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o 7-

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF IHJB

ESSEX INSTITUTE

'\7'OXjTT»fXX: X;.

salem::

Publislied for the Essex Institute^.

BY HENRY WHIPPLE & SON,

1859.

F
It

v./

613107

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CONTENTS.

lotroduction, ' 1

LesUr-'a lietreat, 2

The Ilathnrn -s, 2

Abstrauts iVom Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the of-
fice of the Clerk of the Courts, Salem Copied by

Ira J. Patch 3

Materials f jr a History of the IngersoU faaiily in Salem, 12

A Revolutiunary Letter, 13

Kelics of a '■ Peculiar Inatitution " in Salem, 14

TSTuinbei* 1.

Ancient Pulpit Notices, 14

Curious Indenture between a Master and Servant in

1713, , 14

KarratiTe of the Piracy of the Ship friouJship, of Sa»

lera, by CM. Eodicott, 15

Extracts from the first book of BirtliS, Marriages and
Deaths of the City of Salem. Cupied by Ira J.

Patch 35

Nu-inber 2.

Extracts from Records kept by Rev. John Fiske, during
his ministry at Salem, 4'c

Odd Notes,— Normau Kings, 1066—1151

Meiliciues in " Old Times,"

Trees in the streets of Salem, in May, 1S59

Abotr«cts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on .le in the of-
fice of Uie Clerk of the Courts Salem,

Minutes fur a Genealogy of the Jacobs familj, by C.
M. Eiidicott,

Brick Buildings in Salem, in 1806,

Biographical Sketches of Rev. Joseph Green, Rev. Peter
Clark, and Rev. B. Wadsworth, ministers in Salem
Village, (now Danvers,) by S. P. Fowler

General Court in Salem, in 1774 66

37 Samuel Browne's Letter to Capt, John Tjuzell, voyage
44 to the West Indies, December 19, 17-'7, 66

46 Notice to Proprietors of Beverly Bridge, iu 1788,. ... 66

47 Richard Weight and John Bushueil's depusitiuna be-

fore Gov. Endicott, 20, 4, 1655. • 67

48 Some Remark^ on the Commerce of Salem, from 1620

to 1740, with a Sketch of Philii> English, a mer-
52 chant iu Salem, from about 1670 to abuul 1733-4,
55 \>j G. F. Chever 67

66

Number 3,

Some Remarks upon the Commerce of Salem, from 1626
to 1740, bv George F. Chever. Continued., 77

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the Of-
fice of Clerk of Courts, Salem, Mass 91

Cnrius Bill of Lading of a 'Whightt llors," 7

TLe Okl Planters of Salem, who were settled here before
the arrival of Governor Endicott, in 1628, by Geo.
D. Phippen 97

Letter of Hon. B. Goodhue, M. C, to Elias Uaskett

Derby, City of New York in 1787 Ill

Privateer Junius Brutus m

Expedition to Rhode Island in 1778 112

Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and

Deaths of the City of SUem. Continued 113

A Genealogical Ramble l]5

The Very Family ne

ISTiimber 4r.

86me remarks on the Crtmmerce of Salem, from 1626 to John Lyford 1 48

1740. with a Sketch of Philip English, a Merchant John Woodbury J50

in S ilem, from about 1670 to about 1733-1, (contin- William Woodbury jSj-

ued), by Genrpe P. ('hever, 117 John Balch 151

Abstracts from WilU, Inventories, &c., on file in the Of- Materials for a Genealogy of the IngersoU Family, by

fice of Clerk of Courts. Salem, (continuerl) 143 B. F. B I53

The " Old Planters" of Salem, who were settled before Notes on Americon Currency, No. 1, by M. A. Stick-

the arriv ,1 of Gov. Endicott in 1623, '.continued) by ney jgj

Geo. D. Phippan 145 The Endicott House in Salem 158

Number 5.

A' Sketch of Philip English— a merchant in Salem from
about 1670 to about 1733-4— by Giorge F. Chever,. .157

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the
O.TiCf of Cl>;rk of Courts, Salem, Mass. Continued.
Cojiicd by Ira J. Patch, 181

Thomas Gray 188

John Tilley 188

Thomas Gardner, 190 •

Bichard Norman 191

John Norman 191

Nathan Keed. Sketch of, 184 Richard Norman, jr 192-

The "Old Platiters" of Salem, who were settled here before
the arrival of Gov. Endicott, in 1638 — Concluded —
by George D.Phippen. — viz:

Peter Palfray 185

Walter Knight 186

lYiUiam Alien 187 .

William Trask 193

William Jefifry 195 .

John Lyford 197

Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages

and Deaths, of the City of Salem. Continued.

Copied by Ira J. Patch. ■ 2a0.>

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.

Vol. I.

April, 1859.

No. 1.

INTRODUCTION.

The principal object, that the founders
of the Essex Historical Society had in
view, at the organization of said Society,
(which, in 1848, was incorporated with
the Essex County Natural History Socie-
ty, under the name of the Essex Insti-
tute,) was the collection and preservation
of all authentic memorials relating to the
civil history of the County of Essex, in
the state of Massachusetts, and of the
eminent men who have resided within its
limits, from the first settlement ; and
thus to provide ample materials for a cor-
rect history of this part of our Common-
wealth.

In furtherance of the plans contemplat-
ed by these early Pioneers in our local his-
tory, it is proposed to issue, occasionally,
as circumstances may permit, a serial pub-
lication, to be called THE HISTORICAL
COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX IN-
STITUTE.

This publication will contain abstracts
of Wills, Deeds, and other documents
which are deposited in the offices of the
County of Essex; Records of Bibxhs,
Mabbiages, Deaths, Baftisxs, &c.,

gleanings firom Town and Chtteoh Rec-
ords, in said County ; Inscriptions and
Epitaphs from the old Burial Grounds;
also, such other materials of a kindred
nature as may be obtained from other
sources.

Selections from the reports and com-
munications of a historical character,
which have been read at the meetings of
the Essex Institute, will appear in its
pages, or such abstracts of the same as
may be deemed advisable.

Genealogical sketches of the familiSfe
of the early settlers, will occasionally be
inserted ; several have already been pre-
pared with much care and accuracy. Al-
so, brief biographical notices of those in-
dividuals who have been identified with
the prominent interests, or have held re-
sponsible positions in the public afiairs
of this section of the state.

Finally, such facts and statements as
Avill tend in any manner to elucidate the
history of this county, in all the various
relations to society, will be duly chroni-
cled.

It will be our earnest endeavor to
make this publication the medium of

communication with the public, of all
materials of the above-named character,
which may come into our possession, pro-
vided that sufficient patronage be ex-
' tended to authorize its continuance. —
When we consider that this County is one
of the earliest, settled by Europeans, in New
England ; that the various records extend
back nearlv to its first settlement ; and
that the descendants of these Pioneers, or
their immediate followers, are now scat-
tered over every section of this Union, it
is reasonable to infer, that, if our work is
faithfully executed, a liberal response will
be given. We cordially invite the co-
operation of all friends of historic re-
search, in this undertaking.

LESLIE'S RETREAT.

Messrs, Editors: I have in my possession a humor-
ous letter, written shortly after "Leslie's Retreat,"
at the North Bridge in Salem, in 1775. I send you
an exact copy of this letter for publication, if you
think it of sufficient importance to print. It may be
of interest to some persons, as showing that the ex-
citement on the occasion alluded to, extended as far
aaithe towns on the Merrimack River. b.

Amesbury, March %, 1775.

Honr^d Sir — An account of the Amesbury
Expedition May not be disagreeable to you as
you are a Son of Liberty.

having ben informed that a few Days ago a
Small Party of Troops took a Sail & a Walk
for an airing &c. It was suppos'd their de-
Bigns was to seize some Military Stores at Sa-
lem. The alarm soon reach'd us & Set all the
Country round us in motion. Happening at
that (time) to be at dinner I saw upwards an
hundred men from Various Parts of Merri-
mack river, moving towards the scene of ac-
tion. Cyder being exceeding Scarce & the
Last Season but an indifferent one for That,
^ey Look'd pale & meagre & seemed to Trem-
olo under tho burden of their guns & bread &

Cheese, which some ill Natured People attrib-
fited to their Fear, but very unjustly : indeed
had they really ben Cowards they Would not
have had much reason to be afraid, because
they knew the Soluiers must have done their
BuBsinees & returned to Boston, before they
could reach Salem, and this they soon Learnt
to be the Case on their first Halt, which was
at a Tavern, when they meditated a return,
which was Performed in martial order. But
bloody Minded men as they were, they resolved
not to go home without doing some execution,
and therefore they valiantly attacked and de-
molished several Barrels, whose Precious blood
they drew and intirely exhausted, flushed
with Victory they made a much better appear-
ance than when I first saw Them. However
such another Victory would have brought
them all to the ground, if not have ruined
them, as it was they were scarce able to Crawl
home ; and most of them haveing disgorged the
blood of the slain which they had so plenti-
fully drank, returned as pale and feeble as
they set out, and Look'd as Lank as tho' they
had ben drawn thro' the river instead of Pass-
ing over it. So much for this military Expe-
dition. Your Effectionate Son

WM. G ALLISON.
Addressed — To

COLL. JOHN GALLISON

Marblehead.

The Hathornes. Messrs. Editors: I was present
this morning at the Auction Sale at " Hollingworth
Hill"; and in my rambles over the old place, I found
in a book printed in 1610 a record of the births of
William Hathorne's children, written by himself, on
a blank leaf. I thought tho item was wortli saving,
and have sent it to you for publication.

CHILDREN OF WILLIAM HATHORNE.

Sarah, born, 11th 1 mo. 1634—5.

Eleazer, " 1st 6 " 1637.

Nathaniel «' 11th 6 " 1639.

John, " 4th 6 " 1641.

Anna, " 12th 10 " 1643.

William, " 1st 2 " 1645.

Elizabeth, " 22d 5 " 1649.
Salem, March 12, 1859. fl?

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac,
ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF
.COURTS, SALEM, MASS.

COPIED BY lEA J. PATCH.

Bethiah Cartvoright, Ath mo. 1640.

Will of Bethiah Cartwright of Salem, dated
^d May, 1G40, mentions her sister, Elizabeth
Capon, in Walderswich, in Sussex ; Marj
Norton, the wife of George Norton in Salem ;
John Jackson, son of John Jackson ; Marga-
ret, wife of John Jackson, of Salem ; Eliza-
beth Peilen ; Elizabeth Wickson.

Witnesses — Elizabeth Wickson, Thomas
Warren.

(The above will was the first to be brought
into Court.)

Samuel Smith, 10th mo., 1642.

Will of Samuel Smith, of Enon, dated 5th Oc-
tober, 1642, mentions wife Sarah bequeaths her
^'My farme in Enon, with all the housen vpon
it, as alesoe all the frutes vpon it, as come,
hemp, and the like, for bar owne proper vse
for the tearme of bar lif, vpon consideration
that she shall discharg me of that promise vp-
on maridge, which is vnto my Sunn, William
Browne, fiftie pounds ; alsoe that she shall
giue vnto his two children, William and John
Browne, 20 lb. betweene ym all, which shall
be paid by my exequeters hereafter named."
eon Thomas, daughter Mary, his wife Sarah
and son William Brown, ex'ors ; and his son,
Thomas Smith, supervisor of his will, proved
27th, 10th mo, 1642.

Inventory of above estate taken 18th, 9
mo., 1642, amounting to £395 098 02d ; re-
turned and sworn to 28th, 10 mo., 1642.

Ann Scarlet , ^th mo.^ 1643.
Will of Ann Scarlet, of— dated 2d Ist mo.,
1639, mentions brother Samuel, in old Eng-
]land, her children Mary, Margaret and Joseph,
her sister Dennis, her brother, James Lind,
her brother Browning and his wife, her broth-
er Joseph Grafi|K)Q, admTf

John Sanders, 10th mo., 1643.
Will of John Sanders, of Salem, dated 28
October, 1642, mentions son John Sanders, un-
der age, his father Joseph Grafton. Good-
man Hardie and Joseph Grafton, his adm'rs.
His wife living.

Abr'm Belknap, 12 mo., 1643.
Inventory of estate of Abraham Belknap of
Lynn, who deceased the beginning of the 7th
mo., 1643, taken 16th, 12 mo 1643 amounting
to £53 lOs 3d. Signed by Mary Belknapp.

Hugh Churchman, 5th mo,, 1644.

Will of Hugh Churchman of Lynn dated
4th, 4th mo. 1640, mentions William Winter
and wife, and their son Josiah and daughter
Hanna, both under age, widow Ambrose. Ed-
ward Burt, Mr. Whiten and Mr. Hobert.
Wm. Winter, sole ex'or. Probated 9th 5 mo.
1644.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £24
9s lid, returned by Hugh Burtt, Eobert Dri>
ver.

John Mattox, 5th mo., 1644.
Inventory of estate of John Mattox, who
deceased 22d April, 1643, amounting to £14
03s 09d, returned by Goodm Edwards and
Prince, 6th day 5th mo., 1644.

Thomas Payne, 5th mo., 1644.

Will of Thomas Payne, dated 10th 2d mo.,
1638, mentions his wife, son Thomas, a wea-
ver, dan, Mary, two sons, is part owner of
Ship Mary Ann, of Salem, his kinsman, Hen-
ry Bloomfield, son Thomaa, Ex"or, and Mr.
John Fiske, of Salem, Supervisor. Probated
10th 5th mo., 1644,

Robert Lewis 5th mo., 1644.
Inventory of Robert Lewis, deceased 4th of
May, 1643, amounting to £26 128 8d ; re-
turned by Goodm Edwards and Prince, 6(b
of 5tbmo., 1644.

Joan Cummins, 5th mo., 1644.
Will of Joan Cummins, of Salem, dated
-, mentions son John, Goodman Cornish,

Mr. Noris, grandchildren Mary Bourne and
Johannah Borne ; to the Church twenty shil-
lings, Goody Cotta, Goody Wathin, Goody
fileld. Goody Broagham, Ann Shiply, Good-
man Boyce, Goody Corning, John Browne's
wife, Deborah Wathin, Dec Gott, and Good-
man Home, exors. Probate 10th 6th mo.,
1644.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£33 Os Od, returned by Jeffrie Massey, Jarvis
Garford, George Eardry, 17th 3d mo-, 1644.

Robert Pease, Qth mo., 1644.
Inventory of estate of Kobert Pease, of Sa-
lem, amounting to £39 12s 6d, returned by
Jo Alderman Myhill Shaflinge, 3d 11th mo.,
1644, mentions his widow, Maria Pease, admx.
2 sons, John and Kobert.

John Talby, llth mo., 1644.
Inventory of the estate of John Talby, a-
mounting to £28 18s 5d, returned by Peter
Palfrey and William Lord, llth mo., 1644!

Margery Wathen, llth mo., 1644.
Inventory of the estate of Margery Wathen,
widow, amounting to £39 138 5d, returned by
Peter Palfrey, Wm. Alfard and Nathaniel
Porter, 28 6 mo., 1644. Deacons Charles
Gott and John Home appt by J. Endicott
Govt to settle the estate, 3d llth mo., 1644.

Isdiel West, llth mo., 1644.
Inventory of estate of Isabel West, amount-
ing to £51 128 Od, returned by Henry Skerry.
Robert Cotta, and George Ropes, 2d llth mo.,
1644.

Jane Gaines, 5th mo., 1645.
Inventory of estate of Jane Gaines, of Lynn,
amounting to £43 5s 7d, returned by Nicho-
las Brown and Edmund Needham, 10th 5th
m9^7 1645.

