy Roman Church, let him come forward, and he will find me ready to answer him as I niiffkt and where I oiu/htj' These last words disconcerted the bishop and his friend, for they understood him to mean that, as archbishop of Canterbury, he could not be judged by any one save the pope — a doctrine which it seems no one was prepared to

how the blessed Job, on his dunghill, over- came the devil, and avenged Adam, who had been vanquished in Pai-adise.' Anselm graciously received this odd address li'om the honest man, for it assured him that he had the good will of the people. The discomfited bishops returned to the king, and were loaded with reproaches. On the morrow, Tuesday, Anselm once more took his seat, a^vaiting the king's message. The councillors were perjilexed. Even William of St. Calais had no course to recommend but force. The staff and ring might be \ATested from the primate, and he liimself expelled from the kingdom. But this sug- gestion did not please the lay nobles. It would be an awkward precedent if the fii-st vassal in the kingdom were deprived of his fief at the king's pleasure, William, in a rage, told them that he would brook no egual in his kingdom ; if the proposal of the bishop of Durham did not please them, let them consult and say Avhat would ; for, by the face of God, if they did not condemn Anselm, he would condemn them. Count Robeit of Meulan then spoke : ' As for our counsel I own I know not what to sav ; for when Ave haAe been devising plans all day, and considering hoAv we can make them hang together, the archbishop inno- cently goes to sleep, and then Avhen they are submitted to him, with one puff of his lips he blows them to pieces as if they Avere cobAvebs.' The king then turned to the bishops, but they had no suggestion to offer. Anselm was their primate, and they had no power to judge or condemn him, eA'en had any crime been proA'ed against him. The king then proposed that they might at least withdraw their obedience and brotherly intercourse from the archbishop. And to this strange suggestion they had the base- ness to accede. Accompanied by some abbots, they annoimced their intention to Anselm, and infomied him that the king also AvithdreAv his trust and protection, and Avould no longer hold him for archbishop or spiritual father. Anselm mildly replied that they did ill to AAithdraAV their allegiance from him because he refused to Avithdraw his own from the successor of the chief of the apostles. Although the king Avith- dreAV all protection fi'om iiim, he Avould not cease to care for the kiiig's soul ; retaining the title, power, and office of archbishop,

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whatever oppression it might be his lot to suffer. William now tried to make the lay lords abandon the archbishop, saying, *No one shall be my man Avho chooses to be his,' to which the nobles replied that as they never were the archbishop's men, they had no fealty to withdraw; 'notwithstanding,' they said, ' lie is our archbishop ; to him per- tains the rule of Christianity in this land, and in this respect Ave cannot, whilst we live here as christians, refuse his guidance.' William dissembled his wrath, for he was afraid of offending the nobles, whose manly utterance put the craven conduct of the bishops in a more odious light. The king tightened his grip upon these wretched time- servers, required an unconditional renun- ciation of their obedience to Anselm, and squeezed more money out of them to buy back his favour. Anselm meanwhile re- quested a safe-conduct to one of the havens and leave to quit the kingdom. William heartily wished to be rid of him, but did not wish him to go while seised of the arch- bishopric, yet saw no way to disseise him of it. In this dilemma the nobles proposed a truce, and an adjournment of the whole ques- tion to Whitsimtide. This proposal Avas made on the fourth day of the meeting, Wednes- dav, 14 March, and Anselm assented to it (Eadm. Msf. Nov. i. 379-87). And so ended the famous meeting at Rockingham. It seemed to come to nothing ; nevertheless a great moral victory had been gained.

William kept the letter of the truce with Anselm, but A'ented his spite by attacking his friends. lie expelled Baldwin of Tournay, a monk of Bee, one of Anselm's most confi- dential friends, from the kingdom, he arrested his chamberlain, and Avon*ied his tenants by unjust lawsiiits and imposts. His next device was to gain the pope to his side. He secretly despatched two clerks of the Chapel Royal, Gerard, afterwards archbishop of York, and William of Warelwast, afterwards bishop of Exeter, to Rome, first to ascertain Avhich was the real pope, secondly to persuade him to send the pallium to the king, so that he might be able to bestoAv it on any one he pleased should he succeed in getting rid of Anselm, The envoys had no difficulty in discovering that Urban was the pope in possession. They acknowledged him in the name of the king, and obtained their request. Cardinal Wal- ter, bishop of Albano, returned to England with them, bringing the pallium. The journey was made with all speed, in order to reach England before Whitsuntide. Great secrecy also Avas obserA'ed. The legate was not al- lowed to converse Avith any one, except in the presence of the enA'oys, and on reaching

England he Avas hurried to the court with- out being alloAved to tarry in Canterbury or to see Anselm. Shortly before Whitsuntide he had an interA'ieAA' Avith the king. What passed is not recorded, but it AA'as understood that William was encouraged to hope that his Avishes Avould be gTanted, and that the- legate had not spoken a AAord on Anselm's behalf Tlie king noAv ordered a formal recog- nition of Urban as pope to be published throughout his dominions, and he then asked the legate that Anselm might be deposed by papal authority, promising a large annual payment to the Roman see if his request was granted. But he had overshot his mark. The cardinal flatly declared such a compact to be out of the question. Thus William had gained nothing and lost much by his dealing with Rome, He had acknowledged Urban, whom Anselm had acknoAvledged long ago, and, instead of getting rid of the primate, it seemed noAV impossible to avoid going through the form at least of reconciliation with him. This took place at Windsor, Avhere Anselm Avas summoned to meet the king at Whit- suntide. He was again urged to propitiate the king by money and to receive the pal- lium from his hands ; but he was inflexible, and the king had to giA-e way. On the third Sunday after Trinity (10 June 1095) the legate brought the pallium Avith great pomp in a sih'er casket to Canterbury. He was met by the monks of the two monasteries of Christchurch and St. Augustine, and a vast concourse of clergy and laity. Near the cathedral the procession was met by Anselm,. barefoot, but in full pontificals and attended by his suffragans. The sacred gift was laid upon the altar, thence it was taken by An- selm and presented to be kissed by those Avho Avere ro.und about him, after Avhich he- put it on and celebrated mass (Eadm. Hist. Nov. ii. 390-2). A short interval of peace- noAV followed. The king went nortliAvards to put down a rcA-olt of Robert of Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland. The archbishop stayed at Canterbury, the care of the city, and apparently of Kent, being committed to him under the king's Avrit and seal, against an expected attack from Normandy. So faithful was he to this trust that he refused to leaA^e Canterbury even for a day to confer with the papal legate upon tlie reforms in the church Avhich he had so much at heart {JEpist. iii. 35, 36). He attended the Christ- mas gemot at Windsor, where his bitter ad- versary, William of St. Calais, died. Anselm recei\'ed his confession and tended him in his dying hours with affectionate care. He had already absoh-ed tAvo bishops who had expressed penitence for their conduct at

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llockiiigham, Osmund of Salisbury, the com-

Siler of the celebrated Use of Sarum, and [obert of Hereford. Most of the otlier bishops now followed their example ; yet there were some who still remained hostile, and when the papal legate remonstrated, they had the incredible baseness to say that Anselm was not a lawful archbishop because he had received investiture from a king who at the time was in schism with Ilome, the very king to whom they themselves had "paid the most obsequious homage (^??«f. iii. 36). On 18 Nov. 1095 the first crusade was

f reached by Urban at Clermont in Auvergne. lobert, duke of Normandy, was seized with the impulse which stirred the heart of Christ- •endom, but his treasury was empty and his hold on his duchy Avas weak. He therefore mortgaged it for three years to his brother Willuim for tlie sum of 10,000 marks, which the Red King undertook to raise. Tlie sum was levied with great difficulty. The clergy were already so impoverished that to furnish contributions they were forced to part with many of their most sacred treasures. An- selm was willing to contribute, but he had not enough ready money. By the advice of Walkelin, bishop of Winchester, and Gun- <lulf of Rochester, he borrowed 1 00 pounds from the monks of Christ Church on the security of his manor of Peckham, which he mortgaged to them for seven years. It turned out a very good bargain for the monks, who enlarged the east end of the cathedral out of the Peckham rents. Altogether Anselm scraped together 200 pounds, and the king seems to have been satisfied. The bargain between the king and his brother was settled in September 1096. Robert started for Pales- tine. William took possession of Normandy, and remained in the duchy till the following Easter, when the disturbed state of Wales brought him back to England. After hold- ing a gemot at Windsor in April he made a great expedition into Wales, which seemed to be successful. The submission of the country turned out to be only nominal, but at the moment the Red King, by the acqui- sition of Normandy and reduction of Wales, appeared to have reached the height of his prosperity. A favourable opportunity seemed to have come for again pi'essing reforms on the king. It may have been, as Anselm be- lieved, only another device to put oft" the discharge of this duty, that the king, on his return from Wales, wrote an angry letter complaining of the contingent of knights whom Anselm had furnished for the Welsh campaign. They were so ill equipped, he said, and ill trained as to have been quite iiseless, and Anselm must expect a summons

' in the King's court to ' do liim right.' The archbishop did not think it necessary to take any notice of this petulant message. He at- tended the Whitsuntide gemot, and was gra- ciously received. He again exhorted the king to set about the work of reform, but his appeals were utterly vain, and he now I resolved to take the step to which his mind had been gravitating for some time. He sent a formal message to the king by some of the nobles, saying that he was driven by urgent need to ask his leave to go to Rome. The king refused the license. I3ut Anselm had quite made up his mind that the only hope of redress for his own wrongs or the wrongs of the church lay in an appeal to the pope. He renewed his request at another gemot held in August, and again at Win- chester in October. The king was now thoroughly enraged. He not only refused the license, but declared that Anselm must pay a fine for asking it. Anselm offered to give good reasons for his request, which the J king declined to hear, and told him that if he did go he should seize the archbishopric and never receive him as archbishop again. An adjournment was granted for one day, I and on the morrow Anselm said he still ' asked for the license. For the sake of ' his own soul, for the sake of religion, and : for the king's own honour and profit, it was ! needful he should go, and if the kin^ would not gi-ant leave he must go Avithout it, obey- [ ing God rather than man. The bishops ! again urged submission. ' You have spoken I well,' said Anselm ; ' do you go to your lord, and I will cleave to my God.' The lay barons also were now against him. He had SAVorn to observe the customs of the realm, and it was contrary to those customs for any man in his position to go to Rome without the king's license. Anselm replied that he had indeed promised to observe the customs, but only so far as they were in accordance with right and agreeable to the will of God. He went into the royal presence chamber, and, seating himself at the king's right hand, maintained this doctrine at some length, until the king and Count Robert of Meulan exclaimed that he Avas preaching a sermon, and a general uproar folloAved. Anselm quietly Avaited till it had subsided, and then summed up his argument. He then rose and departed, accompanied by the faithful Eadmer. They Avere followed by a mes- senger from AVilliam, who told Anselm that he might leave the kingdom, but must not take anything belonging to the king. 'I have horses, clothes, and furniture,' replied Anselm ; ' perhaps some one will say they be- long to the king ; if so, I Avill go naked and

Anselm

barefoot rather than abandon my purpose.' The king sent word back that he did not wish him to go naked and barefoot, but he must be at the haven ready to cross within eleven days, and there a messenger would meet him, and let him know what he might take with him. Anselm returned to the presence chamber, and, addressing the king with a cheerful countenance, ' My lord,' he said, ' I am going. . . . Xow, therefore, not knowing when I shall see you again, I com- mend you to God, and as a spiritual father to a beloved son, as archbishop of Canter- bury to the king of England, I would fain, before I go, give you God's blessing and my own, if you refuse it not.' For a moment the heart of the Red King was touched : ' his good angel perhaps spoke to him then for the lasttime. "I refusenot your blessing," was his answer. The man of God arose, the king bowed his head, and Anselm made the sign of the cross over it ' (Freeman, Will. Hufus, i. 594). Then he departed, and the saint and the sinner never met again (Eadm. Hist. Nov. ii. 395-402).

This happened on 15 Oct, 1097, and An- selm immediately left Winchester for Can- terbury. On the day after his arrival he took an affecting farewell of the monks. Then, in the presence of a great congregation, he took the pilgrim's staff' and scrip from oft'the altar, and, having commended the weeping multi- tude to Christ, he set forth for Dover, accom- panied by Eadmer and Baldwin. At Dover they found the king's chaplain, William of AVarelwast, awaiting them. For fourteen days they were detained by stress of weather, during which William of Warelwast was Anselm's guest. At last the wind was fa- vourable, and Anselm and his party hastened to the shore. But William of Warelwast forbade their embarking until their baggage had been searched. This was done upon the beach amidst the astonishment and execration of the bystanders ; but nothing was found which could be seized for the king, and after this vexatious delay Anselm and his friends set sail and landed safely at Whitsand. As soon as they were out of the country, the king not only seized the estates of the see, but can- celled all acts and decrees relating to them made by the archbishop. Meanwhile An- selm, after halting a while at the monastery of St. Omer, journeyed through France and the duchy of Burgundy to Cluny, where he had a hearty welcome and spent Christmas. A curious story is told by Eadmer (Hist. Nov. ii. 404) how Odo, duke of Burgundy, tempted by the report of the archbishop's riches, set out, intending to plunder him on the way, but was so completely captivated by Anselm's

manner and appearance that he accepted his kiss and his blessing, and gave him a safe con- duct. The roads were deemed dangerous for travelling in the winter ; so the rest of the season was spent at Lyons with the Arch- bishop Hugh, Avho Avas an old friend of An- selm. From Lyons he wrote a letter to Pope Urban, explaining the purpose qf his coming ; how he had spent four fruitless miserable^ years in the high office which had been forced upon him, how he had seen the church plun- dered and oppressed, how he had no hope of getting these evils redressed in England. He therefore sought the protection and counsel of the apostolic see. The bearers of the let- ter returned with a pressing invitation from the pope, and in the spring Anselm and his friends set forth. They preserved a strict in- cognito, for fear of robbers in the pay of the antipope Clement, and reached Rome in safety. Here they were warmly welcomed by the pope, and lodged in the Lateran. The day after they annved there Avas a grand gathering- of the Roman nobility at the papal palace, which Anselm attended. When he prostra- ted himself at the feet of the pontiff", Urban raised him up and embraced him, and made him sit by his side. He then introduced him to the assembly as the patriarch or pope of another world, a miracle of virtue and learn- ing, the champion of the Roman see, yet so humble as to seek from the unworthy occu- pant the counsel Avhich he himself was more fitted to give. In fact, Eadmer says Ansebn was quite disconcerted by the pope's flattery. After the public reception Urban heard the narrative of his wrongs, and promised him his assistance (Eadm. Vit. A7is. ii. 42 ; Jlist. Nov. ii. 405-8).

Meanwhile the season was approaching when Rome was unhealthy for strangers, and Anselm was urged by the abbot of Telese in Apulia, formerly one of his scholars at Bee, to take up his abode with him. This he did with the consent of the pope, and as the heat increased the abbot transferred him to the mountain village of Schiavi. The weary old man was enchanted with the pure cool air, the seclusion and repose of this sweet retreat. He resumed the simple studious habits which he had loved so well in his happy days at Bee, and he completed his treatise on the in- carnation, the ' Cur Deus Homo ? ' which he had begun amidst all the turmoil of his life in England. lie was obliged, however, to leave Ids retreat, in order to meet the pope in the camp of Duke Roger of Apulia, who was besieging Capua. Their quarters were close together, a little outside the actual camp, Eadmer tells us how all folk, including even the Saracens in the army of Count Roger of

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Sicily, were charmed by Anselm. William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 98) says that the Keel King wrote to Duke Roger to try and prejudice liim against Anselm. The duke, however, was so captivated by An- selm, that he besought him to take up his abode in Apulia, ofi'ering to bestow some of his best lands upon him if he did. To this Anselm would not consent, but he enti'eated the pope to relieve him of the archbishopric, in which he was convinced that he could do no good whilst William was on the throne, of whose outrages on religion and morals tra- vellers continually brought fresh tidings. Urban, however, would not release him, and for the present he returned to Schiavi, where he remained until summoned to attend the council of Bari in October 1098. At the council of Bari the question of the ' proces- sion of the Holy Ghost ' was discussed with the Greek delegates. A hot debate arose. The pope referred to Anselm's work on the Incarnation, and presently called on Anselm himself to step forward and vindicate the true doctrine of the Holy Ghost before the assem- bly. An eager crowd thronged round the papal throne, immediately below which An- selm was placed. Urban then formally in- troduced him, and expatiated on the wrongs Avhich had driven him from England. His speech on the doctrinal question was delivered the next day, and is described as a master- piece of learning and power, for which he was publicly thanked by the pope ; but we have no detailed report of it. The sympathy of the council with his troubles was so strong that they unanimously urged the excommunication of the Red King, which, according toEadmer, the pope was only hindered from promulga- ting by the intercession of Anselm himself. Urban, however, was a wary man, and it may be doubted whether he intended more than a demonstration (Eadm. Vit. Ans. ii. 45-9 ; Hist. Nov. ii. 408, 409, 413-16). Anselm and his friends accompanied the pope from Bari to Rome, and soon after their arrival shortly before Christmas, 1098, William of Warelwast appeared as advocate for the Red King. In a public audience Urban adopted a severe and threatening tone, telling him that if the king did not reinstate Anselm be- fore the council to be held the next Easter he must expect to be excommunicated. Wil- liam's agent, however, knew how to deal with the papal court. He tarried several days in Rome, and made good use of his time by a ju- dicious distribution of gifts amongst the coun- cillors of the pope. The result of his dealings was that the pope granted W'illiam a respite to the following Michaelmas. Anselm and his companions now began to see that they

were leaning upon a broken reed, and they asked leave to return to Lyons. But the pope insisted on their remaining for the great council to be held at Easter, and meanwhile paid Anselm all possible honour. When the council assembled in St. Peter's in April 1099, there was some curiosity to see where he would be seated, as no one present had ever seen an archbishop of Canterbury attend a general council at Rome. The pope ordered him to be placed in the seat of honour in the centre of the half-circle of prelates who sat on either side of the papal chair, and there- fore immediately opposite himself. Decrees were passed or renewed against simony and clerical marriages, and anathema was pro- nounced against the layman who should be- stow investiture of an ecclesiastical benefice, or the clerk who should receive it at his hands and become his man. This decree was flatly opposed to the ' customs ' of England and Normandy, and became the occasion of the dispute which afterwards arose between An- selm and Henry I. Wlien the canons were to be read in St. Peter's, the pope ordered Reinger, bishop of Lucca, a man of great sta- ture and powerful voice, to read, so that all might hear. Reinger read a little way, then suddenly stopped, and burst forth into an indig- nant declamation uponthe uselessness of pass- ing laws when they did nothingto right a man who was the meek victim of tyrannical oppres- sion. 'If you do not all know whom I mean,' he said, 'it is Anselm, archbishop of England;' and he ended by smiting the floor thrice with his staff", and uttering a groan through his teeth tightly clenched. ' Enough, enough ! brother Reinger,' said the pope ; * good order shall be taken concerning this.' The whole scene reads like a piece of acting. Anselm clearly suspected it to be so. At any rate nothing came of the demonstration, and the next day Anselm left Rome, ' having ob- tained,' says his biographer, with subdued irony, ' nought of counsel or assistance save what I have related ' (Hist. Nov. ii. 418-21). They reached Lyons in safety, travelling by a circuitous route to avoid the agents of the antipope, and were heartily welcomed by Archbishop Hugh. Anselm resided with him, and assisted him in his episcopal duties.

In the following July, 1099, Pope Urban died ; and on 2 Aug. 1100 William fell in the New Forest, pierced by an arrow from an unknown hand. Anselm wassojoumingat the monastery of God's House (Casa Dei), not far fromBrioude in Auvergne, when the tidings of William's death reached him. It was brought by two monks, one from Canterbury, the other from Bee, At first he was stupefied by the shock, and then he broke into a flood of

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tears. His friends were astonished at this burst of grief over such a man as AVilliam ; but Ansehn, in a voicebrokenby sobs, declared tliat he would I'atlier have died himself than tliat the king should have perished by such a death. He then returned to Lyons, where another monk from Canterbuiy presently ar- rived, bearing aletter from the mother-church, imploring him to return and comfort his chil- dren now the tyrant was no more. Arch- bishop Hugh was most unwilling to part with him, but owned that it was his duty to go. Before he reached Cluny another messenger came, bringing a letter from the new king Henry and the lay lords, begging Anselm to return with all speed, and even chiding him for not coming sooner. Normandy was in a disturbed state, as Robert had just returned, and the Norman nobles were intriguing with him, or through him, against his brother. So Anselm, by Henry's advice, avoided Normandy on his journey to Whitsand, from which port he crossed to Dover. He landed on 23 Sept., and his return, after nearly three years' ab- sence, was welcomed with transports of joy by the whole countiy. The hopes of the nation revived. But as regarded the relations between the king and the primate they speedily re- ceived a check. Anselm had returned, pledged, as he conceived, to obey the canons of the councils of Clermont, Bari, and Rome, which forbade clerics to receive investiture at the hands of laymen, or do homage to them for their benefices. A difficulty arose at once be- tween him and Henry on this point. They met at Salisbury a few days after he had landed, and the king was cordial in his greet- ing ; but the tem])oralities of the see of Can- terbury being in his hands,he required Anselm to do homage for their restitution, according to the ancient custom of the country. An- selm replied that he could not do this in the face of the canons lately passed by the coun- cil of Rome. The king was grievously per- plexed. He was most unwilling to give up the ancient rights of investiture and homage, but he was also most unwilling to quarrel with Anselm, and especially before he was fiiinly established on the throne. He there- fore proposed a truce until the following Eas- ter, during which envoys should be sent to Rome to induce the pope to relax the decrees in favour of the ancient custom of the realm, and meanwhile Anselm was to be reinstated in all the possessions of his see (Eadm. Hist. Nov. iii. 424-5). Anselm consented, although with little hope of the pope's yielding. Per- sonally he does not seem to have entertained any objection to the customs in question, to which he had himself formerly conformed. His opposition to the king was simply a mat-