Robert Hawes^ Wife, 7th mo., 1645.
Will of Robert Hawes' wife, testified to by
witnesses William Googes, Katherine Darlin
Sarah Bartlett, who heard her on her death
bed, on the 12th June, 1645, dictate her will/
mentions the young child Thomas she had by
Robt. Hawes, £20, her three sons, Robert
Edwards and Matthew EdwardSjRobert Hawes'
daughter, Alise, his sons, Robert and Mat-
thew, her sister, Ellen Hibbert, in Old Eng-
land, two maids who tended in her sickness,
viz: Kathrin Darlin aud Sarah Bartlett. —
Probate 10th 7th mo., 1645.

Margaret Pease, 10th mo., 1645.

Will of Margaret Pease, widow, of Salem,
dated 1st 7th mo., 1644, mentions grandchild
John Pease, son of Robert Pease, Thomas
Watson of Salem, to be foffeye of trust. Ann
Isball testifies to taking great pains with her
when sick ; also that said Pease made a be-
quest to Edith Barber after her will was writ-
ten.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£19 28 8d, returned by John Alderman and
John Bulfinch, 1, 11 mo., 1644.

Wm. Place, 2d mo., 1646.
Inventory of estate at Thomas Weeks's
house, of William Place, deceased 14th 2d
mo., 1646. Also an inventory of tools in
hands of Richard Waters, returned 5th 6th
mo., '46 : acct of charges of Thomas Weeks
against estate of Wm. Place, incurred during
his last sickness, amounting to £3,

Wm. Googs, 4th mo., 1646.

Inventory of estate of William Googe, a-
mounting to £28 lis 6d, returned by Na-
thaniel Handforth and Francis Lightfoot.

Ann, his widow, app'd admx., left 3 small
children. Probate 30th 4th mo. , 1646.

John Thome, 6th mo., 1646.
Eliz'h Harwood, Margaret Jackson, and

Eliz'h Esticke, testify as to the 'vrill of John
Thome, that they heard him "say these
woards vinsit that hee did giue unto Ann
Pallgrave all his estate, as money, goods, ap-
arell & debts, out of which sayd aparell it
was the will of the sayd John that John Jack-
son, Junior, should haue his best Hatt, and
further moure it was his will that James Thom-
as should haue something out of the estate, if
the sayd Ann Paulsgrave so pleaseth." Dat-
ed 27th July, 1646. Probate 4th 6th mo.,
1646.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£27 16s 2d, returned by Jeffrey Massey, Geo.
Emery and John Herbert, 4th 6th mo., 1646.

R. Bartholomew, 6th mo., 1646.

"Boston the 6th, 11th '45.
Brother Henry, heare in clossed is a notte
of whatt estatte I have shippt with me, &
what is here owinge to mee wth whatt I owe
in England, wch is all I owe in the world as
I know off these things only the bills of Ex.,
I haue consigned to Mr. Edward Shrimpton,
in London, hee is ye brassers bro at Boston,
to him I have wrighten yt in case God should
not bringe me to London, yt he would these
goods, pay my debts, and returne ye remayn-
der to you. I should haue been glad to haue
Been you before I went, but if god should not
returne mee againe, but take mee away by
death, my desire is yt the returns of these
goods come to yo'r hands, that they may be
thus disposed of, viz : To your two chUdren
£40 apeace ; to my bro William's 3 chil-
dren, £20 apeace ; to my mother, yr likinge,
£10; to Mr. Gearringe, beinge very poore,
£10 ; and the remaynder of my estate, bee it
whatt it will, more or less, all that is mine I
dessire may be equally devided betweene our
bro Thomas, Abraham, and Sister Sara, (only
what Jacob Barney owes to mee I give it to
him,) but for my other debts, house, ground,
&c., devide as before. This is my desire, and
that I would haue done if- God should please
to take me away. I desire to cast myself only
vppon him, and to reet myself only in the
2

armes of his mercy in Christ Jesus, intreat-
inge of him to stay my soule there in the worst
bowers, even in death itself, vnto him I leave
you with yors together with myself and all
his, and rest, yor faithful and loving Brother,
RICHARD BARTH0L0MEV7."

SupEKSCErpTioN. — "To my Lovinge Brother,
Henry Bartholomew." Probate 4th 6th mo.,
1646.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£286 Qs Id, returned by Wm. Hathome and
Jeffrey Massey, 4th 6th mo., 1646.

Francis Lightroot, lOth mo., 1646.

WiU of Francis Lightfoot, of Lynn, dated
Dec. 10, 1646, mentions brother John Light-
foot, of London, in case he be living, or his
children. Sister IsabeU Lightfoot, living in
"Linckhoonshire, in ffrestone, near olde Bos-
tone," brother Idell, Samuel Cockett, Hannah
Idell, Dorythe Whiting, Elizabeth Whiting,
Samuel Cobit ; his wife executrix. Probate
29th 10th mo., 1646.

Debts due. — To James Ayer, for keeping
sheep and swine ; to Mr. George BurrUl ;
to Goodmn Mansfield : to Allin Breed.

Debts owning, by Samuel Bennet, Hugh
Ally, Edward Ireson, John Witt.

Anne Lightfoot, widow, app'd admx. by
the Court.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£51 Os 2d, returned by Nath. Ingalls, WUliam
Tilton, and Edward Burthum, 29th lOth mo.,
1646.

Emma Mason, lOtA mo., 1646.
Inventory of the estate of Widow Emma
Mason, deceased the 26th 3d mo., 1646, a-
mounting to £26 16s 8d, returned by George
Corwin and Walter Price, 30th 10th mo.,
1646. Estate ordered to be divided, to the el-
der brother a double portion, and the remain-
der equally between the rest of the children.

Michael Salloios, 10/A mo., 1646.
Will of Michael Sallows, of Salem, dated
14th 9th mo, , 1646, mentions Micha Sallows^

6

hia youngest son, his daughter Martha, son
Thomas, Robert, John and Samuel, and Ed-
ward Wilson, his son in law, Edward Wilson,
and Robert Sallows, ex'rs. Probate 31st 10th
mo., 1646.

Edward Wilson and Robert Sallows having
declined, Jeffrey Massy, John Jolhson and
George Emery are appointed ex 'rs in their
stead. 31st 10th mo., 1646.

Mary Hersoine, lOfh mo., 1646.
Inventory of estate of Mary Hersoine, wid-
ow, of Wenham, deceased the 2d 7th mo.,
1646, amounting to £21 17s Id, returned by
John Fairfield, Wm. Fiske, and George Nor-
ton, 29th 10th mo., 1646.

Geo. Pollard, 10th mo., 1646.

Will of George Pollard, of Marblehead, da-
ted 13th 3d mo., 1646, mentions Goodman
Tyler of Lynn, John Hart, Jr., Christopher
Nicholson, son of Edmond Nicholson, appoints
Mr. Walton of Marblehead, ex'or. Mr. Mav-
erick and Wm . Charles to assist Mr. Walton.
Probate 31st 10th mo., 1646.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £66
4s 3d, returned 31st 10th mo. , 1646.

Edioard Candall, 10th mo., 1646.
Inventory of estate of Edward Candall, de-
ceased the 15th of November, 1646, amount-
ing to £5 12s, returned by Wm, Ager and
Peter Palfrey.

Joane Cummins, 11th mo., 1646.
Inventory of Joane Cummins, amounting
to £39 3s 4d, returned by Henry Skerry and
George Emery, 14th 11th mo., 1646.

Mrs. Goodale and John Lowle, 5th mo., 1647.
Adm'n granted on estate of Mrs. Goodale,
unto Mr. Edward Rawson, Richard Kent and
Henry Choot of Newbury, until order of
Gen'l Court. Ad'm granted on estate of
John Lowle, of Newbury, unto Wm. Ger-
rish, Richard Lowle, Richard Noyes, John

Saunders, and Richard Knight, until order of
Gen'l Court, 6th 5th mo., 1647.

Wm. Clarke, 5th mo., 1647.
Inventory of estate ot Mr. Wm. Clarke o(
Salem, amounting to £587 38 2d, returned by
Mrs. Katherine Clark.

John Fairfield. 5th mo., 1647.

Will of John Fairfield, of Wenham, dated
11th 10th mo., 1646, mentions wi.fe Elizabeth,
Benjamin, youngest son, under age, son Wal-
ter, his cousin, Matthew Edwards, wife Eliza-
beth, sole executrix, and Mr. Henry Bartholo-
mew and Robert Hawes, both of Salem, to bo
supervisors. Probate 7th 5th mo., 1647. —
John Fau-field died 22d 10th mo., 1646.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£113 38 7d, returned by Eliz'h Fairfield, wid-
ow, adm'x, 7th 5th mo., '47.

Charges against said estate— for the keeping
of two children, the one 2 yr old, 5 mo., and
the other 8 yrs old, 2 mos,, £10 ; for 1 child,
old, 5 mos., £1.

The estate being divided into four parts ia
to each £9 128 lOd.

Christopher Young, 5th mo., 1647.
Will of Christopher Young, of Wenham,
dated 19th 4th mo., 1647, mentions three
children, who are to be sent to Great Yar-
mouth, in Norfolk, Old England, to his father
in law, Mr. Richard Elvin, and his mother in
law, Mrs. Elvin ; the said father and mother
in law, with John Phillips, of Wenham, to
be his feoffees of trust. Said Phillips to adopt
bis son if he be living ; mentions bis sisters,
the wife of Joseph Young, and the wife of
Thomas Moore, of Salem ; gives his great bible
to his daughter Sarah, and his otiier bible to
his daughter Mary, and a book entitled "God's
all sufQciency to Christians,'' to his son ; gives
a book entitled the "Deceitfulness of many
Hearts" to bis dear friend, EzdrasRead, appts.
William Browne, of Salem, Ezdras Reed of
Wenham, and the wife of Joseph Young, ex'rs

his friend Henry Bartholomew, supervisor. —
Probate 8th 5th mo., 1647.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £5
lis, returned by Phineas Fiake, William ITiske,
and Edward tspaulding, 7th 5th mo., 1647.

Luke Heard, Jih mo., 1647.
Will of Luke Heard, ot Ipswich, as testified
to by John Wyatt and Simon Tompaon, who
heard him make his will, to wit : To his eld-
est son, Jobn, £10, to be paid at 21 years of
age ; to his son Edmond, £5, to be paid at 21
years of age ; his books to his two sons, to be
equally parced between them; "alsoe this is
my will yt my two sonnes be brought up to
writing and to reading, and then when they
shal be fitt, to be putt forth to such trades as
they shall choose," his wife Sarah, sole execu-
trix. Probate 28th 7th mo., 1647.

Bond of Joseph Bigsbyand Sarah Heard,
widow, both of Ipswich, to the Court of Ips-
wich, in the sum of £30, dated 15th 10 mo.,
1647. Signed Joseph Bigsby, the mark | of
Sarah Heard. Witness — Margaret Rogers,
John Rogers.

"The condition of this obligation is such,
yt ye above bounden Joseph Bigsby and Sarah
Hearde, (in case they proceed together in
marriage intended,) if they or either of them
shall doe or cause to bee done these things
following :

1. That the two children of the said widow,
wch were left unto her by her late husband,
Luke Hearde, of Ipswich, Linnen weaver, be
well brought up and due meanes be used to
teach them to read and write well as soone as
they are cappable,

2. That at the age of thirteen yeares at the
furthest, they be put forth to be apprentices in
such trades as Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, their
Grandfather Wyat, and Ensigne Howlet, in
writing under their hand, or any two of them
in like manner shall advise unto, and the chil-
dren like of.

3. That onto the said children be paid, at

the ago of one and twenty yeares, fifteen pounda
given them by will of their father, viz : ten
pound to the elder, at his time of one and
twenty yeares, and five pounds to the younger
when he shall bee at the like age ; also that
the bookes bequeathed them by their father
be given them by equall division, according to
his will.

4. That five pounds more be paid to the
children of the said Sarah, (if living,) or ei-
ther of them at her will and discretion, as shee
shall see cause to divide it in even or unequall
portions to them, or to give the whole to the
younger in case the elder be better provided
for.

5. That the said Joseph and Sarah shall
doe, or admit to bee done, any such further
order as the Court of Ipswich shall see meet
to require upon the motion of thej,said advis-
ors, for the securing of the forementioned dues
to the children, as well as for the freing of the
said Joseph and Sarah from any entangle-
ments on the children's part, by reason of her
exequetrixship, or otherwise from hence arising
beside the direct and true meaning and intent
of these conditions.

6. That whereas, there is a portion of land
in Asington, in Sufiblke, in England, wch
shall bee the right of the said Sarah after the
decease of her mother, (the tenor whereof ia
not certainly known to us,) if the said Iand9
bee not entailed, then the said Joseph shall
not claim any title hereunto by virtue of mar-
riage wth the said Sarah, but the said Sarah
shall have the whole and sole power to dispose
of it, both the use and the gift of it, when and
to whom she shall thinke meet.

That then this obligation shall bee void and
of none effect, otherwise to stand and bee of
force." Signed Joseph Bixby, the mark | of
Sarah Heard. Witnesses — Margaret Rogers,
Jobn Rogers.

Richard Woodman, 10th mo., 1647.
John Gillow and Henry Bartholomew tes-
tify as to'will of Rich'd Woodman, of Lynn,
as follows : four pounds to the elders of Lynn,

8

iortie fibillings apieco ; all the residue of his
goods he would give to Joseph Belknap, Kich-
ard Moore, and his master, John Gillow,
equally divided. Appoints Joseph Belknap,
exor. Probate Ist 10th mo., 1647,

John Pride, Idth mo., 1G47.
Inventory of estate of John Pride, of Salem,
amounting to £88 16s.

JRich'd Bayley, 1st mo., 1648.

Will of Rich'd Bayley, of Ro-wley, dated
15tli 12th mo., 1647, mentions son Joseph
Bayley, wife Edna, brother James Bayley, and
Michael Hopkinson, his nephew, John Bay-
ley, Thomas Palmer, his wife Edna ext's.
Probate 28th 1st mo., 1648.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£106 18s 10 d, returned by Joseph Jewett,
Maximillian Jewett and Mathew Boyes, 27th
7th mo., 1648.

John Balch, ^th mo., 1648.

Will of John Balch, of Salem, dated 15th
May. 1648, mentions Annis his wife, eldest
son Benjamin, second son John, youngest
son Freeborn, wife Annis and son Benjamin
ex'ors, and John Proctor and William Wood-
bury, overseers. Witnesses, Peter Palfrey,
Nicholas Patch, Jeffrey Massey. Probate
28th 4th mo., 1648.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£220 13s 4d, returned by John Porter, Peter
Palfrey, Jeffrie Massy, and Nicholas Patch.

John Jarret, 7th m,o., 1648.
Inventory of estate of John Jarret, of
Rowley, amounting to £69 16s 2d, returned
7th mo ,,1648.

Edmond Ingalls, 9M »io., 1648.
Will of Edmond Ingalls, of Lynn, dated
28th August, 1648, mentions wife Ann, and
appoints her ext'x, leaves Katherine Skipper
with his wife. Son Robert, daughters Eliz-
abeth, Mary, dau Faith wife to Andrew Al-

len, sons John, Samuel, dau Sarah wife to
William Bitnar, son Henry, brother Francis
Ingalls and Francis Dane, son in law, over-
seers. Probate 14th 9th mo., 1648.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£135 8s lOd, returned 14th 9th mo., 1648.

Allen Kenision, 10th mo., 1648.

Will of Allen Keniston, of Salem, dated
10th 9th mo., 1648, mentions Capt. Hathorne
£5, Capt. Davenport, £3, John Bayley, either
a heifer or a cow, Mr. Curwin and Mr. Price,
20s apiece, his wife Dorothy to take the rest,
and appoints her ext'x.