ter of obedience to the Roman see. While matters were thus in a state of suspense, An- selm did the king a piece of good service. Henry Avas anxious to many Matilda, whose English name was Eadgyth, the daughter of Malcolm, king of Scotland, and Margaret, his wife. Margaret was a granddaughter of Eadmund Ironside, and consequently an alliance with her daughter would connect Henry with the old royal line of England. But it was said by many that Matilda or Eadgyth was a nun, and therefore could not legally be married. Matilda, however, de- nied that she had taken any monastic vows. Her aunt Christina, a nun in the abbey of Romsey, to whose care she had been en- trusted as a child, had made her wear the veil, and wished her to become a nun, but she had always refused. Anselm laid the case before a large assembly of clerics and laymen at Lambeth. Having heard the evi- dence of the maiden herself and of others, they decided that she was free. Anselm heard their reasons and approved their judg- ment. In the presence of a vast concourse whicli came to witness the royal marriage, he challenged any one who disputed its legality to come forward and prove his objection. A unanimous shout of approval was the response. Anselm then celebrated and blessed the mar- riage on 11 Nov. 1100. Matilda was his firm friend through all his difficulties, and constantly corresponded with him when he was absent from England (see esp. Epist. iii. 55).

Easter came (1100), but the envoys had not returned from Rome. The truce there- fore between Henry and Anselm was ex- tended, and meanwhile he rendered another good seiwice to the king. Ralph Flambard, the infamous bishop of Durham, had escaped from the Tower, in which he was imprisoned soon after Henry's accession. He made for Normandy and stirred up Robert to attempt an invasion of England. It was a critical time for Henry. Tlie chief men of Noi'man birth in England wavered in their allegiance. At the Whitsuntide gemot king and nobles met with mutual suspicion. Both sides looked to Anselm as a mediator, and the king holding his hand renewed the promise of good laws which he had made at his coronation. Robert landed at Portchester in July, and the armies met near Alton. Several of the Norman barons went over to Robert's side, biit, mainly owing to the indefatigable exhortations, public and private, of the archbisliop, the mass of the English army and the bishops remained loyal to Henry. Tlie brothers held a parley and came to terms without fighting. Robert gave up England. Henry gave up Normandy

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except Domfront, but it was only for a little time (Eadm. Hist. Nov. ii. 426-31). At last the envoj's returned from llorae. They brought a letter from Pope Paschal distinctly refusing to recognise Henry's claim to invest prelates by the delivery of the pastoral staff and ring. The will of the pope and the will of the king Avere thus placed in direct con- flict. Heniy was not a violent man like llufus, and he did not wish to (juarrel with Anselm, but he was cold-blooded and reso- lute. Anselm was summoned to court and again asked if he Avould do homage and con- secrate the prelates whom the king invested. Anselm replied that he must abide by the decrees of the council at which he had been present. The king proposed that a second and more distinguished embassy should be sent to Home rejjresenting both sides. On Anselm's side were his old friend and com- panion Baldwin of Bee, and Alexander, a monk of Canterbury ; on the side of the king were Gerard, archbishop of York, who also went to get his pallium, Herbert, bishop of Thetford, and Robert, bishop of Chester. The envoys found Paschal as inflexible as before. A letter in the same determined strain was sent to the king, and another to Anselm bidding him to persevere in his pre- sent attitude. On the return of the envoys an assembly of the great men of the realm was convened in London. An unconditional .surrender was again demanded from Anselm. This he declared to be impossible in the face of the letter which he had received from the pope. Every one was allowed to read this letter. The letter to the king, on the con- trary, was not made public. And now, to the bewilderment of all, the king's agents stepped forward and declared on their faith as bishops that the pope in a secret interview had bidden them tell the king that so long as he appointed good and pious prelates, and otherwise conducted himself as a good prince, the pope would not interfere with his claim to investiture, but the pope, they said, would not commit this to writing, lest other princes should quote it as a precedent. Anselm's agents expressed the greatest amazement at this announcement. The assembly was divi- ded. Some maintained that the greatest cre- dence must be given to letters bearing the pope's own seal and signature, others that the word of bishops must outweigh the authority of mere documents supported only by the testi- mony of paltry monks {^inonachelloruni) un- versed in secular aft'airs. In such a conflict of evidence and opinion there was clearly no alternative but to send yet another deputation to Rome to learn what the pope really had •said. All that Anselm wanted to know was

the truth. He wrote to the pope {Epist iii. 73), saying that he did not wish to doubt either the letter or the bishops. Let the pope either exempt England from the decrees of the council, or let him say that they were to be obeyed, and Anselm would let them drop or he would enforce them, even at the peril of his life. Meanwhile he consented that the king should act on the assumption that the story of the bishops was true, and invest prelates with the ring and staff", and further he consented to hold intercourse with such prelates, provided he was not required to consecrate them. The king lost no time in acting on this understanding. He gave the see of Sarum to his clerk Roger, Avho became one of the ablest chancellors of the realm, and Hereford to another Roger who had been the steward of his larder. During this period of compromise, about Michaelmas

1102, a large mixed council was held at Westminster for the reform of abuses eccle- siastical and moral. It was the sort of na- tional synod for which Anselm had repeatedly asked in vain during the reign of Rufus. Several abbots were deposed for simony, canons were passed against the secular habits of the clergy, and especially against their marriage and concubinage. One decree was passed against the slave traffic in England, whereby it is said men were sold like brute beasts ; others were directed against those gross forms of vice which had become common during the reign of the late king (Hist. Nov. ii. 438-9; Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. i. 64). Henry seems to have violated the terms of the compromise with Anselm in asking him to consecrate the bishops whom he appointed and invested. Anselm of covirse refused, and Gerard of York, a timeserving courtier who was ready to consecrate anybody, was called upon to discharge the duty. But, to the general astonishment, some of the king's nominees now began to turn scrupulous. Reinhelm, bishop-elect of Hereford, sent back his ring and staff, and William Giffard, when on the point of being consecrated bishop of Winchester, declared that he would rather be spoiled of all his goods than wrongfully receive the rite at the hands of Gerard. The multitude which had come to witness the con- secration applauded the resolution of William, but the king was highly displeased, and in spite of Anselm's intercession (Ej). iv. 126) William Giffard was banished.

About the middle of the following Lent,

1103, the king and Anselm met at Canter- bury. The messengers had returned from Rome bringing an indignant repudiation by the pope of the story told by Gerard and the other prelates, and confirming the contents

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of his letters in every particular. The king, however, still demanded submission from Anselm ; his patience, he said, Avas worn out, he would brook no more delajs, the pope had nothing to do with the rights which all his Ijredecessors had enjoyed. Anselm was, as ever, respectful, but firm : he did not wish to deprive the king of his rights, but he could not, even to save his life, disobey the canons which he had with his own ears heard pro- mulgated in the Roman council. For the moment the aspect of things seemed blacker than ever ; men even began to fear for the personal safety of the primate, when sud- denly, and with a mildness which makes one think that Henry had all along been assuming more sternness than he really felt, he sug- gested, almost besought, Anselm to go him- self to Rome and try Avhether he could not induce the pope to give Avay. Anselm asked that the proposal might be reserved for the decision of the Easter gemot, Avhich AA'as then about to be held at Wincliester. The as- sembly considered it and urged him to go. He replied that since it Avas their Avill he Avould go, weak and aged though he Avas. Anselm hastened back to Canterbury, and, setting out four days afterAA-ards, embarked at DoA'er and crossed once more to "Whitsand, He had not to sufter any indignities this time, but travelled in the king's peace, and throughout his absence friendly letters passed betAveen him and the king. He Avas Avarmly welcomed CA^eryAvliere, more especially, of course, at Bee, Avliere lie spent- the summer on account of the risk to health of visiting Rome in the hot season. By the end of August he set out. At Rome he found his old opponent William of Warehvast come to act as the king's adA'ocate. William pleaded so skilfully that he made a gi'eat impression on some of the pope's councillors, and boldly Avound up an harangue by saying, * KnoAv all men present that not to save his kingdom Avill King Henry lose the iuAestiture of the churches.' ' And before God, not to save his head Avill Pope Paschal let him have them,' Avas the ansAver. Nevertheless a mo- derately Avorded letter Avas despatched to Henry, informing him that though the rights of investiture could not be granted, and those Avho received it at his hands must be ex- communicated, yet he himself should be exempted from excommunication and enjoy the exercise of all other ancestral customs. In fact it Avas intended to be a soothing letter, and the points at issue Avere someAvhat veiled by compliments and congratulations to the king on the birth of his son. Mean- AA-hile Anselm and his friends set out on their homeward journey. They were conducted

through the Apennines by the renowned Countess Matilda. At Placentia they Avere joined by William of Warelwast, Avho tra- A-elled Avith them OAcr the Alps and then hastened to England, Avhile Anselm Avent to Lyons to spend Christmas AA-ith his old friend the archbishop. Before they parted William told him that he had been bidden by the king to say that he felt the Avarmest regard for Anselm, and if Anselm Avould only be to the king all that liis predecessor had been to Henry's predecessors he Avould be right gladly welcomed. * HaAe you no more to say I-' ' asked Anselm. * I speak to a man of under- standing,' Avas the reply. ' I knoAv Avhat you mean,' said Anselm, and so they parted. At Lyons Anselm sojourned for a year and a half. The king confiscated the revenues of the see of Canterbury, but tAvo of Anselm's OAA'n men wei'e appointed receiAers, that the tenants might not be oppressed. Anselm Avas to be allowed Avhatever Avas conAenient for his OAvn needs, and the king continued to keep up an amicable correspondence with him. At the same time he sent another em- bassy to Rome. His aim seems to have been tAvofold. He Avanted to persviade the pope to dispense Avith the canon against lay in- Aestiture in his favour, and meauAvhile he hoped to pei'suade Anselm to act on the as- sumption that the pope Avould yield. He was not successful in either aim. The pope did not dare, CAen for the sake of securing Henry's support, openly to set aside the canons of a Roman council, although he Avas dilatory in action and hesitating in speech. Anselm, on the contrary, was as firm, clear, and straightforAvard as ever. In spite of re- proachful or suppliant letters from England urging him to return to his bereaAed church, he steadfastly refused until the point in dis- pute Avas settled one Avay or the other. He Avould be to Henry all that Lanfranc had been to Henry's father, if he could be put in Lan- franc's position, if the decrees which had been passed since Lanfranc's time AA'ere re- scinded by the same authority Avhich had issued them, not otherAvise (jEpi'st. iii. 93, 94, 95, 97, iv. 43, 44). The perfect straight- forwardness of Anselm Avas in fact embar- rassing both to Henry and the pope ; neither of them Avished to act Avith complete decision and honesty of puri)0se, nothing short of wliich Avould satisfy Anselm. He continually sent letters or messengers to the pope, but receiA'ed nothing but consolatoiy promises AA'hich came to nothing, Avhile from Henry he got nothing but polite excuses. At last he resolved upon an act Avhich should force the question to a crisis. In the summer of 1105 he set out for Normandy, Avhere the

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king then was. On the way he heard that

Adela, countess of Blois, sister of the king, was very ill. He turned liis steps to Blois, and taiTied there some days till she was convalescent. Then he told her that for the wrong which her hrother had done to God and to him for two years and nioi'e he was going to excommunicate lum. Adela was greatly distressed, and Henry himself was alarmed when he heard t)f Anselm's intention. It would tarnish his reputation to undergo such a sentence from a man of Anselm's character, and might strengthen the hands of his adversaries in the critical struggle in which he was then engaged for the possession of Normandy. Tlirough the mediation of Adela an interview was arranged between him and Anselm at Laigle on 22 July 1105. Nothing could exceed the courtesy of Henry ; he restored the I'evenues of the see, he im- plored the primate to return if only he would recognise those Avho had been invested by the king. But Anselm insisted that per- mission to do this must be given from Rome. This involved yet another embassy, and there was considerable delay in sending it. Henry meanwhile added to the list of his wrongs done to the church by levying heavy taxes upon it for his expenses in the war with Normandy. He began by exacting fines from the clergy who had disobeyed the canons against marriage, but, finding tlie simis so raised inadequate, he imposed the tax on the whole body. The clergy Avere in great dis- tress, and besought the queen, ' good Queen Mold,' to plead for them with the king ; but though moved to tears by their sad plight slie dared not interfere. In this strait even the court bishops began to turn to Anselm for help. They wrote a piteous letter, saying that if only he would return they would stand by him and fight for the honour of Christ {Ep. iii. 121). Anselm Avrote a letter of sympathy (iii. 122), mixed with some gently ironical congratulations on their having per- ceived at last the consequences of their sub- servience, and expressing his regret that he could not return, anxious as he was to do so, until the pope had decided the point in dis- pute between him and the king. Meanwhile he -wrote a severe letter of reproof to Henry (Ep. iii. 109) for taking upon himself to punish priests, a duty which pertained to bisliops only, and he warned him that the money so raised would not turn to his profit. At the same time he wi'ote to his archdeacon and to the prior and chapter of Canterbury, ordering the penalties of deprivation or ex- communication to be enfoi-ced upon those clergy who infringed the canons concerning man-iage (Ep. iii. 110-12). Henry replied

to Anselm in polite but evasive terras, ex- pressing himself ready to make amends if he had ort'ended, and promising that the archi- episcopal propertj- should not be molested {Jlist. Nov. iv. 460).

At length,in April 1106, William of Warel- wast and Baldwin of liec returned with the latest instructions of tlie pope. Anselm was now authorised to release from excom- munication those who had broken the canons about investiture and homage. The judg- ment laid down no rule for the future, but it set Anselm free to return and renew inter- course with the offending bishops, and the king sent messengers to Anselm at Bee urging him to come without delay. He was detained, however, for some time, partly at Bee, partly at Jumieges, by alarming illness. Henry expressed the greatest anxiety; all his wants were to be supplied, and the king would shortly cross to Normandy and pay him a visit. His life was despaired of, but just as he seemed on the brink of death he began to recover, and on the feast of the Assump- tion he was well enough to see the king at Bee. At this interview the king pledged himself to release the churches henceforth fi'om the vexatious burdens laid on them by his brother, to exact no more fines from the clergy, to compensate in the course of three years those who had already paid them, and to restore eveiything which he had kept in his hands belonging to the see of Canter- bury. Anselm now started for England, and landing at Dover was greeted with enthusi- astic joy, in Avliich the queen took a prominent part, going to meet him, and then traAelling in advance in order to arrange for his comfort at the places Avhere he halted. Henry re- mained in Normandy, and before long wrote to Anselm announcing his decisive victory at Tenchebrai over his brother Robert, and the complete subjugation of Normandy, 28 Sept. 1106 (Hi^f. Nov. iv. 464).

The final and formal settlement of the long dispute concerning investiture was made at a large gemot held in London on 1 Aug. 1107. It was debated for three days by the king and the bishops, Anselm being absent. Some were for still insisting on the old custom, but Pope Paschal had conceded the question of homage, and so the king on his part was the more willing to concede the right of investiture. In the presence, there- fore, of Anselm and a great multitude of witnesses, the king granted and decreed that thenceforth no man in England should be invested with bishopric or abbey by staff and ring either by the hand of the king or any other layman, and Anselm on liis side promised that no one elected to a prelacy

Anselm

should be debarred from consecration on account of having done homage to tlie king. In accordance with this compromise appoint- ments were immediately made to several churches which had long been destitute of incumbents without any investiture by staif and ring from lay liands. (Jn Sunday, the 11th, Anselm consecrated several men with whom he had not been able to hold com- munion to bishoprics, mcluding William Giftard to AN'inchester, and lleinhelm to Hereford, who had refused to be consecrated by Gerard of York, Koger to Sarum, and William of Warelwast, so long his oppo- nent but now his friend, to Exeter (Hist. Nov. iv. 466). Anselm did not long survive the termination of his protracted struggle for the rights and liberties of the church ; and during this brief remainder of his life he was repeatedly attacked by severe ill- ness. But in the intervals he was actively engaged, and we see the same indomitable spirit at work. He not only laboured to enforce the canons of London against simony and the marriage of the clergy, but largely tlu'ough his efforts the king was moved to put down false coining with a strong hand, and a stricter discipline was maintained amongst his followers, Avhose acts of violence, when he made his progresses, had long been a cause of misery to the people. Anselm also promoted the erection of Ely into an episcopal see to relieve the gi-eat diocese of Lincoln, and lie upheld the paramount dig- nity of the see of Canterbury against the pretensions of Thomas, archbishop elect of York, who tried to evade making his pro- fession of obedience, but was compelled to do so by a deci'ee passed in a gemot at London. Nor were his literary labours di- minished ; he carried on a wide correspon- dence with distinguished persons, clerical and lay, who sought his counsel in all parts of Christendom, including Alexander, king of the Scots, Murdach, king of the Irish, and Baldwin, king of Jerusalem ; and he wrote a treatise * concerning the agreement of fore- knowledge, predestination, and the gi-ace of God with free will.' The composition of this treatise was delayed by frequent interrup- tions of illness and increasing weakness. At last he became so feeble that he had to be carried in a litter from place to place instead of riding on horseback. Till within four days of his death he was carried daily into his chapel to attend mass. Then he took to his bed. On Palm Sunday, being told by one of those wlio stood around liim that they thought he was about to leave the world to keep his Master's Easter court, lie replied, ' If His will be so, I shall gladly obey it ;

but if He pleased rather that I should yet remain amongst^ you till I have solved a question which I am turning in my mind about the origin of the soul, I should receive it thankfully ; for I know not any one who will finish it after I am gone.' This wish, however, was not to be fulfilled. On Thurs- day he could no longer speak intelligibly, and on Wednesday, 21 April, at dawn he passed away, in the year 1109, the sixteenth of his pontificate and the seventy-sixth of his life. He was buried in the cathedral at Canterbury, next his friend Lanfranc, in the body of the church in front of the great rood ; but his remains were afterwards re- moved to the chapel, beneath the south-east tower, which bears his name, and there they now rest (Eadmer, Vif. Am. ii. c. 7 ; Hist. Nov. iv. 467, ad finem). If guileless sim- plicity, spotless integrity, faithful zeal, and patient suffering for righteousness sake give any one a claim to be called ' saint,' Anselm certainly deserved the title. And it was by virtue of these qualities, combined with in- flexible firmness, courage, and straightfor- ward honesty of purpose, more than by his intellectual gifts, great as they were, that he won the day in his struggle first with lawless insolence, and then with diplomatic craft. After his death he became the object of increasing veneration to men of his own time, and to later generations. Dante, in his vision of Paradise, saAv him ' among the spirits of light and power in the sphere of the sun.' A halo of miraculous legend ga- thered round the stoiy of his life. Yet, strange to say, the first demand for his canonisation made by Thomas Becket was not successful, and he was not formally placed on the roll of saints till 1494, when he suffered what has been well called the * indignity of canonisation ' at the hands of Roderic Borgia, Pope Alexander VI (Church's Anselm, p. 301).

A catalogue of Anselm's vsrritings is given below. His fame as a philosopher and theologian rests mainly upon three treatises — the * Monologion,' the * Proslogion,' and the ' Cur Deus Homo ?'

The ' Monologion,' which, as the name im- plies, is in the form of a continuous discourse as distinguished from a dialogue, is an attempt to prove the existence and nature of God by pure reason without the aid of Scripture or of any appeal to authority. It is an application of the Platonic theory of ' ideas ' to the demonstration of christian doctrine. Some eftbrts in this direction had been made by the (so-called) Dionysius the Areopagite, whose writings had become well known in western Christendom through a

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translation made by John Scotus Erif^ena. St. Augustine worked out the method more systematically in his treatise on the Trinity (lib. viii. c. 3), but not with such complete- ness and precision as Anselm, wliose treatise is one close and compact chain of reasoning, every link being, so to s])eak, tightly fastened to that which precedes and follows it. Start- ing from the contemplation of sensible objects, he propounds the question Avhetherthe good- ness in all good things, although kiiown'by different names, such as justice in a man, strength or swiftness in a horse, and so on, comes from one source or divers. All va- rieties of excellence, by whatever name they may be called, are resolvable at last into a few simple elements — the good, the beauti- ful, the great, the usefid. Hence he arrives at the conclusion that all things to which any of these qualities in various degrees and forms are attributed must derive tliem from something which is in itself always the same, wliich is in itself absolutely and un- changeably good and great. As also there is a difference in natures, some being better than others, as a horse is superior to a dog, and a man to a horse, there must be one nature so superior to all otliers that it can- not be exceeded by any ; otherwise there would be no end to the series, which is absurd. This supreme nature must be the author of its own existence : it must be ' per se' and 'ex se,' *by means of itself and * from itself ;' it must be ' per se,' for if it was by means of another that other would be the greater, which is contrary to the supposition; if it were out of nothing, then it must be brought out of nothing either by itself or by another ; not by itself, for then itself would be prior to itself, which is ab- sui'd, nor by another, for then it would not be the highest nature of all. In this way he proves the eternal self-existence of the divine nature. And by similar rigorously logical methods he goes on to prove the ex- istence and nature of the Word, and the Jloly Spirit.