Gives to Mr. Norris 50s, to Mr. Sharpe,
40s, and to Mr. Bartholomew, 40s. Probate
27th 10th mo., 1648.

Wm. Sauthmead, 12th mo., 1648.
Inventory of estate of William Southmead,
of Gloucester, amounting to £43 10s, Pro-
bate 20th 12th mo., 1648.

George Varnum, 1649.

Will of George Varnum, of Ipswich, dated
21st 2d mo., 1649, mentions wife, son Samu-
el, dau Hannah (single,) appoints Thomas
Scott and son Samuel, ex'ors.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£86 17s, 6d, taken 12th 8th mo., 1649.

Miles Ward, 1th mo., 1650.

Inventory of Istate of Miles Ward, ofSar
lem, what debts to receive, and what debts to
pay, related by himself, in Virginia, the 3d
of the 1st mo., 1650.

"In England, given by his father as a leg-
gacie, for tie pounde, to bee payd to the sd
Miles by his brother, wch he both giueth and
bequeath to his foure children." His wife
living.

Thomas Cook, 7th mo., 1650.
Inventory of estate of Thomas Cook, a-
mounting to £40, returned by Wm. Barthol-
omew, and Wm. Vamey.

Hugh Burt, Idth mo., 1650.

Will of Hugh Burt, of Lynn, dated ,

mentions his wife, and appoints her ext'x, 2
children, uncle and aunts in England. Pro-
bate 21st 10th mo., 1650.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£65 158 lid, returned Slst 10th mo., 1650.

Edmund Lewis, 12th mo., 1650.

Will of Edmund Lewis, of Lynn, dated 18th
11th mo., 1650, mentions eldest son, John
Lewis, his wife to be sole ex'or, son Thomas
Lewis. Probate 25th l2th mo., 1650.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£122 7s 6d, returned 25th 12th mo., 1650.

Joseph How, Ath mo., 1651.

Will of Joseph How, of Lynn, (Jated 10th
Feb., 1650, mentions his wife, daughter Eliz-
abeth, mother How. Probate 26th 4th mo.,
1651.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£107 10s 8d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1651.

John Osgood, 9th mo., 1651
Will of John Osgood, of Andover, dated
Apr. 12th, 1650, in his 54th year, bom in
1595, July 23, mentions son John, Stephen,
daughters Mary, Elizabeth, Johannah, daugh-
ter Sarah Clement, daughter Rakah, son John
and wife, ex'or. Probate 25th 9th mo., 1651.
Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£373 7s, returned by Sarah Osgood, ext'x,
25th 9th mo., 1651.

James Boutell, 9th mo., 1651.

Will of James Boutell, of Lynn, dated 22d
6th mo., 1651, mentions son James, daughter
Sarah, appoints wife Alice ext'x., son John.
Probate 26th 9th mo., 1651.

Inventory of above estate returned •26th 9 th
mo., '51-

Henry Birdsalh, 9th mo., 1651.
Inventory of estate of Henry Birdsalls, a-
mounting to £47 19s^ returned 9th mo., 1651.
3

Walter Tibbetts, 1651.

Will of Walter Tibbetts, of , dated 5th

4th mo., 1651, mentions his wife, making her
ext'x, grandchild Richard Dicke, daughter
Mary Haskell, wife of Wm. Haskell, Joseph,
son to Wm. Haskell, William, another son of
Wm. Haskell, son in law Edmund Clarke,
John and Joseph Clarke, Elizabeth Dicke,
Elenor Luscombe, Salome Trill.

John Hardy, 4ih mo., 1652.

Will of John Hardy, of Salem, dated 30th
1st mo., 1651, mentions Roger Haskell, his
son in law, and his 4 children, viz: John,
William, Mark and Elizabeth, Elizabeth,
daughter of my son Joseph Hardy, daughter
Elizabeth Haskell, wife Eliz'h, and appoints
her his ext'x. Probated 30th 4th mo., 1652.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£393 4s 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and
Walter Price.

Thomas Warren, 1th mo., 1652.

Deposition of Rebecca, the wife of Water
Joy, aged about 27 yrs., the 17th 7th mo.,
1652, says that Thomas Warren, who dyed
with Prince Rupert, was cousin German to
Wm. Sergent, of Glocester, and that there is
none nearer of kin in this country, and I, be-
ing a little related, do desire Wm. Sergent
may adm'r on the estate and be accountable,
before me. Increase No well.

I, John Hill, formerly living in Bristol, in
Ould England, being hear, testifieth. That
Thomas Wathing, son to Edmun Wathin, is
cousin to Wm. Sergent, the said Wm. being
his father's sister's son. This deponant further
saith, that this Thomas Wathing went with
Rolert Gray in Captain Wal serves. 27th
7th mo., 1652, before Wm. Towens, Robert
Tucker, Robert Elwell.

John Cross, 7th mo., 1652.
Inventory of estate of John Cross, Ipswich,
amounting to £382 58 2d, returned by Richard
Kimball, Sp., and Robert Lord, 7th mo.,
1652,

16

Henry Somerby, 9th mo., 1652.

Petition of Judith Somerby, widow of Hen-
ry Somerby, Newbury, mentions son Daniel
tinder 18 years, daughters Sarah and Eliz'h
under 16 years — 18th 9th mo., 1652.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£164 4s, returned by Edmund Greenleaf,
Richard Browne, and Anthony Somerby, 30th
9th mo., 1552.

Wm. Averill, March, 1653.

Will of Wm. Averill of Ipswich, dated 3d
4th mo., 1652, mentions 7 children, Abigail
bia wife, appoints her ext'x. Witnessed by
Andrew Hodges and Reginald Foster. Probate
29 th March, 1653.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£50, returned by A. Hodges and R. Foster,
29th March, 1653.

Thomas Wathen, 'ith mo., 1653.
Inventory of estate of Thomas Wathen, a-
mounting to £3 15s, returned by Zebulon Hill
and Stephen Glover, both of Gloucester.

Geo. Cole, 4M mo., 1653.
Inventory of es'ate of George Cole, of Lynn,
amounting to £32 Os 8d, returned by Edward
Burthum, Nathaniel Handsoth, 28th 4tb mo.,
1653.

Wm. Stevens, 4th mo., 1653.

Will of Wm. Stevens, of Newbury, dated
May 19, 1653, mentions eldest son John, son
Samuel, both under 21 years, appoints Eliz'h
his wife, ext'x— 30th 4th mo., 1653. Died
May 19, 1653.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£166 143 6d, returned by Eliz'h Stevens, ext'x.
Samuel Bitfield, George Little, Anthony Som-
erby, Francis Plummer, and Nicholas Noyes,
appraisers. Taksn Juno 13, 1653.

Wm. Tilion, 5th mo., 1653.
Inventory of estate of Wm. Tilton, of Lynn,
amounting to £128 4s lOd, returned by Fran-

cis Ingalls, Henry Collins and Edward Bur-
thum.

Thomas Millard, 9th mo., 1653.

Will of Mr. Thomas Millard, of Newbury,
declared in the presence of Wm. Colton
and Ann, his wife, and John Butler, on the
30th day of August, A. D., 1653, mentions
wife Anne and 2 children, Rebecca and Eliz'h,
the children to have their share when they are
married, and his wife not to hinder them,
when they are eighteen yoars of age. Pro-
bate 25th 9th mo., 1653. Died Sept. 2, 1653.

Inventory of above estate^ amounting to
£343 3s 4d, returned by Richard Towle and
Anthony Somerby, 24th 9th mo., 1653.

John Robinson, 9th mo., 1653.
Inventory of estate of John Robinson, a-
mounting to £57 8s 6d, returned by Elias
Stileman and Richard Prince.

Wm. Bacon, 9th mo., 1653.

Will of Wm. Bacon, of Salem, as declared
in presence of George Emery and Elizabeth
Boyce, mentions son Isaac, under 21, if he dye
before 21, his (Wm. B.) wife to have his
share. Ann Potter, wife Rebecca Bacon. —
Overseers, Joseph Boyse, Lawrence South-
wick.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£184 16s, returned by Thos. Gardner, Sr., and
Joseph Boyce, 9th 9th mo., 1653.

Abraham Warre, 1654.

Will of Abraham War, of Ipswich, married
man, dated 22d day 2d month, 1654, mentions
daughter Sarah and wife, to bring her up in
the fear of the Lord, and to have a care of her
as if she were her own, his wife ext'x. Wit-
nessed by Roger Sampson, Wm. Simonds,
John Warren.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£47 5s Id.

Wm. Varney, March, 1654.
Inventory of estate of Wm. Varney, of Ips-

11

wich, amounting to £57 23 8d, returned 30th
Ist mo., 1654.

John Cooly, March, 1654.
Inventory of estate of John Coolye, of Ips-
wich, amounting to £66 Ms 8d, returned by
Edward Browne and Robt Lord, 28th let mo„
1654.

Richard Hollingworth, iihmo., 1654.
Inventory of estate of R. IJollingworth, of
Salem, amounting to £365 14s 6d. returned
by Walter Price and Samuel Archard, 25tb
4th mo., 1654.

Dan' I Rolfe, 4tA mo., 1654.
Inventory of Daniel Rolfe, of Ipswich, a-
mounting to £73 178 8d, returned by Daniel
Thurston, John Gage, Robert Load, prized
24 June, 1654, mentions father Humphrey
Bradstreet, Goodman Weeks, of Salem.

Geo. Burrill, 4/7i mo., 1654.

Will of George Burrill, Sr., of Lynn, dated
18th October, 1653, mentions sons Francis,
John, free, George, free, his son Francis' child.
Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cobbett, and Thos. Laugh-
ton, with his son Francis, to see the willful-
filled.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£848 lOs, returned by Edward Burcbam,
Francis Ingalls, taken 21st 4th mo., 1654.

Wm. Wake^Ath mo., 1654.

Will of Wm Wake, dated 17th 2d mo.,
1654, mentions daughter Kathrin Wake, in
England, if she be living, and brother John
Wake, in England. Ililliard Veren and Wal-
ter Price to be overseers. Witnesses, Thomas
Smith and Jonathan Porter;

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £60
88 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and Elias
Stileman, taken 22d 4th mo., '54.

Thos. Trusler, 4/A mo., 1654.
Inventory of estate of Thos. Trusler, (died
5th Ist mo., 1654,) amounting to £188 12 8d,

returned by Thos. Browne
ton, Sr

and Robert Moul-

Thomas Buxton, Ath mo., 1654.
Inventory of estate of Thomas Buxton, a^
mounting to £52 8s, taken 5th 4th mo., 1654,
returned by Thomas Gardner, Sr.. and Mi-
chael Shaflin.

Wm. Ager, Ath mo., 1654.

Will ol Wm. Ager, of Salem, dated 3d 1st
mo., 1654, mentions Joseph Ager, if he be
living, if not, his (J. A.) son Benjamin to
have his father's share, mentions son Jona-
than, daughter Abigail Kibben, wife Alice,
appoints his wife ext'x. Witness, Nathaniel
Pickman, Tabitha Pickman, Elias Stileman,
jr. Probate Nov., 1654.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£43 14s 8d. taken by Em'd Batter and Elias
Stileman, 20th 4th mo., '54.

Thos. Scruggs, 4iA mo., 1654.

Inventory of estate of Thomas Scrugss, tak-
en 24th June, 1654, amounting to £244 10s
2d, returned by Roger Conant, Nicholas
Patch, and Wm. Dodge.

Deed of Margery Scruggs, widow, dated
24th 4th mo,, 1652, to her son in law, John
Rayment, of all her right of dower in her hus-
band Thomas Scruggs' estate, for certain val-
uable considerations, as set forth in said deed
on file 4th mo.^ 1654. Witnessed by Roger
Oonant, Nicholas Patch, William Dodge.

Wm. Fiike, 7th mo., 1654.
Inventory of estate of Wm. Fiske, of Wen-
ham, taken 16th 7th mo., '54, amounting to
£141 I2s 6d, returned by Phineas Fiske, Aus-
tin Eillam and Edward Eemp.

Geo. Williams, 9th mo., 1654:.
Will of Geo. Williams, of Salem, dated
23d 7th mo., 1654, mentions his wife Marie,
John eldest son, his dau Marie Bishop and
her 2 children, sons Sam'l, Joseph and George,-
daughters Sarah and Bethia, bis daughter Sa-'

12

rah to have a double portion, "in respect of
her infirmitie." Ilia wife Marie and son John
joint ex'ors. Thomas Norton, Henry Wood-
berry and Jeffrey Massy, overseers. Witness-
es, John Home, Elias Stileman, Jr., Thos.
Cromwell.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£326 lis lid, taken 18th 8th mo., 1654, by
Eliaa Stileman, Jr., Rich'd Bishop.
To be Continued.

MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF THE INGER-
SOLL FAMILY IN SALEM.

In an old Manuscript book, running
from 1685 to 1695, in which the wri-
ter, Capt. Samuel Ingersoll, of Salem, record-
ed many matters relating to the sale ot his
cargoes, disbursement of his voyages, and his
own and his wife's birth, and their marriage,
and the dates of births and names of his chil-
dren, and many miscellaneous memoranda, I
find the following formula for a Hair Restor-
er, which may perhaps be as useful as many
of the present day nostrums. It is, however,
defective, in that it does not specify whether
the 'Metson' is for internal or external use, nor
whether it is as efficacious for a woman as for
a man.

"A Metson to make a man's hear groe
when he is bald :

"Take sum fier flies and sum Redd wormes,
and black pnayls, and sum hune bees, and
dri them, and then pound them to powder,
and mixt them in milk or water."

On another page is the following record :

•'Samuel Ingersoll was born the 6th day of
October, 1658. Sarah, his wife, was born the
11th day of December, 1665, and we ware
marred ye 28th April, 1684. Sarah, our Daf-
ter, was born ye 12th October, 1686. Marga-
ret was born ye 8th ot April, 1690. Susana
was born ye 4th Day of December, 1692."

This Samuel Ingersoll was the son of John,
who was the son of Richard Ingersoll, or In-
kersall, the first of the name in New England.
He emigrated from Bedfordshire, England, in

1629, and settled at Salem. He was recom-
mended to Gov. Endicott by Matthew Cra-
dock, the Governor of the Company in Eng-
land. He was granted a farm of 80 acres, at
Riall Side, which descended to his sons John
and Nathaniel. He was authorized in 1637,
to establish a ferry over the North river, in Sa-
lem, and to charge one penny for every passen-
ger. He died about 1644, Anne, his wife,
was a member of the Church at Salem, 1634.
After Richard's decease, she married John
Knight, of Newbury, and died 1677: His
children were George, Nathaniel, John, Sarah,
Joana or Jane, Alice and Bathsheba.

George Ingersoll, son of Richard, was born
in England, 1618, and came to Salem with
his father. In 1655, he lived at Falmouth
(now Portland,) where he built one or two
mills, and in 1657 he was of Gloucester, where
he had previously lived in 1652, and was a
Representative to the General Court from that
town in that year.

Alice, daughter of Richard Ingersoll, was
married to Josiah Wolcott, Bathsheba to John
Knight, Jr., of Newbury, Sarah to William
Haynes and afterwards to Joseph Houlton, and
Jane to Richard Pettingall.

Nathaniel, son of Richard Ingersoll, mar-
ried Hannah Collins, and lived at Salem Vil-
lage, and was Deacon of the church there. —
He had one daughter who died before he did.
He appears to have been a very worthy man
and much respected in the community. He
died early in 1718-19, his wife surviving him.
By his will he left fifty shillings to the church
at the village to purchase some Silver Cupa
for the more adorning the Lord's table, and
he left two acres of land to the inhabitants of
the village for a training place forever. The
bulk of his property, after his wife's decease,
he left to his adopted son, Benjamin Hutchin-
son, subject to the payment of some legacies
to several of his relatives.

John Ingersoll, son of Richard, and father
of Samuel, was born in England, 1625, and
married Judith, daughter of Nathaniel Felton.

13

His children were John, Niithaniel, Ruth,
Richard, Siirah, Samuel, Joseph and Hannah.

Samuel, the owner of the Manuscript, ap-
pears to have been a shipmaster, and his voy-
ages seem to have been to Barbadoes, New-
foundland and Saltatudoa, and from some en-
tries ot ''great and little general ;" beseems oc-
casionally to have gone on fishing voyages. —
Ue died about 1C95, and his widow became
the second wife of Philip English. Estate
£538 153.

As illustrating the relative value of land and
stock, I give some items of the appraisement
of the estate of Richard Ingersoll, as made by
Townsend Bishop and Jclirey Massy, October
4th, 1C44 :

7 Cows, £34 ; 2 Young Steers, £4 ; one
Ball, £7 ; p-'oxen, £14: 2 horses and mare,
andaYopng Colt, £25, a Farm of 80 acres,
£7 ; among other items was a Moose Skin
Suit. B. F. B.

A EEVOLUTIOXARY LETTER.

The following letter, written to Joshua Ward, Esq.,
of Salein, by a gentleman who afterwards held a
conspicuous position as one of the most respected
members of our community, exhibits the condition
of our troops during the revolutionary itrnggie, and
on that account may not be devoid of interest.

A. N.

Camps Near West PoiSjt, Feb'y 12, 1782.
Dear Sir: — Poverity Drives me to treble you at
this time that is to se if you will be so kind a? to
Creadet me for the Following artecels to it — for Lin-
nen a nough for six shirts and 12 yards of Jane of a
Dark Snuf Co\1&t it Being for a Pattnn for two Pare
of Overalls and two Wescoats — and a patton of White
Bibed Stuff for a Wescoat & Briches such as would
answer for Somer ware what you should think most
Proper if you will Creadet me for the a bove artecels
while I Come whome or while we draw wages you
Shall be well Paid for the Same and you will great-
ley a Bleage me at this time — as I am entirley Des-
tetnte of money and am not able to get these things
at Uiis time without Some gentlemon will give me

! Short Creadet for them — and it will be very Difecolt
I for me to Do without them as I have the Command
' of the Light Infentry Company and our Regt is un-
der marcheu orders Seposed to go to Alboney and if
. we go into that Conterey most Sertain my dutey will
Consist in Scouten the woods which will be very un-
cofetebel in Hot wather with thick Cloathen.

Theirfore I am under tbe absolute Nesety of askea
this Faver of you for which- 1 hope you will bo
Pleased to grant and you shall be wal Paid as soon
as Posable.

Sir you must think that it is a hard thing that af-
ter I have Kcskud my life for upward of six years in
the Publiek Seivis to Be Brought so Low as to not
be able to By a Small matter of Somer Cloathen But
it is in fackt the Case Prohaps you will Say it is by
Reason of my one enprudeus but I think it is not
the case. I engaged in the Servis in 1777 and Re-
ceaved the Nomenel Sum of my wages in old Conti-
nelton Dollars and all I have Reccaved sens Jany
I 1st 1780 is Sixty Hard Dollars and Sixty New omis-
ion — it is true Some of the troops have Receaved some
new omesion for the year 1781 but my Companey
being at the Sotherd the money was Drawn for them
for 3 months and it grue so Bad that the Coll. Saw
Proper to Return the money again as it was of no
Vallew in Virgeney where they were.

I hope you wont think I am a Blamen yoa or En-
ey other genilemon for it, I am ondly menshenen to
you our Hard forten — but it dont all Diseorage ma
in the least. I hant none what it was to Command
one Dollar this 2 months nor I Dont no as I shall for
six months to come but if I Can get a few shirts and
a few thin cloathen I feal my Self Pritey wal Con-
tented to be with out money for lam Dctarmend a^i
I have beene so long in the servis to so it out if I am
even a bleage to fight with even a Shirt.

Sir, I must Beg your Parden fo» Trobelen you
with so long a Scrall and Conclude Subscriben my
Self your Most obedient and Humble Servent.

S A .

N. B. Sir if you Should be Pleased to Send the a
bove articels by the Barer Pleas to Send a bill of tho
Coast for I will Send the money as Soon as in my
Power if I dont Come whome my Self. S. A.

their would want a Small matter of Corsen Lisa
for Pockets and waggon Linens.

14

RELICS OF A " PECULIAR INSTITUTION " IN
SALEM.

Among my old papers, I find the following
scraps, which, together with some other old matters
of a quaint and curious nature, which I propose to
send you from time to time for publication, sferve to
illustrate the manners.and customs of our Ancestor^
in "ye quiete and peaceable Tosfrne of Salem."

"Janeuary ye 4th 1710 Rescued of Wm. Pickering
fifteen pounds in money being in full for an Indian
Gerll sd Pickering boft of me in augustt Lastt.
Fra's Holmes. p.

Salem, May 11, 1732.

This Day Sold to Mr. Myles Ward Jnn'r A Negro
Girle Caled Betty for fifty five pounds and took oble-
gation for the same. James Lin Jail.

Witness, James Lindall, Jun'r, Sarah Lindall, Ter-
tius.

A]?fClBNT PULPIT NOTICES.

Messrs. Editors: — The certificate, of which I send
you a copy, refers to the old custom of notifying
Town Meetings, Trainings, and other secular occa-
sions, at the Thursday Lecture in the Meeting House;
It reminds us of a little incident which was said to
have taken place in one of the churches in New Or-
leans one Sunday, a few years since. The officiating
clergyman, at the close of his sermon, made the fol-
lowing announcement: "I am requested to give no-
tice that there will be a Horse Race in the rear of
this house, immediately after divine service. My
hearers, I trust you will all be present." B.

Salem, Match 19, 1859.

This may signify to whom it may conceme, that
on February the 18th, 1701, being our Lecture day
at Salem, Joseph Neal, being at meeting, continued
quietly and orderly at the time of the publick wor-
ship, and read not the papyr (paper) of Notification
for the Commoners' meeting till such time after the
public worship as is usual with us, when training
days are warned, or Town meetings appointed ; and
he was not forbid reading of it as I know, or any
tlissatisfactioQ signified against his reading of it,

whilst he was reading of it. I was in the meeting
all the while the papyr of Notification for the Com-
moners' meeting was reading, and can testify to the
truth above written, if I Should be callccd there to.
NICHOLAS NOYES.
Salem, March 30, 1702.

CURIOUS INDENTURE BETWEEN A MASTER
AND SERVANT, IN 1713.

Messrs. Editors: — The following Indenture ia, I
think, worthy of being preserved in print, as a re-
cord of at least two by-gone institutions, viz: "bound
Servants," and the custom of teachiilg servants "lo
read a chapter well in the Bible." b. m. Hi

This Indenture, Made the first Day of September,
RRae, Annae Nunc Magnae Brittaniae Duodecimd
annoq Dom., 1713, Witnesseth that Nicholas Bour-
guess, a youth of Quarnsey, of his own free and vol-
untary will, and bv and with the Consent of his
present Master, Capt, John Hardy^ of Guarnseyj
aforesaid, Marriner, hath put himsclfe a Servant
Vnto Mr. William English, of Salem, in the County
of Essex, within the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay in New England, Marriner, for the space of
four yeares from the Day of the Date hereof, vntill
the aforesaid Terme of four yeares be fully Com-
pleat & Ended, During all which time the said Ser-
vant his said Master, his heircs, Executors, admin-
istrators or assignees Dwelling within the province
aforesaid, shall well and faithfully serve, their law-
ful commands obey; he shall not absent himselfe
from his or their service without Leave or Lyoenso
first had from him ot them; his Master's Money,
goods or other Estate he shull not PurloiOej embea-
le or wast; at unlawful 1 Games he shall not Flay;
Tavernes or Alehouses he shall not Frequent; forni-
cation he shall not Committ, nor Matrimony Con-
tract; but in all things shall Demean himselfe as a
faithfuU Setrant During the Terme aforesaid, and
the aforesaid Master, on his part, doth for himselfe,
his heires and assignees. Covenant, promise and
agree to and with the said Servant; that he or they
shall and will provide & find him with sufficient
Meat, Drink, Cloathing, washing & Lodging, & in
Case of Sickness, with Phisick, and attendance
During the Terme aforesaid, and to Learn him to
read a Chapter well in the bible, it he may be capa>
ble of Learning it, & to Dismiss him with two suits
of Apparell for all parts of his Body — the one for
Lord's Days, the other for working Days. In Testi-

IS

luoriy & for Confirmation whereof the parties afore-
tiiiiiied bare Interchangablj set their bands and
Scales the Day & Yeare first above written.

nicollas bourgaize, John Hardy.
Signed, Sealed <t Delivered in presence of us, —
Marg't Sewall, Jun'r, Susannah Sewall, Stephen
Bewail, Not. pub. & Justice peace.

NARRATIVE OF THE PIRACY, AND PLUNDER
OF THE SHIP FRIENDSHIP, OF SALEM, ON
THE WEST COAST OF SUMATRA, IN FEB-
• RUARY 1831, AND THE MASiACRE OF PART
OF HER CREW: ALSO, H^R RE-CAPTURE
OUT OF THE HANDS OF THE MALAY PI-
RATES.

BY CHARLES M. ENDICOTT.

kead at a meeting of the Emsex Institute, Jan. 28, 1858.

Before proceeding with the narrative, I will
say a few words upon the character of the na-
tives of this coast ; the impression having gon^
abroad, and has even been stated in our pul-
pits and elsewhere, that the wrongs they have
experienced at our hands have led to their
bad faith and perfidy ; and that we. Americans,
are, after all, responsible for it. That this is
a base calumny and has no foundation in
truth, we shall first endeavor to show.

*{It may be proper perhaps to state in the
Outset, that the whole of the pepper coast is
inhabited by emigrants from Acheen, the res-
idence of the king^, and the capital of his do-
minions ; and although they are generally
fepoken of by us as Malays, are nevertheless a
distinct race from them, speaking an unwrit-
ten language wholly unlike the Malay tongue
and difiering from them in everything but
their religion. The Acheenise have an imper-
fect and vague tradition, which savors more of
fable than reality, that they are the descend-
ants of a people, who, at a very remote period,
emigrated from the Mediterranean, or, as they
express it, from "Roma," (by which is meant,
no doubt, a colony of Phenicians,) who, in

*The matter contained between these brackets
Was published in the Boston Courier by the author
of this account; in the sommer of 1652.

the course of their extensive maritiino enter-
prises, visited the northern part of this island
by way of the Red Sea, and formed a settle-
ment at Aclieen, where intermarrying with
the natives their posterity have ever since re-
sided.

The coast from Acheen southward was ori-
ginally peopled by Malays, but wherever the
Acheenise iiave made settlements the aborigi-
nes have invariably been exterminated, either
by secret assassination or poison : and by such
and kindred foul practices they have possessed
themselves of the whole of the pepper coast,
and scarcely a real native Malay is now met
with. All writers, for centuries past, have
agreed in representing these people as the
most subtle, crafty and treacherous of all the
nations of the East. Our dealings with them
generally (I will not say always — for bad and
unprincipled men are sometimes found en-
gaged in all trades,) but generally our deal-
ings with them are such aa of necessity they
must be with a people from whom we can
never obtain redress for any bad faith or dis-
honesty ; who acknowledge no laws, have no
tribunals of justice to which we can appeal for
broken faith or violated contracts, and hold
themselves bound by no ties of integrity or
honor ; for it would be as difficult to carry
out equitably any compact made with themj
if it should conflict with their interests, as it
would be vain to expect mercy from the fero-
cious tenants of their forests. That they have
at times been over-reached at their own play
in their attempts to defraud and impose upon
us, and that the measure they mete unto oth»-
ers has been measured to them again, will not
be denied ; and that our interests have also
frequently suffered severely by their fraudu-
lent practices, is equally certain. If we were
not always on the alert to detect and counter-
balance their frauds, and sometimes even to
aniicipate them, we should be obliged to aban-
don the trade altogether. But the Munchau-
sen stories which are sometimes banded about,
are often without any foundation in truth, and

16

are not unfrequently the ofispring of the brain
of individuals, who hope to gain in this way a
character ibr great shrewdness in their deal-
ings. But these trials at circumvention, in
■which thoy as often gain the advantage as lose
it, do not certainly justify the piracy and
murder of our countrymen trading upon their
shores.

So far from becoming corrupt, perfidious
and treacherous, by our intercourse with them,
it will bo found, by a little research, that
these attributes in their characters existed, in
as eminent a degree, upwards of two centuries
ago, as at present ; and setting aside the in-
significance into which the king's power has
dwindled, the accounts of them then would an-
swer as well as any description which could
now be given. In Mavor's historical account
of early voyages, is one of Commodore Bieu-
lieu's to the East Indies in 1619 — 22, under-
taken for commercial purposes, under the
auspices of the French government. Mons.
Bieulieu is represented as an officer of distin-
guished character, both for the integrity of
his conduct and the extent of his abilities. —
The account he has given of his enterprise is
universally admired, for candid statement,
and easy, unaffected detail. lie left France
October 2, 1619, with three vessels under his
command, and in the course of his voyage vis-
ited Acheen, to obtain the king's peruiis.sion
to traffic within t is dominions, lie describes
his reception by the king, and the pomp and
magnificence of his court at that time, and
also details several instances of his majesty's
savage cruelty in mutilating his subjects upon
the moft trifling pretext, to which he was a
painful eye-witness. Finally, after along ne-
gotiation, and submitting to much extortion,
he succeeded in obtaining t^e desired permis-
sion, and, in his first attempts to avail himself
of it, he gives the following account :

"The avarice of this monarch was not less
detestable than his cruelty. No representa-
tions or presents could get the better of it. Not-
withstanding I had procured a license to pur-

chase pepper of his subjects, the first person who
sold me any was laid in irons. At last I found
it impossible to procure a grain, unless I con-
sented to take it of him at his own price ; and
after I had agreed for three hundred bahars
at nearly double its value, to my astonishment,
I found he exacted seven per cent, by way of
custom, for the very pepper I had purchased
of himself. I afterwards contracted with a per-
son wiio was distinguished for his knowledge
of the laws of Mahomet, and even passed for
a prophet himself, but finding some black sand
among his pepper, I remonstrated. At last I
found he weighed out the commodity wet^
and although a complaint to the king might
have procured mo revenge, I chose rather to
submit to the loss than enter into a dispute
with this sanctified personage. Wearied out
at length with the impositions of the tyrant ^ and
disgusted with the chicanery of his subjects, I
resolved to depart." This author also adds,
"The inhabitants of Acheen are the most vi-
cious of any on the coast. They are proud,
perfidious and envious. With an outward
show of being strict Mahometans, they are
the most consummate hypocrites. If they on-
ly suspect that any one bears them any
ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by
false accusations," Commodore Bieulieu's
account is corroborated by all the early
English navigators, who visited Acheen under
the direction of the East India Company, im-
mediately after its first charter by Queen Eliz-
abeth in 1600. The character of these people,
since that period, has undergone no radical or
material change ; it is essentially the same in
all respects, now as then. We omitted to re-
mark that Commodore Bieulieu had one of
the vessels under his command burnt by the
natives, and all the plunder detained by the
king. We think no candid, liberal and un-
prejudiced mind will seek far, or look deep,
for motives to stimulate such a mercenary
people to acts of violence on our ships when-
ever opportunities offer ; and that no other
incentives are needed than such as are found

17

inherent in their own breasts, that is, a love
of plunder, to deeds of crime and outrage.]