In the * Proslogion,' so called because it is in the form of an address to God, he endea- vours to prove the existence of the Deity by a shorter method — by a single deductive argument instead of a lengthened inductive chain. He had long been anxious, he says, to discover such an argument, and vexed that it continually eluded him, tmtil at last, to his great joy, it was suddenly revealed to him. The point of departure in this case was not the contemplation of the outer but of the inner world, not of sensible objects but of the mind of man. He could prove, he thought, the being of a God out of the

very saying of the fool that there was no God. That veiy denial involved the idea of a Being than whom no greater can be con- ceived ; but if no greater can be conceived, then He must exist, since existence is a necessarj^ point of perfection. This is sub- stantially the argument which was employed by Descartes six hundred years afterwards, although there is no evidence tliat Descartes had any knowledge of Anselm's writings. Leibnitz, however, is inclined to suspect that he had, because he thinks that both in the style and matter of Descartes' writings he detects a larger obligation to other authors than Descartes chose to acknowledge {Epist. ad Bierlim/ium, 1710, v. 361, 393), It is to be noted that neither Anselm nor Des- cartes seeks to prove the existence of God in order to produce belief, but, starting from belief as a fact, their aim is to show that reason independently followed necessarily confirms the convictions of faith. It is re- markable that in the period between Anselm and Descartes no one seems to have adopted the same method. Anselm cannot properly be considered as the first or forerunner of the schoolmen ; their method was not Pla- tonic, but Aristotelian, a method far better adapted than Anselm's to the ordinary mind of the middle ages. In boldness, indeed, and originality of thought, Anselm was too far ahead of the intellectual standard of his day to be thoroughly understood or appre- ciated. The aim of the * Cur Deus Homo ? ' is to prove the necessity of the incarnation as the only means whereby the debt of obedience due from man to God could be discharged, an adequate reparation made for his offences, and the immortality of body and soul recovered for which he was origi- nally destined. Unlike the other two trea- tises, it is in the foi'm of a dialogue, which renders it easier reading, although the reason- ing is not less close and cogent. There is no apparent lack of finish in the work, although Anselm in his preface says that he should have made several additions if he could have secured some quiet leisure, but that it was begun in England amidst great distress of heart — 'in magna cordis tribulatione' — and finished during his sojourn in the pro- vince of Capua.

If his philosophical treatises exhibit the profundity, the daring originality, and mas- terly gi-asp of his intellect, his medita- tions and prayers reveal the spiritual side of his nature, the deep humility of his faith, and the fervour of his love towards God, while his letters show him in his more human aspect — his tender sympathy and affection,, his courtesy and respectfulness, combined

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Avith firmness in maintaining what lie believed to be right, and in reproving what he believed to be wrong. Thus his writings completely verify the statement of William of Malmes- bury (i. § 47) that he was thoroughly spiri- tual and industriously learned — ' penitus sanctus, anxie doctus.'

The first complete and satisfactory edition of Anselm's works was that of Gabriel Ger- beron (Paris, 1721), a monk of the congre- gation of St. Maur. He says in his preface that hitherto most of the copies of his works Avere so mutilated or disfigured by corrections that they were scarcely intelligible. He framed a new text by a careful collation of as many manuscripts as he could collect, and an examination of existing printed editions. These were — two bearing no mark of date or place of issue ; one printed at Nuremberg, 1491 ; two at Paris, lo44 and 1549; one at Venice, 1549; two at Cologne, 1573 and 1612 ; and one at Lyons, 1630. Gerberon arranged the works in his edition in three divisions : —

1. The theological and philosophical, in- cluding the Monologion, the Proslogion, the attack of Gaunilo, a monk of Marmoutiers, on the same, and Anselm's reply ; the ' De Fide Trinitatis,' the ' De Processione Spiritus Sancti contra Graecos,' ' Dialogus de Casu Diaboli,' ' Cur Deus Homo,' ' Ue Conceptu Virginali et Originali Peccato,' ' Dialogus de Veritate,' 'Liber de Voluntate,' 'Dialogus de Libero Arbitrio,' ' De Concordia Praesci- entise et Prsedestinationis,' ' De Azymo et Fermentato,' ' De Sacramentorum Diversi- tate (Waleranni epistola),' ' Responsio ad AValeranni Querelas,' ' Oftendiculum Sacer- df)tum,' 'De Nuptiis Consanguineorum,' ' Dialogus de Grammatico,' ' De Voluntate Dei.'

2. Devotional and hortatory : ' Homilies and Exhortations,' ' Sermo de Passione Do- mini,' ' Exhortatio ad Contemptum Tempo- ralium et Desiderium ^Etemorum,' ' Admo- nitio Morienti,' ' Duo Oarmina de Contemptu Mundi,' ' Liber Meditationum et Orationum xxi.,' ' Meditatio super Miserere,' ' De Pace et Concordia,' ' Tractatus Asceticus,' ' Ora- tio dicenda ante Perceptionem Corporis et Sanguinis Domini,' ' Salutatio ad Jesum Christum ex anecdotis sacris de Levis,' * Hymni et Psalterium de S. Maria,' ' Ver- sus de Lanfranco,' ' De Verbis Anselmi,' ' Qufedam Dicta utilia ex dictis S. Anselmi.'

3. Four books of letters.

The Abb6 Migne's edition, in two volumes, imperial octavo, is a reproduction of Gerbe- ron's edition, i-evised, including the footnotes of ' Henschenius,' and the 'Vita' and *His- toria Novorum ' of Eadmer. The ' various

readings ' are in this edition placed at the bottom of each page instead of being put at the end of the works, as in Gerberon's edi- tion. The references in this article are to Migne's edition.

[The primary authorities for the life of An- selm are the two works by Eadmer, a monk of Canterbury, afterwards bishop-elect of St. An- drewSjWhich were edited by Mr. Eule in the Rolls Series in 1884. After Anselm became primate, Eadmer was his domestic chaplain and most in- timate friend, and was an eye-witness of most of the events which he relates. He first wrote tlie ' Historia Novorum,' which might be called a ' Life and Times of Anselm,' and the ' Vita An- selmi,' which deals more with the inner personal life and character of his subject. William of Malmesbury (Gesta Pontificum, lib. i.) and John of Salisbury, Eishop of Chartres (Life of An- selm in ' Anglia Sacra,' vol. ii.), although they supply a few details of their owti, avowedly draw their accounts mainly from Eadmer, and Orde- ricus Vitalis, in his somty notices (Hist. Eccles. lib. X. and xi.), refers his readers to the same source for further information. Next to the memoirs of Eadmer in value are Anselm's own letters, upwai-ds of four hundred in number, which throw much light not only on his life but on the history of the times. The principal modern biographies are by : 1. ^loliler, formerly Roman catholic professor at Munich, a fragment only, but good as far as it goes, translated into English in 1842. 2. Hasse, protestant professor at Bonn, 1843, 18o2. 3. Franck, Tiibingen, 1842. 4. Charles de Remusat, Paris, 1853, and second edition 1868, an excellent biography with an able and lucid criticism of Anselm's philosophy. In connection with the latter may be mentioned a critique on the philosophy by M. Emile Sais- set, in a volume of miscellanies, 'Melange d'Histoire, de Morale, et de Critique,' which was originally written as a review of M. Remusat's work for the ' Revue des Deux-Mondes ;' also a translation of the ^Monologion and Proslogion, with an introductory essay by H. Bouchitte, in 'Le Rationalisme Chretien.' 5. M Charma, Paris, 18.53, a short but interesting study with a com- panion one on Lanfranc. 6. Montalembert, a short fragment of much beauty, 1844. 7. Crozet Mouehet (Paris andTournai), 1859, valuable for what relates to the early life at Aosta. 8. R. W. Church, dean of St. Paul's, London, a masterly sketch, accurate, vigorous, and graceful, and as full as was possible within the prescribed limits of the series for which it was written, Macmil- lan's Sunday Library. 9. Mr. E. A. Freeman has dealt twice over most carefully with the his- tory of Anselm, first in his 'History of the Nor- man Conquest,' vols, iii., iv. and v. (also notices in i. 355, 564, and ii. 25, 215, 217), and again more fully in his 'HLstory of the Reign of William Rufus,' vol. i. ch. iv., and vol. ii. ch. vii. (see also an interesting note on Anselm's letters, Y in appendix). His narratives are especially valuable for the minute and exact references

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31

which they contain to oi'iginal authorities, and for l)ringing out some points liardly noticed elsewhere, especially the hearing on Anselm's appeal to Rome of the former appeal made by Bishop William of St. Calais. 10. Mr. Martin Kale's ' Life and Times of St. Anselm ' (2 vols, demy octavo, 1883) contains a good deal of useful mivtter, the fruit of long and careful labour, but is marred bj- irrelevant digressions and a cumbrous style. His prejudices, also, oh a warm partisan of the papacj', sometimes dis- tort his view of simple facts.] W. R. W. S!"

ANSLAY, BRIAN (/. 1521), yeoman of the wino cellar to Henry VIII, translated the ' Tresor de la Cit6 des Dames ' of Christine de Pise, under the title of the ' Boke of the Cyte of Ladies,' 1521. In a preliminary copy of verses the printer, Henry Pepwell, states that the translation v^-as published at the instance of the Earl of Kent. The book consists of a number of short stories about famous women, much of the material being drawn from Boccaccio. There ai"e some no- tices of Anslay in ' Letters and Papers of the lleign of Henry VIII' (art. 4231, 23, et seq.). A ' Bryan Anslye, Esquier, late of Lee, in the county of Kent .... served Qveene Eliza- beth as one of ye band of Gentlemen Pen- cioners to her Ma*'" the space of XXX'>'* yeares;' and, dying 10 July 1604, was buried in tlie church of Lee, Kent, where a memorial slab, still legible, gives an account of him and his family. He was probably the son of Anslay the translator.

[Ellis's Historical Sketches, ii. 20; Athenisum for 2 Sept. 1876, where the inscription on the younger Anslay is printed in full, by Mr. J. W. Hales, who has reprinted it in his Essays and Notes on Shakespeare, p. 271.] A. H. B.

ANSON, GEORGE, Lokd Anson (1697- 1762), admiral of the fleet, was the second son of William Anson, of Shugborough, in the parish of Colwich, in Staffordshire, and was born there on 23 April 1697 ; his mother Isabella, daughter of Charles Carrier, of Wirk- worth, in Derbyshire, was sister of Janet, the wife of Thomas Parker, afterwards Lord Parker and Earl of Macclesfield, and in 1718 created lord chancellor. On 2 Feb. 1711-12, Anson entered on board the Ruby, com- manded by Captain Peter Chamberlen, as a volunteer, and on 27 March followed Captain Chamberlen to the Monmouth, where he re- mained till 27 June 1713, when he was dis- charged, as the ship was about to pay off. All attempts to trace his service during the next three years have been unsuccessful : but in May 1716 he was serving as midshipman or supernumerary in the fleet bound for the Baltic under Sir John Norris, who wrote from

Anson

the Nore on 17 ;May that a lieutenant of the Hampshire had requested to be put on half- pay, and that lie intended 'to commission Mr. George Anson, who is cousin to my Lord Parker.' In 1716 the mo.st brilliant merit conceivable was all the more brilliant in the nephew of the lord chief justice.