This, let it be borne in mind, was their char-
acter in the year 1020, the very year of the
landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, at Plymouth.
One can therefore appreciate how far we,
Ainericans, who had then no existence as a
nation, and who had no intercourse with these
people for 170 years after this period, are re-
sponsible for these traits of character, and
how far we therefore have corrupted their in-
tegrity. Having now finished our preface, we
will commence our narrative.

And here ^e would remark, in compiling
this account, we have met with a serious ob-
stacle, which has baffled all our skill to over-
come— that is, how to avoid the too frequent
and objectionable use of the little personal
pronoun I, which must strike every reader of
the narrative, in common with myself. We
trust, however, the peculiar circumstances of
the case will be considered and appreciated,
and thai charity extended to me which the
subject seems imperatively to demand.

The ship Friendship, of this place, under my
command, belonging to the Messrs. Pickman
and Silsbeea, sailed from Salem for the west
coast of Sumatra, with a crew of seventeen
men, including officers and seamen, on the
26th of May, 1830. The persons composing
the ship's company, were as follows : Charles
M. Endicott, Master ; Charles Knight, Ist
Mate ; John Barry, 2d Mate ; William Bray,
Carpenter ; George Chester, Algornon War-
ren, John Davis, John Massey, George Col-
lins, William Parnell, Gregorie Pedechie,
Charles Converse, Philip Manning, John Pat-
terson and John Byrne, Seamen ; William
Francis, Steward ; George Migill, Cook ; and
after the usual succession of fair winds and
foul, calms and storms, arrived safely at her
place of destination on the 22d September fol-
lowing. We touched first at the port of Qua-
lah Battoo, (i.e., in English, Rocky Eiver,)
in Lat. 3® 48m North. This place is inhabited
^by natives from the Pedir Coast, on the north
5

of the island, as well as Acheeniire, and 19
therefore governed jointly by a Pedir and
Acheenise Rajah . We remained here for the
purposes of trade, until the 5th of November
following, at which time, having obtained all
the pepper of the old crop, and the new pep-
per not coming in until March or April, wo
left that port, and m prosecutioft of our voy-
age visited several others, and finally returned
to Pulo Kio, (i. e., in English, Wood Island,)
about two miles from Qualah Battoo, the lat-
ter part of January, 1831, intending to re-
main there until the coming in of the pepper
crop.

One bright moonlight night, shortly after
our arrival at this place, I was awakened by
the watch informing me that a native boat was
approaching the ship in a very stealthy man-
ner, and under suspicious circumstances. I
immediately repaired on deck, and saw the
boat directly in our wake under the stern , the
most obvious way to conceal herself from our
observation, and gradually approaching us
with the utmost caution, without the least
noise or apparent propelling power, the oars
being struck so lightly in the water thai its
surface was scarcely ruffled. Having watched
their proceedings a few minutes, we became
convinced it was a reconnoitering party, sent
to ascertain how good a loot-out was kept on
board the ship, and intending to surprise us
for no good purpose, to say the least, if they
were not discovered. We therefore hailed them
in their own dialect, asking them where they
came from, what they wanted, and why they
were approaching the ship m such a stealthy,
tiger-like manner. We could see that all was
instantly life and animation on board her, and
after a few moments we received an answer
that they were frieftds from Qualah Battoo,
with a load of smuggled pepper, which they
were desirous to dispose of to us. We how-
ever, positively forbade them to advance any
nearer the ship, or to come along side ; but,
after considerable discussion, we at length
gave our consent for them to come abreast th^

18

ship at a respectful distance, and we would
Bend some of our own men on board to ascer-
tain if their story was correct ; and if there
was nothing suspicious about her, on their
giving up their side arms we would rig a whip
upon the main yard, and in this way take on
board their pepper, and allow one man to
come on board ship to look after it. All our
own crew had, in the mean time, been mus-
tered and armed, and a portion of them placed
as sentinels on each side the gangway. In
this manner we passed on board some 50 or
60 bags of pepper. We were afterwards in-
formed by the 2d officer, that while this was
going forward, the chief officer, who subse-
quently lost his life, was secretly scoffing at
these precautions, attributing them to cow-
ardice, and boasting he could clear the decks
of a hundred such fellows with a single hand-
spike. This boat, we subsequently ascer-
tained, was sent by a young man named Po
Qualah, the con of the Pedir Rajah, for the
express purpose which we had suspected ; the
pepper having been put on board merely as
an excuse in case they should be discovered.
It was only a sort of parachute, let off to see
from what quarter the wind blew, as a guide
in their future evil designs upon us. Ascer-
taining, however, by this artifice, that the ship
was too vigilantly guarded, at least, in the
night, to be thus surprised, they set them-
selves at work to devise another plan to decoy
us to Qualah Battoo, in which, I am sorry to
say, they were more successful.

A few days after this occurrence, a deputa-
tion was sent to invite us to Qualah Battoo,
representing that the new crop of pepper was
beginning to make its appearance, and they
could now furnish us with from one to two
hundred bags per day, and would ho doubt be
enabled to complete loading the ship in the
course of forty days. Being in pursuit of a
cargo, and having been always on friendly
terms with the natives of this place, who I
did not consider worse than those of other
|)arts of the coast, and feeling beside some se-

curity from the fact that we had already been
warned by some of our old friends not to place
too much confidence in any of them, all of
whom, in consequerice of the low price of pep-
per, and from various otlier causes, were actu-
ally contemplating piracy along the whole
coast, whenever a good opportunity should of-
fer, we considered, with a suitable degree of
caution, the danger was but triflirg,and there-
fore concluded a contract with them, and pro-
ceeded at once with tlie ship to Qualah Battoo.
Strict regulations were then established for the
security and protection of the ship. Two of
the most important were, that, in the a'^sence
of the captain, not more than two Malaya
were to be permitted on board at the same
time ; and no boats should be allowed to ap-
proach her in the night time upon any pre-
tence whatever, without calling an officer. —
Then mustering all hands upon the quarter
deck, I made a few remarks, acquainting them
with my apprehensions, and impressing on
their minds the importance of a good look-out,
particularly in the night, and expressed my
firm conviction that vigilance alone would
prevent the surprise and capture of the ship,
and the sacrifice of all our lives ; that the
words of Po Adam, which they had so often
heard him utter, "must look sharp," had no
idle meaning. Having thus done all we could
to guard against surprise, and put the ship in
as good a state of defence as under the circum-
stances was possible ; keeping her entire ar-
mament in good and efficient order, and firing
every night an eight o' block gun, to apprise
the natives that we were not sleeping upon
our posts, we commenced taking in pepper,
and so continued for three or four days, the
Malays appearing very friendly, and every-
thing went on satisfactorily.

On Monday, February 7, 1831, early in the
morning, while we were at breakfast, my old
and tried friend, Po Adam, a native well-
known to traders on this coast, came on board
in a small canoe from his residence at Pulo
Kio, in order to proceed on shore in the ship's

19

boat, which shortly after started with the 2d
offii-er, four seamen and myself. On our way
Po Adara expressed much anxiety for the safe-
ty of the ship, and also an entire want of con-
fidence in Mr. Knight, the first ofiicer, which,
however, I then considered unfounded, re-
marking in his broken English, "Ae no look
sharp, no undersland Malay-man." On being
asked if he realli/ believed his countrymen
would dare to attack the ship, he replied in
the affirmative. I then observed to the 2d
officer, it certainly behooved us, the boat's
crew, who were more exposed than any of the
ship's company, to be on our guard against
surprise, and proposed when we next came on
shore, to come prepared to defend ourselves ;
but did not think the danger sufficiently immi-
nent to return to the ship for that purpose at
the present moment. When we reached the
landing we were kindly received, as usual, — a
man who was a stranger to me, of rather pre-
possessing appearance, pretended to be very
much pleased with my knowledge of the lan-
guage, for which he was profuse in his com-
pliments, and, to hear me speak it, followed
close upon my footsteps through the bazars,
and was very assiduous in his attentions. —
Such circumstances being, however, of almost
daily occurrence, there was nothing particu-
lar in this to excite suspicions of any evil in-
tent, and we were soon upon easy and famil-
iar terms. The natives were bringing in pep-
per very slowly ; only now and then a single
Malay would make his appearance with a bag
upon his head, and it was not until nearly 3
o'clock in the afternoon tbat sufficient was col-
lected to commence weighing ; and between 3
and 4 o'clock the first boat started from the
shore. The natives were, however, still bring-
ing in pepper, with a promise of another boat-
load during the day. This was, however, a mere
Bubterfuge to keep us on shore. As the boat
was passing out of the river, I noticed her stop
upon one of the points, and believing it the ;
object of her crew to steal pepper, and secrete
it among the neighboring high glass, two men
were sent down to look after them. They |

soon returned, remmkiag there appeared to be
nothing wrong. The ship lay about three-
fourths of a mile from the shore, and betweea
the scale-house and the beach there was a
piece of rising ground, so that standing at the
scales we could just seethe ship's topgallant
yards. I had observed a vessel in the offing
in the course of the day, apparently approach-
ing this place or Soosoo, and, being at leisure,
walked up towards the beach to ascertain if
she had hoisted any national colours. The
instant I had proceeded far enough to see our
ship's hull, I observed the pepper-boat, which
was at this time within two or three hundred
feet of her, as she rose on the top of the swell,
appeared to have a large number of men in
her. My suspicions were instantly aroused
that there was something wrong, and I re-
turned to inquire into the circumstance of the
men who were sent down to the mouth of the
river. I was Ihen informed, for the first time,
as they approached the boat 6 or 7 Malays
jumped up from the high grass and rushed on
board her ; and as she passed out of the river,
they saw her take in from a ferry boat, that
was passing, about the same number ; but as
they all appeared to be '■'youngsters,'^ to use
their own expression, they did not think the
circumstance of sufficient importance to men-
tion it. They were reprimanded for sufih an
omission of duty, accompanied with the re-
mark, "your youngsters, as you call them,
will, I suspect, be found old enough in iniqui-
ty, at least, to capture the ship, if once ad-
mitted upon her decks." The words of Po
Adam, that morning, that "Mr. Knight no
look sharp, no undersland Malay-man,''^ now
struck mo with their full force and a fearful
foreboding, and 1 appealed to Mr. Barry, the
2d officer, for his opinion as to what would be
Mr. Knight's probable course, remarking "Ae
certainly will not disobey his orders." Mr.
Barry, however, expressed his fears as to the
result, remarking be knew so well the contempt
which Mr. Knight entertained for these peo-
ple, "tbat be will probably conclude your pre'-

20

cautions to be altogether uDoecessary, and
that he can allow them to come on board with
impunity, without your ever knowing any-
thing of the circumotance, and no harm will
come of it." This view of the case certainly
did not have the effect, in any degree, to al-
lay my anxiety, and I observed, "if your pre-
dictions prove correct, the ship is taken ;"
but concluding it to be altogether too' late for
ua on shore to render any assistance to the
ship, and still clinging to the hope that Mr,
Knight would, after all, be faithful to his
trust, Mr. Barry and two men were directed
to walk up towards the beach without any
apparent concern, and watch the ruovements
on board. I should have remarked, on my own
way up to the beach, just before, I passed
near a tree, under the shade of which a group
of 10 or 12 natives were apparently holding a
consultation, and, as I approached, all conver-
sation ceased. The object of this meeting, as
I was attervvarda informed, was to consider
whether it would be better to kill us before at-
tempting to take the ship, or o/ient-arrf; and
the conclusion arrived at was to be sure of the
^Vi^ first, the killing of us appearing to them
as easy, to use their own simile, as cutting off
the heads of so many fowls : the manner how
had already been decided, the time when was
all there was to be considered, — a native hav-
ing been already appointed, and the price fixed
for the assassination of each of the boat's crew.
The price set upun my life was 1000 dollars,
for the 2J officer's, 500 dollars, and for each
of the seamen 100 dollars. It was the busi-
ness of my officious friend, whom 1 met that
morning on landing, to bestow that delicate
little piece of attention upon me.

As soon as Mr. Barry had reached an eleva-
tion where he could iairly see the ship's hull,
I noticed a quick convulsive movement of his
limbs, and that he turned short round, and
■walked, without hastening his steps, directly
towards me ; — passing me, however, without
discovering any emotion, our eyes not being
pyen directed towards each other, and said,

"there is trouble on board. Sir," — to the ques-
tion "What did you see?" he replied, "Men
jumping overboard." Convinced at once, of
our own perilous situation, and that our escape
depended on extremely cautious and judicious
management, I answered "We must show no
alarm, but muster the men, and order them
immediately into the boat " At this moment
we did not know, of course, whether it was the
natives or our own crew who were jumping
overboard, there was nothing certain further
than that the ship was undoubtedly attacked,
and we on shore must look out for our lives.—
The men got into the boat in their usual delib-
erate manner, and winded her head round to-
wards the mouth of the river, when Philip
Manning, one of the crew, who had yet no
suspicion of what was going on, reminded me
I had not locked the chest containing the
weights. And here I ought, perhaps, to re-
mark that in this trade the weights are as
much a matter of contract and bargain as the
price of pepper, and for the bettor satisfaction
of both parties I had recently adopted the plan
of locking up the weights over night in a chest
kept on shore tor that purpose. This was in
the first place to prevent the Malays taking out
the lead, and in the next, convincing them that
we did not violate our part of the contract by
putting any secretly in. Such is the mutual
want of confidence manifested in Qur dealings
with each other on this coast.

Everything being now in readiness, we push-
ed off from the shore, the Malays having no
suspicion of our design, believing we intended
to remain for the other boat load of pepper,
and thinking it to be our intention, by our ap-
parently unconcerned manner, to cross the river
for a stroll in the opposite Bazar, as was our
frequent custom. The moment the boat's stern
had left the bank of the river, Po Adam sprang
into her in a great state of excitement, to whom
I exclaimed, "What ! do you come too, Ad-
am?"— he answered "You got trouble, cap-
tain, if they kill you, must kill Po Adam first."
He suggested we should immediately steer the

21

boat as far as possible from the western bank
of the river, which was here not more than one
hundred feet w^ide, when I remarked to the
boat's crew, "now spring to your oars my lads
for your lives, or we are all dead men." Ad-
am exhibited the utmost alarm and consterna-
tion, encouraging my men to exert themselves,
and talking English and Acheenise both in the
same breath,— now exclaiming in Acheenise,
di-yoong di yoong hi !" and then exhorting
them to "pull, pull trong !" The men work-
ed with a will at their oars, and what with
their efforts and the assistance of a favourable
current, we made rapid progress out of the
river. As we doubled one of the points we saw
hundreds of natives rushing with wild impet-
uosity towards the river's mouth, brandishing
their weapons, and otherwise menacing us. —
Adam upon seeing this was struck with dis-
may, and exclaimed '"if got blunderbuss will
kill all," — but luckily they were not provided
with that weapon, and we therefore escaped
its dangers. A ferry-boat was next discovered
with ten or twelve Malays in her, armed with
long spears, evidently waiting to intercept us.
I ordered Mr. Barry into the bows of the boat,
and with Adam's sword to make demonstra-
tions of being armed, and also to cun the boat
in such a manner as to run down the ferry
boat, which I concluded was our only chance
to escape. Our own boat being a pinnace of
soma twenty-five feet in length, high out of
water, and the ferry boat a long low canoe,
the thing appeared quite feasible. With head-
long impetuosity we were rushing towards our
antagonist, nerved with the feeling of despera-
tion. The distance between us was rapidly di-
minishing. With profound stillness and breath-
less anxiety we awaited the moment of collision,
like a fated boat over the cataract of Niagara,
with scarcely one chance in a thousand to es-
cape death. The points of their pikes could
be plainly seen. Already I observed Mr. Bar-
ry with his sword elevated, as if in the act of
etriking. But when we had approached with-
in some twenty feet, her crew all at once, aa if
by the direct interposition of Providence, ap-
6

peared completely panic struck, and made an
effort to get out of our way. It was, howev-
er, a close shave, — so close that one of their
Epears was actually over the stern of our boat,
which with my hand, as wc passed, I pushed
aside. It was long before the countenances of
those men, as they sat resting on their spears,
faded from my recollection, so indelibly were
they engraven on my memory. They often
visited me in my dreams, and disturbed even
my waking hours. We are not at all inclined
10 a belief in special providences, but this in-
cident to my mind is as remarkable as the ces-
sation of surf, related by Riley, which enabled
him to escape from the shore out of the hands

of the Arabs on the West Coast of Africa.

The Malays on the last point of the river as we
passed, appeared perfectly frantic at our es-
cape, and ran into the water up to their arm-
pits, in their endeavors to intercept us, wav-
ing their swords above their heads, and shout-
ing at the tops of their voices. Having now
run the gauntlet, all danger for the present
was passed, and during the breathing spell
which it allowed us, we quietly proceeded the
remainder of the distance out of the river with-
out any further incident or molestation. We
had now time calmly to contemplate the scene
through which we had just passed, with hearts,
I trust, grateful to God for his kind protection
and safe guidance in the midst of its perils. —
This was the part of their plan, otherwise well
conceived, which was defective, — they had ta-
ken no measures to prevent our escape from
the shore, not believing for a moment that our
lives were not at their disposal, unprotected and
defenceless as they caw us.

The whole scene would furnish an admirable
subject for the pencil of the artist, —the fragile
boat running the gauntlet, and forcing her way
through the narrow passage out of the river —
maugre the efforts of hundreds of Malays who
are endeavoring to intercept her; the neighbor^
ing bazar and the points of the river crowded
with natives, many of whom are actually in
the water up to their arm-pits, while othera
are running to and fro, and all in a state o

22

the greatest excitement, vociferating to the ex-
tent of their voices. The doomed ship laying
tranquilly in the roads, with sails turled, and
a pepper boat alongside, with a multitude of
natives in every part of her, and none of her
own crew visible, with the exception of a man
on the top gallant yardj and some 10 or 12
heads just even with ttie surface of the water.
High mountains in the back ground densely
clothed with wood, and a long range of low
thatched houses, with here and there a few co-
coanut trees surrounding them, and a sandy
beach of miles in extent, on which the surf is
beating most furiously. Its well drawn sketch
could not fail to gratify the lovers of marvel-
lous and thrilling adventures.

Having thus cleared the river, which
was like passing the limits of the valley of the
shadow of death, our first attention was directed
to the the ship, and judge of our feelings when,
after a moment's observation, we were convinc-
ed she was captured. None of our crew, ex-
cept one man aloft on the fore top gallant jard,
could anywhere be seen, and the pirates were
conspicuous in every part of her. waving their
cloths, and making evident signals ot success to
the natives on shore. Without consideration my
first impulse was to propose boarding her, and
was very properly reminded that if the ship
with her full armament had been taken with
80 many of her crew on board, we could do
comparatively nothing in out unarmed state,
towards her recapture ; and the idea was as
Boon abandoned as entertained, — if, indeed, it
was ever seriously entertained at all.

We however continued to row up towards
the ship until we could see the Malays pointing
her muskets at us from the quarter deck, and
that they appeared also to be clearing away the
stem chasers, which we knew to be loaded to
their muzzles with grape and langrage, which
would be exceedingly unwelcome visitors in our
defenceless situation to encounter. At this
moment, three large Malay boats crowded with
men, were seen coming oat of the river, and to
pull directly towards up. While debating what
to do, and whether it would not be best to pro-

ceed at once to Muckie for assistance, wiiich was
some 25 miles distant, where wo knew two or
three American vessels were laying, heavy clouda
commenced rolling down over the mountains,
and the rumbling of distant thunder, and sharp
flashes of lightning, gave sure indications that
the land wind would be accompanied with del-
uges of rain, rendering the night, at least the
first part ot it, one of Egyptian darkness, in
which it would be almost impossible to grope
our way safely along shore towards that place.
Under those discouraging prospects, Po Adam
advised us to proceed to Pulo Kio, and take
shelter in hia fort. Submitting ourselves al-
most wholly to his guidance, we at once pull-
ed away for that place, but before we reached
it his heart failed him, and he represented his
fort as not sufficiently strong to resist a vigo-
rous assault, if one should be made, and would
not therefore be responsible for our lives,— but
suggested we should proceed to Soosoo, which
being some two miles further remote from the
scene of the late outrage, he concluded we
might be safe. We accordingly proceeded for
Soosoo river, whic h we had scarcely entered
when Po Adam's confidence again forsook him,
and he advised us not to land. We therefore
only filled a keg with water from the river and
came out over the bar, intending to make the
best of our way to Muckie, having more confi-
dence, alter all, in the elements, than in the
treacherous specimens of humanity with which
we were then surrounded.

The night now came on dark and lowering,
and just as we had left Soosoo river, the land
wind, which had been some time retarded by a
strong sea breeze, accompanied with heavj
thunder and torrents of rain, overtook us, and
came pelting down upon our unprotected
heads. Sharp flashes of lightning occasionally
shot across the gloom, which rendered the
scene still more fearful. We double manned
two of the oars with Mr. Sarry and Po Adam,
and I did the best I could to keep the boat'B
head down the coast, it being impossible to
see any object on shore, or even to hear the
Burf, by which we could judge our dlfitan

23

fnuii it. Having proceeded in this way until
we begi^n to tiiink ourselves near North Talla-
puw,oir which was a dangerous ehoal, it be-
came a matter of concern how we should keep
clear of it. We frequently laid upon our oars
and listened, to ascertain if we could bear it
break, but the noise of the elements rendered
it impossible. Directly we felt the boat lifted
upon a high wave, which we knew immedi-
ately must be the roller upon this shoal, which
passing, broke with a fearful crash some three
or four hundred feet from us. It is almost
unnecessary to say, had we been that distance
nearer the shore, it would have been the last
known of the Friendship's boat's crew, as the
boat would undoubtedly have been dashed to
pieces on the shoal, and all on board her must
have perished. But through the kind protec-
tion of an all- merciful God, we were preserved
from such a fate.

Having thus providentially passed this dan-
gerous spot in safety, the weather began to
clear a little, and here and there a star made
ita appearance, and looked compassionately
down upon us. The off shore wind, too, be-
came more steady and the rain ceased. To
clear the boat ot the quantity of water which
had rained into her, now occupied our first
attention, which, however, we found a slow
and tedious process, as we bad nothing larger
than a tin pot to bail with. We also com-
menced ripping up some gunny bags which
were left in the baat, and tying them together
for a sail, under which we found the boat
bounded along quite briskly ; we therefore
laid in our ours, all bands being now quite
exhausted, and proceeded in this way the rest
of the distance to Muckie, where we arrived
at about 1 o'clock, A. M. We found here the
ebip James Monroe, Porter, of New York, brig
Gov. Endicott, Jenks, of Salem, and brig
Palmer, Powers, of fioston. On approaching
the roads, we were first bailed from the Gov.
Endicott, and to the question " What boat is
that?" the response was, ''the Friendship's,
from Qualab Battoo," which answer was im-
mediately followed witb the question "Is that

you, Capt. Endicott?" "Yes," was the an-
swer, "with all that are left of us." It was
but the work of a moment to clamber up her
sides on to her decks, where we were instantly
surrounded with captain, officers and crew, all
anxious to learn the particulars of our sad
misfortune. W^e could tell them only of our
own adventures ; the circumstances of the cap-
ture of the ship, and the massacre of part of
her crew, were to be hereafter revealed.

Having communicated with the other ves-
sels, their commanders repaired on board the
Gov. Endicott, when it was instantly conclud-
ed to proceed with their vessels to Qualah Bat-
too, and endeavor to recover the ship. These
vessels were laying with most of their sails un-
bent, but their decks were quickly all life and
animation, and the work of bending sails pro-
ceeded so rapidly that before 3 o'clock all the
vessels were out of the roads and beading up
the coast towards Qualab Battoo. Both the
land and sea breeze were light throughout the
day, and it was not until about the middle of
the afternoon that we sighted the ship. Ev-
ery arrangement was now made for her cap-
ture. It was our intention to throw as many
of the crews of the Gov. Endicott and Palmer
as could be prudently spared, on board the
James Monroe, being the largest vessel, and
proceed with her directly into the roads, and
lay her alongside the Friendship, and carry
her by boarding, — the other vessels following
at a short distance. But as soon as we had
completed all our arrangements, and while we
were yet several miles outside the port, the
sea breeze began to fail us, with indications
that the land wind, like that of the day before,
would be accompanied with heavy rain. We
however stood on towards the place until the
off shore wind and rain reached us, when all
three vessels were obliged to anchor, and sus-
pend further operations until the next morn-
ing. Before dark 1 bad taken the bearings of
the ship by compass, intending, if circumstan-
ces favored it, to propose a descent upon her
during the night ; but the heavy rain contin-
ued the most part of it, and we were baffled

24

in that design. The first indicationa of day-
light found us upon the decks of the Monroe,
watching for the ship, which, in the yet in-
distinct light, could not be discerned in the
roads. The horizon in the offing was also
searched unsuccessfully with our glasses ; but
as objects became more distinct we at last dis-
covered her close in shore, far to the westward
of her late anchorage, inside a large cluster of
dangerous shoals, to which position, as it then
appeared, the Malays must have removed her
during the night. What I now most appre-
hended was that they bad got her upon one of
the reefs, and if so, her recapture would have
been useless ; but when the day had sufficient-
ly advanced to enable us with our glasses to
make a careful examination of her position, to
our great relief we ascertained this was not
the case. One thing was however, certain, we
could not carry out our original design of run-
ning her alongside in her present situation ;
the navigation would be too dangerous lor
either of the ships, and must therefore be
abandoned. At this moment we saw a Prou,
or Malay trading craft, approaching the roads
from the westward, with which I communica-
ted, and of which I hired a canoe, and sent a
messenger on shore to inform the Rajahs if
they would give the ship up peaceably to us
vre would not molest them, otherwise we
should fire both upon her and the town. This
■was considered the most advisable course ; all
the fleet being in pursuit of cargoes, some ap-
prehensions began to be entertained lest hos-
tilities should be the means of breaking up
their voyages, or at least vitiating their insur-
ance. After waiting considerable time for the
return of the messenger, during which we
could see boats passing close in shore from
the ship loaded with plunder, we concluded
this delay was'jonly a subterfuge to gain far-
ther time for that purpose, and we fired a gun
across the bows of one ot them, which arrested
her progress. In a few minutes the canoe
which we had sent on shore was seen putting
off. The answer received, however, was one

of defiance, — "that they should not give her
up so easily, but we might take her if we
could.''^ All three vessels then opened their
fires upon the town and ship, which was re-
turned by the forts on shore, the Malays also
firing our ship's guns at us. The first shot
from one of the forts passed between tlie masts
of the Gov. Endicott, not 10 feet above the
heads of the crew, and the second struck the
water just under her counter. This vessel had
been kedged in close to the shore within point
blank shot of the fort, with springs upon her
cable, determined on making every gun tell.
The spirited manner in which their fire was
returned soon silenced this fort, which mount-
ed 6 six-pounders and several small brass
pieces. It appeared afterward, by the testi-
mony ot one of ray crew, who was confined
here, that the firing was so effectual that it
dismounted their guns and split the car-
riages. The other two forts, which were sit-
uated at a greater distance from the beach,
continued firing, and no progress was made
towards recapturing the ship, which, after all,
was our only object. It was now between 3
and 4 o'clock ; and the land wind began to
make demonstrations ol another rainy night,
and it was certain if the Malays were allowed
to hold po8ses8}on of the ship much longer,
they would either get her on shore, or burn
her. We then held a council of war on board
the Monroe, and concluded to board her with
as large a force as we could carry in three
boats ; and that the command of the expedition
shouldof course devolve upon me. Justatithis
juncture the ship ceased firing, and we ob-
served a column of smoke rise from her decks
abreast the mainmast, and that there ap-
peared to be great confusion on board. We
subsequently ascertained that they blew them-
selves up by setting fire to an open keg of pow-
der, from which they were loading the guns,
after having expended all the cartridges. Ev-
erything being in readiness for our expedition,
we pushed off. The ship lay with her port
side towards us, and, with the intention of

25

getting out of the range of her guns, pulled to
the westward at an angle of some 33 deg., un-
til we opened her starboard bow, when we
bore up in three divisions for boarding, one at
each gangway, and the other over the bows.
We were now before the wind, and two oars
iD each boat were suflBcient to propel them ;
the rest of the crew, armed to the teeth with
maekets, cutlasses and pistols, sat quietly in

There had been evidently a fruitless attempt
to cut it off. While we were clearing the
chain, and preparing to kedge the ship off
into the roads, the Malays, still bent upon an-
noying us, and unwilling to abandon their
prize, were seen drawing a gun over the sandy
beach upon a drag, directly under our stern,
which, having fired, it jumped off the carriacre
and was abandoned. The rain, with the land

their places, with their muskets pointed at the i wind, now set in again ; it was, however, the

ehip as the boats approached. The Malays
now, for the first time, seemed to comprehend
our design, and as we neared the ship, were
struck with consternation, end eomuienced
deserting her with all possible dispatch, and
in the greatest confusion. The numerous
boats of all descriptions, alongside, were im-
mediate! v filled, and those who could find no

wci'k of but a short lime to kedge the ship off
into deep water, and anchor her in compara-
tive security alongside the other ehipa in the
roads.

The next morning a canoe was seen ap-
proaching the James Monroe, from Pulo Eio,
with five or sis men in her, whom wa took, as
a natter of course, to be natives ; but we were

other means of conveyance, jumped overboard | soon hailed from that ship, and informed that

and swam for the shore. The beach waa con-
sequently lined with boats, and the Malays
took to ihe jangle with the greatest precipita-
tion, 80 that when we reached the sbip, the.-o
was, to all appearance, no one on board. Still
fearing some trea'*hery, we approached her
with the same caution, and boarded her, cut-
lass in hand, in the same order we should have
done had we known her to be full of men. —
Having reached her decks, and finding them

four of the number were a part of our own
crew, I proceeded immediately on board and
found them to be Wm, Parnell, John Muzzey,
Algernon Warren, seamen, and Wra. Bray,
carpenter. Their haggard and squalid appear-
ance bespoke what they had suffered. It
would eeem impossible that in the space of
four days, men could, bj any casualty, so en-
tirely lose their identity. They bore no sem-
blance to their former selves, and it was only

deserted, before we laid aside our arms a strict | by asking their names that I knew either of
search was instituted throughout the ship, j them. They were without clothing, other
with instructions to cut down any who thould j than loose pieces of cotton cloth thrown over

be found, and give no quarter. But ehe was
completely forsaken, — not a soul on board.
Her appearance, at the time we boarded her,
defies description; suffice it to say, every partot
her bore ample testimony of the Bcene of violence
and destruction with which she had been vis-
ited. That many lives had been sacrificed,
her blood-stained decks abundantly testified.
We found her within pistol-shot of the beach,
with most of her sails cut loose, and flying
from the yards. Why they had not succeeded
in their attempts to get her on shore, was soon
apparent. A riding turn in the chain around
the windlass, which they were not sailors e-
nough to clear, had no doubt prevented it.