He continued in the Hampshire till she paid oft" in December 1717, and in March 1718 was appointed second lieutenant of the Montagu, and was in her in tlie action oft' Cape Passaro on 31 July 1718. On 2 Oct. 1719, he was transfeiTed to the Barfleur, Sir George Byng's flagship ; and in June 1722 was made a commander, and appointed to tlie Weasel sloop, which was employed in the North Sea against the Dutch smugglers. In Februaiy 1723-4, he was advanced to the rank of captain, appointed to the Scarborough frigate, and sent out to South Carolina, with instructions to protect the coast and the com- merce against pirates and Spanish cruisers, which were already practising the system of annoyance which ultimately led to the war of 1739. They did not at that time, however, menace the Carolina coast; and the general nature of Anson's service was to cruise to and from the Bahamas. On one occasion he had intelligence of a Spanish boat which liad been molesting some of the English traders, but proceeding to look for her, he touched at Providence, where he learned that she had been already taken ' by a sloop bound for Jamaica, who can-ied her there, where the people were condemned for pirating and hanged' (Anson to Burchett, 16 Jan. 1724-5). A few months later he received orders to act against the Spaniards wherever he met them, but the little war of 1726 passed over without any incident in Anson's career. In July 1728, on the death of Captain Morris of the Garland, he moved into that ship, and sent home the Scarborougli, which was badly in want of refitting: but he himself was kept out two years longer, and did not return to England till July 1730. His long service on the coast of Carolina, however useful, was in no way brilliant ; but he would seem to have been popular with the colonists, who still preserve his memoi-y embalmed in the name of Anson county; and a Carolina lady, writing to her sister in London, could say nothing worse of him than that it was ' averred ' he loved his bottle, and was far from being a woman-hater; whilst, on the other hand, he was handsome, good-natured, polite, well bred, generous, and humane; passionately fond of music, and ' so old- fashioned as to make some profession of re- ligion ' (Barrow's i?/(°, 14).

In 1731 he commanded the Diamond frigate

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Anson

in the Channel; and in I'eljruaiy 1731-2, being appointed to the Squirrel, whs sent out to his old station on the coast of Carolina, whence he returned in June 1735 ; the Squirrel was paid off, and Anson, for the first time, was on shore for two years and a half.

In December 1737 he was appointed to the Centurion, of 60 guns, and sent to the west coast of Africa for the protection of the English trade against the encroachments of the French, after which he crossed over to the West Indies, and was recalled thence in the autumn of 1 739. It had been deter- mined to give him the command of one of two squadrons that were to be sent to the Pacific ; and when it was found necessary to ciu"tail the plan and send only one, that one was put under the orders of Anson with the nominal rank of commodore. The establish- ment of the navy, after many years of peace and decay, was at a very low ebb, and the ex- pense of fittingout the fleet for the West Indies and the coast of Spain swallowed up all the resources of the admiralty. There was thus great difficulty in equipping and manning the ships intended for the Pacific ; whilst instead of the regiment of soldiers which had been told off" for this service, a number of pensioners, old, worn-out, and crippled, were put on board, together with a number of newly enlisted and wholly undrilled marines. All this caused great delay, and it was not till 18 Sept. 1740, after eight months' preparation, that the little squadron of six ships put to sea from St. Helens. Arriving in the neighbourliood of Cape Horn in the stormy season, the ships were severely buffeted ; two were driven back, and neAer got round at all ; one, the Wager, was driven ashore and totally lost [see Bykox, John] ; the Centurion narrowly escaped a similar fate; and it was not till 11 June 1741 that she arrived at Juan Fernandez, with not more than thirty men, officers included, fit for duty. The Gloucester, of 50 guns, ar- rived some time after in still worse plight, as also the Trial brig; and after refitting and resting till September, it was found that out of the 961 men who had left England in these three ships, 626 liad died, leaving 335 men and boys, a number quite insufficient for even the Centurion alone. Anson, how- evei*, determined to do wliat he could to effect the purpose of his voyage, and, with a hollow pretence of strength, he managed to destroy the Spanish c(mimerce, blockade the ports, and sack and burn tlie townof Paita. He then hoped to intercept the yearly ship from Manila for Acapulco; but finding tliat he had missed her, and that there was no chance

of her sailing on the return voyage while he was on the coast, he made sail for China. The Trial had long since been condemned: the Gloucester now proved to be unsea- worthy, and was cleared out and set on fire ; the Centuricm alone remained, and again, as oft' Cape Horn, Avas visited by scurvy in its worst foi'ms. It was only after refreshing and resting for tAvo months at Tinian, that her men, sorely diminished in numbers, Avere able to take the ship on to Macao ; and, after refitting thei-e, they sailed to cruise off Ma- nila in quest of the Acapulco ship. The Centurion had noAv less than 200 men left of the original 961 ; but some Spanish negroes and Indians, as well as some Dutchmen and Lascars, had been picked up at Macao, and she had actually on board, of all creeds and colours, 227. With this reduced creAv, hoA\-- eA'er, she met the great galeon on 20 June 1743, and captured her. In size and number of men the Spaniard Avas Aastly superior to the Centurion ; but she was lumbered with merchandise, and of her 600 men few were trained to arms or to act together, whilst during the last cruise Anson had taken very great pains in exercising his men. The amount of treasure was enormous ; and An- son, deciding that nothing more AA'as to be done, resolved to return to England round the Cape of Good Hope. Good fortune fa- voured him at the last, and as he came into the Channel a thick fog hid him from the French fleet Avhich Avas cruising in the Sound- ings ; he passed safely through it, and anchored at Spithead on 15 June 1744. The treasure which he had brought home amounted to about 500,000/. This Avas landed at Ports- mouth, sent up to London, and paraded in triumph through the city in a procession of thii"ty-two wagons, the ship's company march- ing Avith colours flying and band playing.

In ready acknowledgment of Anson's good service and good fortune, the admiralty at once promoted liim to the rank of rear- admiral, but they refused to confirm an acting commission as captain of the Cen- turion, which Anson, claiming to act as commodore, hadgiAen to his first lieiitenant, Mr. Peircy Brett, whilst in China. They did indeed specially promote ]Mr. Brett, but An- son rejected the compromise, returned his own commission — AAdiich AA^as accordingly cancelled — and went on half pay as a captain. As his share of the prize money had ren- dered him a AA-ealthy man, quite independent of the service, he Avould certainly not have accepted any further appointment from the Earl of Winchilsea, but the change of mi- nistry a feAV months later brought in a neAv admiralty, Avith the Didie of Bedford at its

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Anson

head, and Anson as one of its members. Its Aerj' first act was to reverse the decision of the former board, and to confirm the com- mission wliich Anson had given to Captain Brett (tlie patent of the board is dated 28 Dec. 1744; the minute confirming Brett's commission is dated 29 Dec), and on 20 April 1 74.'), Anson was re-promoted to flag rank, this time as rear-admiral of the white.

For a year and a half Anson continued in London, taking a leading share in the wofk of the admiralty, and, though a very junior member of the board, acting directly as the Duke of Bedford's representative in all mat- ters of executive administration. Beyond the old friendship existing between Lord Chancellor Hardwicke and the Macclesfield family (Campbell's Zzres of the Chancellors, V. lo) it is now impossible to trace the par- ticular interest which Anson could have had; that he had some may be considered certain.

In July 1746 Vice-Admiral Martin re- signed the command of the Channel fleet ; and Anson, now vice-admiral of the blue, undertook the duty and hoisted his flag on board the Yarmouth on 9 Aug. Tlie fleet was very short-handed, for in Martin's last cruise bad provisions and bad beer, scurvy, fever, and small-pox, had caused the death or sickness of an enormous number of men (Martin to Corbett, 3 July 1746; JoANNis TIuXHAMi Observationes de Aere et Morbis epidemicis (1773), p. 341) ; and now Admiral Lestock, fitting out for the expedition to Lo- rient, had carried off" every seaman that he could find (Anson to Bedford, 11 Aug. 1746, in Bedford Correspondence, i. 137). It was tluis the end of the month before Anson could get the fleet to sea ; and he then cruised to the westward, oif Ushant, hoping to intercept on its return the French fleet, which had gone to Chebucto (the present Halifax) under the Duke d'Enville. The terrible fate of that expedition was not yet fully known; and, though Anson put into Plymouth at the end of October, it was only for a supply of water. * My men,' he wrote to the Duke of Bedford (28 Oct.), ' begin to be very sickly, and most of the ships very foul, but the hope of de- stroying some of the enemy's fleet will make me risk health and everything else.' On 4 Nov. he wrote that he hoped to be com- plete and at sea in two or three days, and to have better fortune in his next cruise. ' I am surprised,' he added, ' that Mr. Lestock, who had such certain intelligence, from the French sliips burnt in the bay, of the shat- tered condition of D'Enville's ships, should not cruise off Ushant for them, as his squa- dron was not in want of anything ' (Bedford Corr. i. 174).

Notwithstanding Anson's haste to get to sea, the French hospital ship and a sloop were all that he fell in with. It was by this time certainly known that the PVench wjuadron ' was in an almost helpless condition, and that if it could be met with, it must be captured. It received, however, warning from a Dutcli I merchant ship of the neighbourhood of the [ English fleet, and by keeping to the soutlnvard got in-sliore of it, and so safely to Brest. The : next spring Anson was more fortunate. The P'rench were preparing to send out another expedition to America, and at the same time a squadron to the East Indies. On 29 April the two sailed together from the roadstead I of Aix, under the command of M. de la Jonquiere, whose energetic behaviour and , clever escape in bringing home the shattered I remains of the fleet the year before had pointed him out as a capable and a lucky officer. But Anson had early and fairly exact knowledge of the projected expedition, and, in his double capacity of lord of the ad- miralty and commander-in-chief of the fleet, took care to have with him an overpowering force and such a number of cruisers that it was wellnigh impossible for the enemy to escape him. With his own flag on board the Prince George, of 90 guns, and liaving with him Rear-Admiral Warren in the Devon- shire, Captain Boscawen in the Namur, and others, numbering altogether fourteen ships of the line, he stationed himself ofi^ Cape Finisterre, and continued there during the greater part of April, exercising his fleet in forming line and in manceu\Tes of battle till then absolutely unknown. On the morning of 3 May the French fleet was sighted, and was successfully pursued. Anson at first made the signal for line of battle, but presently, perceiving that the French were of very in- ferior force, he made the signal for a general chase and fell on them pell-mell. La Jon- quiere placed his convoy to leeward, in charge of two frigates, and drew up his squadron in line to meet the enemy ; but including two 40-gun ships, a 50-gun ship with only half her guns on board, and four Indiamen, he numbered only ten ships in all. The ships of war fought well, but were speedily over- powered ; the Indiamen, with valuable car- goes on board, endeavoured to make oflT, but were captured afterwards. The defence, how- ever, Avas sufficient to permit the greater part of the convoy to escape during the night. Amongst the captured ships were the Gloire, of 40 guns, and the Invincible, of 74. \Mien M. de Saint-George, the captain of the latter, went on board the Prince George to sur- render his sword to Anson, he addressed him with, * Monsieur, vous avez vaincu I'lnvin-

B

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Anson

cible, et la Gloire vous suit.' Saint-George returned to England with Anson, and be- tween the two there sprang up a friendship and correspondence which continued till death ended it.