7

their persons, their hair matted, their bodies
crisped and burnt in large, running blisters,
besides having been nearly devoured by mas-
quitos, the poison of whose stings had left evi-
dent traces of its virulence ; their flesh wasted
away, and even the very tones of their voices
were changed. It is no exaggeration to say
their appearance forcibly reminded me of the
print of Capt. Riley and his men, at their
first interview with Mr. Willshire, under the
palace walls, near Mogadore. The few pieces
of cloth, which covered their nakedness, being
all their flesh could bear, and these it was ne(y
essary first to oil, to enable them to do eveD
Itbat. They had been wandering about in the

a^

jungle without food ever since the ship was
taken, and the story of their sufferings was a
painful one. Their account of the capture of
the ship was as follows: — When the pepper-
boat came alongside, it was observed by the
crew that all on board her were strangers, and
not one was recognized as having been off to
the ship before. They were also better dressed
than boatmen generally, all of them havinr^ on
white or yellow jackets, and new ivory-han-
dled creises. No notice appeared to be taken
of these suspicious circumstances by the mate,
and all except two men, who were left to pass
up pepper, were admitted indiscriminately to
come on board. One of the crew,^named Wm.
Parnell, who was stationed at the gangvray to
pass along pepper, made some remr.rii, to call
bis attention to the number of natives on
board, and was answered in a gruffy manner,
and asked if he was afraid. No, replied the man,
not afraid ; but I know it to be contrary to the
regulations of the ship. He was ordered, with
an oath, to pass along pepper, and mind his own
business. The natives v/ere also seen by the
crew sharpening their creises upon the grind-
stone, which stood upon the forecastle, and a
man named Chester, who was subsequently
killed while starting pepper down the fore-
hatch, asked them in pantomime, for he could
not speak the langur.ge, what so many of them
wanted on board, and was ans-^rered in the
eame livay, that they came off to see the ship.
He was heard by one of the crewr to say, "we
must look out you do not come for anything
worse," at the same time drawing a handspike
within his reach. The Malays had dis-
tributed themselves about the decks in the
most advantageous manner for an attack, and
at some preconcerted signal a simultaneous
assault upon the crew was made in every part
of the ship. Two Malaya were seen by the
steward to rush with their creises upon Mr.
Knight, who was very badly stabbed in the
back and side, the weapons appearing to be
buried in his body, up to their very hilts. —
Cheater, at the fore hatch, notwithstanding
bis distrust and precaution, was killed out-

right, and supposed to have fallen into the
hold. The steward, at the galley, was also
badly wounded, and was only saved from
death by the creia striking hard against a
short rib, which took the force of the blow.
Of the two men on the stage over the ship's
side, one was killed, and the other so badly
wounded as to be made a cripple for life. The
chief officer was seen, after he was stabbed, to
rush aft upon the starboard side of the quar-
ter deck, and endeavor to get a boarding pike
out of the beckets, abreast the mizzen rigging,
where he was met by Parnell, to whom be ex-
claimed, ^ do your duty ;'^ at the same instant
two or three Malays rushed upon him, and he
WQ8 afterwards seen lying dead near the same
spot, with the boarding pike under him. On
the instant the crew found the ship attacked^
they attempted to get aft into the cabin for
arms, but the Malaya had placed a guard ou
each side of the companion-way, which pre-
vented them ; they then rushed forward for
handspikes, and were again intercepted ; and
being completely bewildered, surprised and
defenceless, and knowing. thai several of their
shipmates had already been killed outright be*
fore their eyes, and others wounded, all who
could swim plunged overboard, and the others
took to the rigging, or crept over the bows
out of sight. The decks were now cleared,
and the pirates had full possession of the ship.
The men in the water then consulted to-
gether what they should do, concluding it cer-
tain death to return to the ship ; and they de«
termined it would be the safest to 'swim on
shore, and secrete themselves in the jungle; —
but as they approached it they observed the
beach about Qualah Battoo lined with natives,
and they proceeded more to the westward, and
landed upon a point called Ouj'ong Lamab
Moodah, nearly two miles distant from the
ship. On their way they bad divested them-
selves of every article of clothing, and thej
were entirely naked at the time they landed.
As it was not yet dark, they sought safety and
seclusion in the jungle, from whence they
emerged as soon as they thought it Eafe^ and

2?

Walked upon the beach in the direction of
Cape Felix and Annala'ooo, intending to make
the best of their way to the latter place, with
the hope of meeting there some American ves-
•el, on board which they would find shelter
and protection. At the approach of daylight
they sought a hiding-place again in the bush-
es ; but it afforded them only a partial pro-
tection from the scorching rays of the sun,
from which, being entirely naked, they expe-
rienced the most dreadful efiects. Hunger
and thirst began also to make demands upon
them; but no food could anywhere be found.
They tried to eat grass, but their stomachs re-
fused it. They found a few husks of the eo-
coanut, which they chswed, endeaToring to
extract some nourishment from them, but in
vain. They staid in their hiding-piace the
whole of this day, and eavr Malays passing
along the beach, but were afraid to discover
themselves. At night they pursued their jour-
ney again, during which they passed several
small streams, where they slaked their thirst,
but obtained no food. About midnight they
came to a very broad river, which they did not
venture to cross. The current was very rap-
id, and they had no means of conveyance oth-
er than their own limbs, and having been 36
hours without food of any kind, they did not
dare attempt it. This river I have alv/ays
supposed to be Qualab Toepah, about midway
between Cape Felix and Annalabco. Here,
then, they wete put completely hors de com-
bat ; they found for want of food their ener-
gies were fast giving way, and still they be-
lieved their lives depended on not being discov-
ered. I have since been struck with the Re-
marks of Dr. Kane, on the effects of a want
of food, which are so much like the account
given by my men, that I cannot refrain from
inserting it. "The first symptom," says he,
does not show itself in hunger, but in a loss of
power often so imperceptibly brought on that
it becomes evident only by an accident," —
Buch, for instance, as the inability felt to cross
this river. Since further progress towards
Annalaboo appeared impossible, they resol7e<2

to retrace their steps, endeavor to pass Qualah
Battoo in the night, without being discovered,
and reach the hospitable residence of Po Ad-
am, at Pulo Kio. They accordingly took up
their line of march towards that place, im-
mediately, and reached, as they supposed, the
neighborhpod of Capo Felix by the morning,
when they again retreated to the jungle, where
they lay concealed another day, being Wednes-
day, the day of the recapture of the ship, but
at too great distance to hear the firing. At
night they again resumed their journey, and
having reached the spot where the Malays
landed in so much haste when they deserted
the ship, they found the beach covered witfi
canoes, a circumstance which aroused their
suspicions, but for which they were at a loss
to account. They now concluded each to take
a canoe, as the most certain way of passing
Qualah Battoo without discovery, and so pro-
ceed to Pulo Kio. As they passed the roads,
they heard one of the ship's bells strike the
hour, and the well-known cry of '■^AlVs welly^
but fearing it was some decoy of the natives,
they would not approach her, but proceeded
on their way, and landed at Pulo Kio, secreting
themselves once more in the jungle, neap the
residence of Po Adam, until the morning,
when four naked and half-famiahed white men
were seen to emerge from the bushes, and ap-
proach bis fort with feeble steps, who, as soon
as recognized, were welcomed by him with the
strongest demonstrations of delight ; slapping
his bands, shouting at the top of his lungs,
and in the exuberance of his joy committing
all kinds of extravagances. They now heard
of the recapture of the ship, and the escape of
the boat's crew on shore, which it had never
occurred to them were not already numbered
with the dead. They were clothed as we have
described, and a breakfast of boiled rice pre-
pared, being the first food that they had tasted
for the period of 72 hours. Having refreshed
themselves, they were conveyed by Adam and
his men on board the James Munroe, in the
pitiful condition of which we have before spo«
ken.

28

In the course of the latter part of the same
day, another canoe, with a white flag dis-
played, was ohserved approaching the fleet
from the direction of Qualah Battoo, contain-
ing three or four Chinamen, who informed us
that four of our men, two of whom were
wounded, one very severely, were at their
houses on shore, where their wounds had been
dressed, and they had been otherwise cared
for ; and that we could ransom them of the
Rajahs at ten dollars each. To this I readily
agreed, and they were soon brought off to the
Bhip in a sampan, and proved to be Charles
Converse andGregorie Pedechio, seamen, Loren-
zo MigelI,cook, and William Francis, steward.
Converse was laid out at full length upon a
board, as if dead, — evidently very badly wound-
ed. The story of the poor fellow was a sad one,
lie, with John Davis, being the two tallest
men in the ship, were on the stage over the
side when she wo,s attacked. Their first im-
pulse was, to gain the ship's decks, but were
defeated in this design by the pirates, who
stood guard over the gangway, av.C making
repeated thrusts at them. They then made a
desperate attempt to paes over the pepper-boat,
Bnd thus gain the water, in doing which they
were both most severely wounded. Having
reached the water, Converse swain round to j
the ship's bows, and grasped the chain, to
which he clang as well as be was able,
being badly crippled in one of his
hands, with other severe wounds in various
parts of his body. When it became dark, he
crawled up over the bows as well as his exhaus-
ted strength from the loss of blood would per-
mit, and crept to the foot of the forecastle
stairs, where he supposed he must have faint-
ed, and fell prostrate upon the floor without
the power of moving himself one inch further.
The Malays believing him dead, took no heed
of him, but travelled up and down over his bo-
dy the whole night. Upon attempting to pass
over the boat, after being foiled in his endeav-
or to reach the ship's decks, a native made a
pass at his head with his '^parrunff,^^ a weapon

resembling most a butcher's cleaver, which he
warded off by throwing up his naked arm, and
the force of the blow fell upon the outer part
of his hand, severing all the bones and sin-
ews belonging to three of his fingers, and leav-
ing untouched only the fore finger and
thumb. Besides this he received a creis wound
in the back, which must have penetrated to the
stomach, from whence he bled from his mouth
the most part of Khe night- lie was likewise
very badly wounded in the ham just below the
groin, which came so nearly through the leg
as to discolor the flesh upon the inside. Won-
derful, however, to relate, notwithstanding the
want of proper medical advice, and with noth-
ing but the unskillful treatment of 3 or 4 ship
masters, the thermometer ranging all the time,
from 85 to 90 deg., this man recovered from
his wounds, but in his crippled hand, he car-
ried the marks of Malay perfidy to his watery
gi-ave, having been drowned at sea from on
board of the brig Fair American, in the win-
ter of LS33-4, which was, no doubt, occa-
sioned by this wound, which unfitted him for
holding on properly while aloft.

Tlie fate of his companion Davis, was a
tragical one. He could not swim, and after
I reaching the water was seen to struggle hard
to gain the boat's tackle full at the stern, to
which he clung until the Iilalays dropped the
pepper boat astern, when he was observed ap-
parently imploring mercy at tlieir hands,
which the wretches did not heed, but butcher-
ed liiai upon the spot. Gregory was the man
seen aloft when we had cleared the river, cut-
ting strange antics which we did not at the
time comprehend. By his account, when he
reached the fore topgallant yard, the pirates
commenced firing the ship's muskets at him,
which he dodged by getting over the front side
of the yard and sail and down upon the collar
of the stay, and then reversing the movement.
John Masury related that after being wound-
ed in the side, he crept over the bowa of the
ship and down upon an anchor, where he was
sometime employed in dodging the thrusts of

29

a boarding pike in the hands of a Malay, un-
til the arrival of a reinforcement from the
shore, when every one fearing lest he should
not get his full share of plunder, ceased fur-
ther to molest the wounded. The story of the
stcAyard has already been told.

The ship, the first night after her capture,
according to the testimony of these men, was
a perfect pandemonium, and a Babel of the
most discordant sounds. The ceaseless moan-
ing of the surf upon the adjacent shore, the
heavy peals of thunder, and sharp flashings of
lightning directly over their heads, — the sigh-
ing of the wind in wild discords through the
rigging, like the wailings of woe from the
manes of their murdered shipmates ; and all
this intermingled with the more earthly sounds
of the squealing of pigs, the screeching of
fowls, the cackling of roosters, the unintelligi-
ble jargon of the natives, jangling and vocifer-
ating, with horrible laughter, shouts and yells,
in every part of her, and in the boats along-
side carrying off plunder ; their black figures
unexpectedly darting forth from every unseen
quarter, as if rising up and again disappearing
through the decks, and gambolling about in the
dark, so like a saturnalia uf demons, that it
was easy to fancy the fum^s of sulphur were
actually invading their olfactories, and the
whole scene more fully realized their ideas of
the infernal regions, than any thing with which
their imaginations could compare it. It is
the general impression that Malays, being
Mussulmen, have a holy horror of swine, as
unclean animals ; the very touch of which
imposes many ablutions, and abstaining from
food for several days together, — but, accord-
ing to the testimony of my men, it was per-
fectly marvellous how they handled, that night,
those on board our ship, — going into their
pens, seizing, struggling, and actually emhra-
dng them, until they succeeded in throwing
eyery one overboard.

The morning succeeding her capture, affairs

on board appeared to be getting to be a little

znore settled, when several Chinamen came off

.^ad performed the part of good Samaritans,

.9

in taking the wounded men on shore to their
houses, and dressing their wounds with somo
simple remedies, which at least kept down in-
flammation. In doing this, however, they
were obliged to barricade their dwellirgs, to
guard them against the insulting annoyances
of the natives.

Qualah Battoo bazar that day presented a lu-
dicrous spectacle. Almost every Malay was
decked out in a white, blue, red, checked, or
striped shirt, or some other European ar-
ticle of dress or manufacture, stolen from
the ship, not even excepting the woolen table
cloth belonging to the cabin, which was seen
displayed over the shoulders of a native, — all
seemingly quite proud of their appearance,
and strutting about with a solemn gravity
and oriental self-complacency, that was per-
fectly ludicrous. Their novel and grotesque
appearance could not fail to suggest the idea
that a tribe of monkeys had made a descent up-
on some unfortunate clothing establishment,
and each to have seized and carried off what-
ever article of dress was most suited to his
taste and fancy.

According to Gregory, who, not being
wounded, remained on board, the ship was all
day filled with Malays searching into every
possible nook and cranny where they thought
money might be secreted, and carrying off the
veriest trifles which could be of no use to them.
In the afternoon, on the appearance of the
fleet from Muckie, they were determined on
running her ashore, lest she jshould be re-tak-
en, and with that view commenced weichinc
anchor, and everything for some time gave as-
surances of the fulfilment of their wishes. —
The ship was already drifiing towards the
beach, when the anchor came in sight, and
they let go the .chain, ceased heaying at the
windlass, and made a rush forward to see it.
At this moment the weight of the anchor
caused the chain to commence running out
with great velocity, and when some 12 or 13
fathoms had thus disappeared, it jumped, and
caught a riding turn around the windlass,
which brought it to a stand. Poor Gregory

30

■Was now bronght forward to clear it, — but he
persisted it was past his skill, which of
course they did not believe, and tied him in
the rigging, and made demonstrations of rip-
ping him open, flourishing their knives in fear-
ful proximity about his person in a state of
great exasperation. They next made a fruit-
less attempt to cut it off with the cook's axe.
Thus matters stood, when the land wind with
heavy rain set in, and the natives sought shel-
ter in the cabin, leaving the ship to her fatcj
and she drifted to the westward into shoal wa-
ter, where the anchor again took hold and
brought her up in the place we discovered her
the next morning, and where we boarded and
took possession of her. Gregory was then ta-
ken on shore, and confined in the fort, which
was silenced by the Gov. Endicott.