Anson's great superiority of force was main- ly due to his own care and forethought ; and he made such good use of it as utterly to over- whelm the enemy. A French fleet had been utterly defeated, and some 300,000/. in specie had been captured and carried through London in triumph. ' I ought to be satisfied,' wrote Anson to the Duke of Bedford, ' but wish he (La Jonquiere)had had a little more strength, though this is the best stroke that has been made upon the French since La Hogue.' It was not only a national but a political success, and the ministry, accepting it as such, heaped rewards on the victors. Anson was raised to the peerage as Baron Anson of Soberton, in Hampshire ; Warren, the second in command, was made a knight of the Bath ; and Boscawen, the senior captain, though of only ten years' standing, was specially included in the next promotion of admirals.

In February 1747-8 the Duke of Bedford was appointed secretary of state, and Lord Sandwich became first lord of the admiralty. The duke had virtually assigned the execu- tive administration of the navy to Anson, but now, in the absence of Sandwich in Germany, Lord Vere Beauclerk took the di- rection of affairs. As captain, as admiral, and in the admiralty patent, Beauclerk was the senior of the two, and may naturally have felt some annoyance at the preference previ- ously given to his j unior. It was now Anson's turn to feel aggrieved ; he wrote to Lord Sandwich on 15 Feb. : * In your absence Lord Vere may make as much a cipher of me as he pleases, which you will easily imagine must be very disagreeable to me after the share the Duke of Bedford has allowed me in the direction of affairs afloat and the success which has attended his grace's administra- tion of naval affairs in every branch of the department. Besides, I think the world will see me in a very disadvantageous light. . . . He has been in my way ever since I came into the world. Two years ago I endeavou^red to shove him before me, but there was no moving him from the earth to his proper element, and to continue now in his rear, both at land and sea, I own I cannot well endure' (Barrow, p. 201). To this, on 19 March, Lord Sandwich replied : * I think that so far from Lord Vere being able to make a cipher of you, that you must put liim absolutely in that situation himself. 1 always told you that wlienever I got to the head of

the admiralty it should, except in the name and show of it, be the same thing as if you were there yourself. ... If Lord Vere's pur- poses are disagreeable to you, it is very easy to prevent them, by desiring first to know my opinion. .. . . You may be assured I will do no act whatever but directly through your hands, which will plainly show people where the power centres, and I think indis- putably fix you in the entire management of affairs'^ {ibid. T^. 204).

It was shortly afterwards, 25 April 1748, that Anson was married to Lady Elizabeth Yorke, daughter of the lord chancellor. The marriage brought wealth as well as influence. ' The whole portion,' wi-ote Lord Hardwicke to liis intended son-in-law, a few days before the marriage, ' shall be paid either in bank- notes, or in my draft upon the bank, as you like best.' Notwithstanding the frequent indelicate jokes of Horace Walpole, there is no reason to suppose that the marriage was other than a happy one. No cliildren fol- lowed, although a letter from Lord Hard- wicke, dated 30 Aug. 1748 (Barrow, p. 208), seems to imply that some such result was expected. If so, however, it ended in dis- appointment.

Anson's public life was meantime devoted to reorganising certain weak points in the navy wliich the war had brought to light. The marine regiments were to be broken, a new corps of marines under the jurisdiction of the admiralty was to be formed, the ad- ministration of the dockyards was to be im- proved, and, most important of all, a new code of articles of war was to be drawn up and passed through parliament. AVitliin the next few years all these things were done, and done effectually. Dockyard administra- tion no doubt remained for very many years exceedingly corrupt, though not, we may be- lieve, so atrociously bad as in former years. The building of ships, too, was improved, and the establishment of guns and all stores put on a more afttisfactory footing. The articles of war, as passed in 1749, remained the law of the service till 1865 ; and the corps of marines, as then planned, and de- finitely formed in 1755, is the same as at the present day. Of these several measures the chief part of the credit must attach to Anson, wlio, as we have seen, was placed by Lord Sandwich at the head of the executive, and who in June 1751 became actually, as well as virtually, first lord of the admiralty. This post he filled until the change of ministry in November 1756, and it was thus during his administration that the fleet under Ad- miral John Byng sailed for the Mediterranean in March, and was defeated off" Cape Mola on

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Anson

20 May 1756. Anson's whole life and career are utterly opposed to the idea of his having, in this matter, erred through carelessness. We are forced, therefoi'e, to the conclusion that in not ordering a larger fleet to the Mediterranean, he was honestly mistaken, and that in appointing Admiral Byng to the command he was under some undiscoverable influence. AVe know now that the French, in the spring of 1756, had no idea of invading England or Ireland; but the ministiy ca*- tainly thought it necessary to keep an over- whelming force at home or in the Bay of Biscay. But the main cause of the failure was the misconduct of Byng, and Anson is directly concei*ned in the appointment, as commander-in-chief, of a man whom events proved to be utterly unfit for the office. It can only be said now, that this had not been proved in March 1756, that Byng was a man of high-service rank who might al- most claim the highest command, and that there was nothing whatever known against him. That afterwards, on Byng's failure, Anson should not be inclined to show him any undue consideration, or to err on the side of lenity, was natural enough. He veiy probably regarded Byng with feelings akin to personal hatred, as the incarnation of the one great mistake he had made in a pro- sperous career, and was quite willing that the offender should feel the full weight of the law; but, as a matter of fact, Anson had nothing whatever to do with Byng's trial and execution, which took place under a ministry with which he had no connection. Having gone out of office in November

1756, he did not re-enter till the end of June

1757, when he was again appointed first lord of the admiralty in the Newcastle-Pitt ad- ministration. He was thus the chief of the navy when the bootless expedition against Rochefort was sent out in the autumn of that year; and in 1758, when the petty incursions on the coast of France, as at St. Malo or Cherbourg, ended disastrously at St. Cas. In these matters Anson took no part, except in providing the covering force of men-of-war, and in taking command personally of the main fleet, which meantime blockaded Brest, in order to allay some irritation felt by Sir Edward Hawke. It was his last service at sea. During the next year, 1759, this fleet was commanded by Hawke, and put an end to the necessity of blockading Brest by de- molishing the French fleet in Quiberon Bay. Anson's share in this brilliant victory was merely that of the home administrator by whose care the fleet was fitted out and sup- ported ; he had also the same share in the conquest of Canada and in many other of

the events which rendered the year 1759 'wonderful,' not only in Garrick's celebrated song but in the current language of the day (Walpole's Letters, iii. 269, ed. Cunning- ham, 1861), and the years immediately suc- ceediiig memorable in Englisli annals.

In June 1761 Anson was advanced to the liigh rank of admiral of the fleet ; but, ex- cept to bring over the new queen. Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, he never hoisted the distinguishing flag of union at the main. He died quite suddenly on 6 June 1762 at his country seat of Moor Park in Hertfordshire, and was buried in the family vault at Colwich. The title died with hini. His wife had died two years before, on 1 June 1760, and his very large property went to his sister Janetta, wife of Mr. Sambi-ooke Adams, whose son George afterwards in- herited also the family estate of Shugborough, and took the name of Anson. The son of George Adams was in 1806 created Viscount Anson an^ Baron Soberton, and his grandson in 1831 was made Earl of Lichfield.

Anson is undoubtedly best known to pos- terity by his voyage round the world, the history of which, as written, or rather edited, by his chaplain, Mr. Walters, or in different abridgments, has always been a popular book even among schoolboys. It is to that voyage, and the temper, the tact, and the judgment which he displayed under very trying circumstances, that his further ad- vancement was mainly due. Anson may have been cold in his affections, studious of his own interest, and even selfish; calm, placid, possibly — as his enemies might say — lish-like in his temperament ; but he was a careful, painstaking, thoughtful man, of sin- gularly accurate judgment : and much of the more important Avork which fell to him was work in which a warmer-hearted, warmer- tempered, more loveable man might well have broken down. And one point which tells enonnously in Anson's favour is the fact that so many young officers, trained under him in the Centurion, were afterwards honourably known. In the whole history of our navy there is not another instance of so many juniors from one ship rising to dis- tinction, men like Saunders, Saumarez, Peircy Brett, Denis, Keppel, Hyde Parker, John Campbell.

Sir John Barrow has expressed surprise * that neither private aflfection nor public gi'atitude has ever raised a monument to one who shed such lustre on the name.' This is not strictly correct, for there is in Shug- borough Park a sort of triumphal arch which was erected to his memory by his elder brother Thomas. The colossal lion, once the

d2

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Anspach

iigiire-head of the Centurion, after standing for many years in the Anson ward of Green- wich Hospital (Baerow, p. 419), was in 1870 transferred to the playground of the hospital school, and fell to pieces from decay in 1873. Copies of a portrait of Anson, by Sir Joshua Reynolds, are in the National Portrait Gallery, and in the Painted Hall at Greenwich. The original, belonging to Lord Lichfield, was exhibited at the Grosvenor Galleiy, 1884.

[The Life of Anson by Sir John Barrow is by no means free from serious faults both of omis- sion and commission, and is absolutely crowded with mistakes of sheer carelessness, e.g. the mis- spellings of names. The well-known 'Voyage round the World ' bears on the title-page of the 1st edition (1748) ' compiled from papers and other materials of the Eight Honourable Greorge Anson, and published imder his direction by Richard Walter, M.A., chaplain of his Majesty's ship Centurion in that expedition.' Many years afterwards a claim was made that the work was written, not by Mr. Walter, but by Mr. Ben- jamin Eobins (Eobins's Mathematical Tracts (1761), i., xxxvi, xli); this has never been sub- stantiated except by mere assertion; and though Eobins was certainly employed as sub-editor and assistant (Peircy Brett to Cleveland, 3 Jan. 1747-8), there is no reason to doubt the plain statement on the title-page, which was always believed by Walter's children and grandchildren (Notes and Queries, 5th series, iv. 78, 100) and was directly sanctioned l)y Anson. But in any case, whether edited by Walter or Eobins, the book was virtually written by Anson him- self, as stated on the title-page, and as atfirmed by Anson's friends (Barrow, p. 408). The Journal of a Voyage to the South Seas, by Pas- coe Thomas, teacher of the mathematicks on board the Centurion (1745), is an independent account, not always so favourable to Anson. Correspondence of tlie fourth Duke of Bedford, edited by Lord John Eussell (1842), vol. i. ; Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 16955-6-7; and Official Letters and Documents in the Public Eeeord Office.] J. K. L.

ANSON, GEORGE (1797-1857), gene- ral, was the second son of the first Viscount Anson, and brother of the first Earl of Lich- field. He entered the army at an early age, in the 3rd (or Scots P^usilier) Guards, with which regiment he served at Waterloo. In 1818, while still an officer in the guards, he was elected a member of parliament, and sat in the House of Commons for many years, holding in succession the political offices of principal storekeeper of the ordnance and clerk of the ordnance. In 1853, having mean- while attained the rank of major-general in the army, he was appointed to command a division in Bengal, and in the following year

succeeded to the command of the Madras army, from which post he was advanced to that of commapder-in-chief in India early in 1856. General Anson was holding this'im- portant command .when the mutiny of the Bengal army took place. Hastening down from Simla, whither he had gone only a few weeks previously to recruit his health, he col- lected a force at Amballa, and marched with it against Delhi, but being attacked by cholera at Karnal died at that place on 27 May 1857. General Anson was a man of unquestionable talent, and although he had never seen war except at Waterloo, where he served as a mere youth, those who knew him best had very hi^h expectations that he would distin- guish himself in his profession if an oppor- tunity offered. It has been alleged that he showed vacillation and want of promptitude when preparing for the march upon Delhi ; but the allegation has been amply refuted by a distinguished officer (Sir Henry Norman) who held an important position on the staff of the army at the time, and had the best means of forming a judgment. Sir Henry says that, ' suddenly placed in a more difficult position than has probably ever fallen to the lot of a British commander,' General Anson ' met the crisis with fortitude and with a calm endeavour to restore our nile where it had disappeared, and to maintain it where it still existed.' General Anson married in 1830 Isabella, daughter of the first Lord Forester, who survived him less than two years.

[Hart's Army List; Burke's Peerage ; Annual Eegister for 1857 ; J. W. Kaye's History of the Sepoy War; Fortnightly Eeview, April 1883.]

A. J. A.

ANSPACH, ELIZABETH, MAKGKAviifB

OP (1750-1828), dramatist, was the youngest daughter of Augustus, fourth Earl of Ber- keley, by his countess Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Drax, of Charborough, in the county of Dorset. In 1767. she man-ied Mr. William Craven, aftersvards the sixth Earl of Craven, and of this union six children were born. Lord and Lady Craven separated in 1780, and her ladyship left England for France, and travelled in Italy, Austria, Po- land, Russia, Turkey, and Gi'eece. In 1789 she published in quarto her ' Journey through the Crimea to Constantinople,' related in a series of letters. Subsequently she visited Anspach, and took up her abode with Chris- tian Frederick Charles Alexander, Margrave of Brandenburg, Anspach, and Bareith, Duke of Prussia, and Count of Sa\-n. She wrote to her husband that she was to be treated as the Margrave's sister. She WTote little plays in French for the Court theatre — ' La

Anspach

37

Ansted

Folle (111 Jour ' and * Abdoul et Xouijad ' — and, further to entertain the Margrave, trans- lated into French the English comedy of ' She would and she would not.' Lord Craven dying in September 1791, she was raamed to the margi'ave in the following month. In 1792 the margrave sold his principality to the King of Prussia, and settled in England, having purchased Brandenburg House, llam- mersmith, and the house and estate of Ben- ham, in Berkshire, wliich had long been pos- sessed by the Craven family. The margrave died and was buried at Benham in 1806. Walpole, who always expressed his admira- tion of Lady Craven, and even addressed impromptu stanzas to her, furnished the Rev. William Mason with a lively account of the production of her comedy, the ' Miniature Picture,' at Drury Lane, in ^lay 1780 : ' She went to it herself the second night in form, sat in the middle of the front row of the stage-box, much di'essed with a profusion of white bugles and plumes, to receive the pub- lic homage due to her sex and loveliness. . . . It was amazing to see so young a woman en- tirely possess herself; but there is such an integrity and frankness in her consciousness of her own beauty and talents, that she speaks of them with a naivete as if she had no pro- perty in them, but only wore them as gifts of the gods. Lord Craven, on the contraiy, was quite agitated by his fondness for her and with impatience at the bad performance.' Nevertheless it was the year of their separa- tion. In 1785 Walpole wrote of Lady Craven to Sir Horace Mann : ' She has, I fear, been in- finitaniente indiscreet, but what is that to you or me ? She is very pretty, has parts, and is good-natured to the gi'eatest degi'ee ; has not a gi-ain of malice or mischief, almost always the associates, in women, of tender hearts, and never has been an enemy but to herself.' Her first comedy, the ' Somnambule,' an adapta- tion from the French, was printed at Wal- pole's private press at Strawbeny Hill in 1778, and acted for a charitable purpose at Newmarket. In 1779 she published ' Mo- dem Anecdotes of the Family of Kinvervan- liotsprakengatchdern, a Tale for Christmas,' a caricature of German pomposity, dramatised by W. P. Andrews. Others of Lady Craven's plays are the 'Silver Tankard,'a musical farce, produced at the Hay market in 1781 ; and the

* Princess of Georgia,' presented on the occa- sion of Fawcett's benefit at Covent Garden in 1799. At the private theatre attached to Brandenburg House the margravine pro- duced in 1794 a comedy called the ' York- shire Ghost;' in 1799 a pantomime called

* Puss in Boots ; ' in 1805 a comedy called ^ Love in a Convent,' and other works. For

these plays the margravine composed the music. As she writes in her Memoirs, pub- lished in 1826 : ' My taste for music and poe- try and my style of imagination in writing, chastened by experience, were great sources of delight to me. . . . Our expenses were enor- mous.' The margravine often took part in the performances at Brandenburg House. In 1796 the comedy of the ' Provoked Wife ' was presented there, ^Irs. Abington lending her services as Lady Fanciful, while the margra- vine appeared as Lady Brute, Tlie comedy was recfuced to three acts, and great import- ance was assigned to the character assumed by the margravine. Mrs. Abington, how- ever, insisted that certain of the excisions should be restored, so that her part of Lady Fanciful should not suffer. The margi-avine died at Naples in 1828.

[Memoirs of the Margravine of Anspach, 1826 ; Walpole's Letters, 1859; Biographia Dramatiea, 1812 ; Genest's History of the Stage, 1832.]

D. C.

ANSTED, DAVID THOMAS, F.R.S.

(1814^1880), a geologist of considerable re- putation in his time, was born in London in 1814, educated in a London school and at Jesus College, Cambridge, where he took his degree in 1836, being afterwards elected a fellow of his college. The earlier part of his life was devoted to educational work. He was professor of geology at King's College, London, and lecturer at Addiscombe and at the Civil Engineering College at Putney. From 1844 to 1847 he acted as assistant-secretary of the Geological Society, and for many years he edited its quarterly j ournal. In later life, from about 1850, he turned to the practical appli- cations of geology in connection with mining, engineering, water-supply, and the like, and was constantly consulted on such matters both in this country and abroad. He was a prolific author, and some of his geological vsTitings for a time kept their place as stan- dard authorities, while others of a popular character attained a wide circulation. Among the former may be mentioned his ' Geology ' (1844), and among the latter his 'Great Stone Book of Nature' (1863). He also wrote several books of travel, besides contributing a great number of papers to the Geological Society, the British Association, the Society of Arts, and other societies. His death took place at his residence near Wood- bridge, Suftblk, in May 1880.

[Engineer Newspaper, xlix, 393 ; Geol. Mag. 1880, p. 336, or Quart. Joum. Geol. See. xxxvii. 43 ; Joum, See. Arts, xxviii. 637.]

Anster

38

Anstey

ANSTER, JOHN (1793-1867), regius professor of civil law in the university of Dublin, and translator of Goethe's * Faust/ was son of John Anster, Esq., of Charleville, CO. Cork, where he was born in 1793. He entered Trinity College, Dublin, in 1810, and obtained a sholarship in 1814. In 1815 he printed in Dublin a collection of short poems, but thought fit to have it suppressed soon after publication. Four years later he ob- tained a prize offered by the authorities of Trinity College for a poem on the death of the Princess Charlotte; and in the same year, 1 819, appeared his volume of ' Poems, with some Translations from the German ' (Blackwood, Edinlnirgh, pp. 244), which in- cluded, with several pieces from the sup- pressed pamphlet, his prize poem, a blank verse poem entitled ' The Times ' (wi'itten immediately after the battle of Waterloo), which shoAVS the influence of Coleridge, 'Zamri,' a fragment of an Eastern tale, in Byron's manner, and various translations, the most important of these being a render- ing of Goethe's ' Bride of Corinth.' In 1820 appeared in ' Blackwood's Magazine ' trans- lations by Anster of some passages from Goethe's 'Faust,' the first rendering into English of any part of that poem. In Easter term, 1824, Anster was called to the Irish bar ; in the following year he took the degree of doctor of laws. He was married in 1832 to Elizabeth, eldest daughter of W. Blacker Bennett, Esq., of Castle Crea, co. Limerick. The complete translation of the first part of ' Faust,' with notes, appeared in 1835 ('Faus- tus, a Dramatic Mystery,' Longman, Rees, and Co., pp. 491). Its high merits were at once recognised (see Edinburgh Review, October 1835). Occasionally somcAvhat lacking in conciseness, it is throughout the translation of a poet by a poet. Two years later he published * Xeniola : Poems, including translations from Schiller and De la Motte Fouqu§ ' (Dublin, Milliken and Son, pp. 174). It reprints several of the poems of the 1815 volume, the principal addition being translated scenes from rouqu6's drama, the ' Pilgrimage.' In the same year, 1837, Dr. Anster was ap- pointed registrar to the high court of admi- ralty in Ireland. From 1837 to 1856 he was a frequent contributor of prose and verse to the ' Dublin University Magazine.' Among these articles, mainly historical and literary, may be found a series on Italian poets. At a later date, from 1847 ouAvard, he contributed to the * North British ReA'iew,' first dealing AA'ith Irish affairs at a critical moment, 1847- 49, then choosing literary topics ('Life and "Writings of Shelley,' ' SAvift and his Bio- graphers,' * Southey's Life and Correspond-

ence,' * Life and Letters of Campbell,' 'Auto- biography of Leigh Hunt,' ' Dante '). In 1841 Dr. Anster AA^as granted a pension on the civil list. In 1850 he Avas elected regius professor of cIaII law in the university of Dublin, a position Avliich he held imtil his death. His introductory lecture, 'On the Study of the Roman Civil LaAv,' has been published (Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1851, pp. 51). Many fragments of the second part of ' Faust ' haA'ing been rendered into Averse by Anster, ' a member of my family,' he writes, ' became interested in the subject, and felt it desirable to arrange such passages as could be found among papers disregarded and almost