The ship was now once more in our posses-
sion, with what remained of her cargo and
crew. She was rifled of almost every movable
article on board, and scarcely anything but her
pepper remaining. Of our outward cargo ev-
ery dollar of specie, and every pound of opium
had of course become a prey to them. All her
spare sails and rigging were gone — not a nee-
dle or ball of twine, palm, marling spike, or
piece of rope were left ! All our charts, chro-
nometers and other nautical instruments — all
our clothing and bedding, were also gone ; as
well as our cabin furniture and small stores of
every description. Our ship's provisions, such
as beef, pork and most of our bread, had, how-
ever, been spared. Of our armament nothing
but the large guns remained. Every pistol,
musket, cutlass, and boarding pike, with our
entire stock of powder, had been taken.

With assistance from the other vessels we
immediately began making the necessary prep-
arations to leave the port with all possible dis-
patch, but owing to much rainy weather we
did not accomplish it for three days after re-
capturing the ship, when we finally succeeded
in leaving the place in company with the fleet
bound for South Tallapow, where we arrived
on the 14th February. When we landed at
this place with the other masters and super-

cargoes, we were followed through the streets
of the bazar by the natives in great crowds,
exulting and hooting, with exclamations simiJ
lar to these,— "Who great man now, Malay
or American?" "How many man American
dead?" "How many man Malay dead?"

We now commenced in good earnest to pre-
pare our ship for sea. Our voyage had been brok-
en up, and there was nothing left for us but to
return to the United States. We finally left
Muckie, wbitiier we had already proceeded,
on the 27th February, for Pulo Kio, accom-
panied by ship Delphos, Capt. James D. Gil-
lie, and the Gov. Endicott, Capt. Jenks, where
I was yet in hopes to recover some of my nautical
instruments. With the aesistance ofPo Ac^axn,
I succeeded in obtaining, for a moderate sum,
my sextant and one of my chronometers, which
enabled me to navigate the ship. We sailed
from Pulo Kio on the 4th of March, and ar-
rived at Salem on the 16th of July. The in-
tense interess and excitement caused by our
arrival may still be remembered. It being
nearly calm, as we approached the harbor, we
were boarded several miles outside by crowds
of people, all anxious to learn the most minute
particulars of our sad misfortune, the news of
which had preceded us by the arrival of a
China ship at New York, which we had met
at St. Helena. The curiosity of some of our
visitors was so great that they would not be
satisfied until they knew the exact spot where
every man stood, who was either killed or
wounded. Even the casing of the cabin, so
much cut up in search of money, or other val-
uables, was an object of the greatest interest.

But the feeling of presumptuous exultation
and proud defiance exhibited by the natives,
was of brief duration. The avenger was at
hand. In something less than a year after
this outrage, the U. S. Frigate, Potomac, Com^
Downes, appeared off the port of Qualah Bat-
too, and anchored in the outer roads, disguised
as a merchantman. Every boat which visited
her from the shore was detained, that her char-
acter mighr not be made known to the natives.
Several amusing anecdotes were told, ol the'

31

fear and terror exhibited in the countenances
of the natives, when they so unexpectedly
found themselves imprisoned within the wood-
en walls of the Potomac, surrounded by such a
formidable armament, which bespoke the er-
rand that had attracted her to their shores.
They prostrated themselves at full length upon
her decks, trembling in the most violent man-
ner, and appearing to think nothing but cer-
tain death awaited them — which it required
oil the efiForts of the officers to dispel.

A reconnoitering party was first sent on
shore, professedly for the purpose of traffic. —
But when they approached, the natives came
down to the beach in such numbers, it excited
their suspicions that her character and errand
had somehow preceded her, and it was consid-
ered prudent not to land. Having, therefore,
examined the situation of the forts and the
means of defence, they returned to the frigate.
The same night some 300 men, under the gui-
dance of ^r. Barry, the former 2d officer of
the Friendship, who was assistant sailing-mas-
ter of the frigate, landed to the westward of
the place, with the in^'ention of surprising the
forts and the town, but by some unaccounta-
ble delay, the morning was just breaking when
the detachment had effected a landing, and as
they were marching along the beach towards
the nearest fort, a Malay came out of it, by
whom they were discovered, and an alarm giv-
en. They however pushed on, and captured
the forts by storm, after some hard fighting,
and set fire to the town, which was burnt to
ashes. The natives, not even excepting the
women, fought with great desperation in the
forts, many of whom would not yield until
shot down or sabred on the spot. The next
day the frigate was dropped in within gun-
shot, and bombarded the place, to imnress
them with the power and ability of the United
States to avenge any act of piracy, or oth-
er indignity offered by them to her flag. —
When I visited the coast again, some five
tnonths after this event, I found the deport-
tnent of the natives materially changed. There
yraa now no longer exhibited either arrogance

or proud defiance. All appeared impressed
with the irresistible power of a nation that
could send such tremendous engines of war as
the Potomac frigate upon their shores, to
avenge any wrongs committed upon its vessels ;
and that it would in future be better policy
for them to attend to their pepper plantations,
and cultivate the arts of peace, than subject
themselves to such severe retribution as had
followed this act of piracy upon the Friend-
ship.

Perhaps, in justice to Po Adam, I ought to
remark, before closing, that the account cir-
culated by his countrymen of his conniving at,
if not being actually connected with this pi-
racy, a falsehood with which they found the
means of deceiving several American Ship-
Masters, soon after the afliiir, is a base calum-
ny against a worthy man, and has no founda-
tion whatever in truth. The property he bad
in my possession on board the ship, in gold
ornaments of various kinds, besides money,
amounting to several thousand dollars, all of
which he lost by the capture of the ship, and
never recovered, bears ample testimony to the
falsity of this charge. His countrymen also
worked upon the avarice and cupidity of the
king by misrepresentations of his exertions to
recover the ship, thereby preventing them from
making him a present of her, which they pre-
tended was their intention. His sable majesty,
in consequence, absolved every one of his debt-
ors, all along the coast, from paying him their
debts. He also confiscated all his property
he could find, such as fishing-boats, nets and
lines, and other fishing tackle, and appropri-
ated the proceeds to his own use, so that ho
was at once reduced to penury. All this wag
in accordance with Commodore Bieulieu's ac-
count, already cited, upwards of two hundred
years before, viz : "If they even suspect that
any one bears them an ill will, they endeavor
to ruin him by false accusations." The king
also sent a small schooner down the coast,
soon after, to reap further vengeance upon l^o
Adam. Arriving at Pnio Kio, while Adam
was absent) tbej rifled his fort of everything

32

valuable, and even took the ornaments, such
as armlets and anklets, off the person of bis
wife. Intelligence having been conveyed to
Pt> A<3am of this outrage, he arrivei home in
the night before the schooner had lelc Llid har-
bor, and incensed, as it was natural he should
be, at 8>_ base and cowardl treatment, he
immediately ope^^d a fire upon her and sunk
her in nine fee., jf water. She was after^
tvards fished up by the Potomao frigate, and
converted into fire-wood.

We do not know if Po Adam is now liviug,
but BLme sixteen years since, we saw a letter
from him to one of our eminent merchants,*
asking for assistance from our citizens, and
ptating truthfully all the facts in his case. I
endeavoied at the time, through our then rep-
resentative to Congress, to bring the matter
before that body, but from some cause it did
not succeed, and the poor fellow has been al-
lowed to live, if not to die, in his penury. We
will, however, permit him to state his own
case, in his own language, which he does in
the following letter, written »t his own dicta-
tion : —

QuALAH Battoo, 7th October, 1841.

Some years have passed since the capture of
the Friendship, commanded by my olc" Mend,
Capt. Endicott.

It perhaps is not known to you, that, by
saving the life of Capt. Endicott, and the ship
itself from destruction, T became, in conse-
quence, a victim to the hatred and vengeance
of my misguided countrymen ; some time since,
the last of my property was set on fire and
destroyed, and now, lor having been the stead-
fast friend of Americans, I am not only desti-
tute, but an object of derision to my country-
men.

You, who are so wealthy and so prosperous,
I have thought, that, if acquainted with these
distressing circumstances, that you would not
turn a deaf ear to my present condition.

I address myself to you, because through
my agency many of your ships have obtained
cargoes, but I respectfully beg that you will
have the kindness to state my case to the rich
pepper merchants of Sulem and Boston, firmly
believing that from their generosity, and your

4*Io Joseph Peabody, Esq., of Salem, Masb.

own, I e'lall not have reason to regret the
warm and sincere friendship ever displayed
towardr your Captains, and all other Ameri-
cans. tii«ding on this Coast.

I take the liberty, also, to subjoin a copy of
a letter,* recently received from Capt. Ham-
inond, of the ship Maria, of New York ; as he
left this place lately, it will sho' ' whether I
have been telling you otherwise than the mel-
ancholy truth, or grieve without a cause.

Wishing you. Sir, and your old compan-
ions in the Sumatra trade, and their Captains,
health and prosperity, and trusting that, be-
fore many moons 1 shall, through your assis-
tance, be released from my present wretched
condition, believe me very respectfully,
Your faithful servant,

(signed) PO ADAM, in Arabic characters.

Copy of the letter from Capt. Uammond
above referred to :

Soosoo, 21 July, 1841.
To the Commander of any U. S. Ship df War,

touching on the West Coast of Sumatra :

This may certify that the bearef, Po Adam,
at present residing at Qualah Battoo, has ap-
plied to me to write this statement of his situ-
ation, that he can present it as above.

I therefore state the following : I have been
acquainted with him for the last twenty-five
yeaiiS, and have known him in prosperity and
in adversity the same. It is well known that
he was the principal means of saving the life
of Capt. Charles M. Endicott, with his boat's
crew, at the time that they captured the
Friendship, of Salem, and by that act he has
lost his property, and incurred the hatred and
jealousy of the Acheenise. He is the most in-
telligent man among them, and one of the best
pilots; is ever ready to render assistance to
any American, and as he is at present very
destitute, it would be an act of charity, as
well as duty, if the American Government
would assist him in his present circumstances.

He wishes to proceed to the United States
to visit his ^Id triends, and wishes to go in
some Ship of War, of our nation. I hope hia
r-x^uest may be granted, as he would there
fiud influencial men to represent his case to
the Government of the United States.

(signed,) JOHN HAxALMOND,

Master of the ship Maria, of New York, and a
resident of Salem.

«8

EXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF
BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS, OF
THE CITY OF SALEM.

COPIED BY IRA J. PATCH.

John Attw;iter, sonne of Mr. Jno. Attwa-
4;er, borne by Mehittabell his wife, .20th day of
December, 1687. — sone Francis borne 2d Oc-
tober, 1690.

Jno. Adams — his daughter Elizabeth, borne
by Sarah his wife, the 20th Octobor, 1682.—
his daughter Sarah borne 13th October, 1684.
Mary born 15 February, 1687. — John born
March 16, 1689 — Margarett Borne March the
.8th, 1695-6. — Ist daught'r, Margarett, Borne
feb'y 11, 1692. & deceased May 14th 1694.

Ebenez'r Abby, son of Samuel Abby &
Mary, his wife, was borne at Salem Village
July the Slst, 1683, cue. Marcy Abby,
daughter as abovesaid, was borne the first ot
March, 1684-5, cue. — Sarah Abby, diiughter
.as abovesd, was born July 4th, 16 — . Hepsi-
bah Abby, Daughter as abovesd, was born
February' 14th 1688-9.— Abigail Abby,
Daughter as abovesd. was bjrn November 19th
1690. — John Abby, eon, as abovesd, was born
June 4th, 1692. — Benj'n Abby, son as abovesd,
was born the 4th of June, 1694.

Saiab Archer, daughter of Stephen Archer
& Sarah his wife, born at Salem, \24 June,
1698.

Phillip Attwood & Sarah Tenney, (now of
Bradford,) was married July 23d, 1684.

Mary Abbot, daughter of Robt. & Mary Ab-
bot, was born Sept. 28th, 1706.

Samuel Andrew, son of Wm. Andrew &
Seeth his wife, was borne 4th August, 1693.

Jonathan Ashby, son of Benja. Ashby &
Hanah his wife, was borne 38th September,
1694.

Abigail Allin, daughter of Joseph Allin &
Abigail his wife, was borne at Salem June the
first, 1696.

Eliza Backster, daughter of Danyell Baok-
Bter, by Eliza, hid wife, was born 7 mo., 1644
— their dau'r Susanna 7 mo., 1646 — their
.au'r Rebecca born 11th mo, — their dauo''r
Priseilla born in ^une, 1652.

9

Mary, dau'r of Tho's Barnes, by Mary hia
wife, born the 12th of 8th mo., 1658, & died
ye 14 8 mo., 1660. — their dau'r Mary bora
19tli March, 1661.

Isaac Burnap Married to Hanna Antrum
by Major Ilathorne, 8th 9 mo , 1658.

James, son of Mr. William Browne, born
by Sara his wife, _28th 10 mo., 1658, & died
6 mo.

John Browne, Jun. Married to Uanna Hub-
bard by Leift Lothrop, 2d June, 1658- — their
son. John born ye 4th 2d mo., 1659, & died
ye2l8t3dmo., 1659.

Mary, dau'r of Sam'l Belknap, born by Sa-
ra his wife ye 17th 6 mo,, 1658, So Mary borne
Wh 8th mn., 1656.

The wife of Old Rich'd Bishop died 24th 6
mo., 1658.

Mr. Henry Bartholomew, his daughter Sa-
ra, born by Elizabeth, his wife, ye 29th 11th
mo., 1658.

Benjamin Bulflower, died ye 24th 12th ma.,
1660.

Jeremiah Bootsman and Hester Lamber-t
were Married by Major Hathorne, 8th of 8th
mo., 1659. — their dau Mary born 4th July,
1660, son Jeremy born 4th November, 1662,
son Mathew born 11th September, 1665.

Mr. William Browne, son John borne about
10th 8th mo., 1669. — son Joseph borne in the
month of August, .1672, son Benjamin borne
in Auguat, 1674.

George Burch — his dau'r Mary, born by
Eliza his wife, yc 30th 9 mo., 1659. — dau'r
Eliza born 4th June, 1662. — dau'r Mary de-
ceased 20th 12th mo., 1662. — son John born
28 May, 1664.

Jacob Barny & liana Johnson maryed by
Major Hathorne, 18th 6th mo.. 1657. — their
daugh'tr Hana born 30th 3d mo., 1659.—
Uana the wife, dyed 5th 4 mo., 1659.

Jacob Barny & Ann Witt were maryed by
Capt. Marshall 26th 2d mo., 1660.— their 2d
dau'r, liana, born 2 March, 1660. — Sarah
born 12th 7th mo , 1662. Abigaile born 3d
8th mo., 1663.— John born 1st 0 mo., 1665.
Jacob 21st 3d mo., 1667.— Ruth born 27t|i
7th mo., 1669.

34

Richard Bishop ajarried to widow Golt, by
Maj. Ilathorne, 22d 5th mo., lOGO. — the wife
Dulsabell died ye 28d Gth mo., 1G58.— Rich-
ard Bishop deceased 30th 10th mo., 1074.

Anthoyno Biixston — his son Anthony born
ye Gth 7th mo , 1G.53, by Eliza his wife. — their
son Samuell born 14th Gth mo., 1G55. — their
son James born 8th Gth mo., 1G59 — their don
Tho's born 24th 12 mo., 'GI. — son JameS died
15th 8th mo., 1GG2.— Tho's died 20 8th mo..
1GG2. — their son Joseph born ye 17 5 mo.,
1GG3. — dau'r Hanna born 27 January, 16G5.

James Betty, his Dau'r Mary born by Sara
his wife 9th 9th mo., IGGl.

Cornelious Baker maryed to Hanna Wood-
beJ-y, 2Gth April, 1G58.— their Daughter
Hana born 14th 8 mo., IGGO, & diad Gth
November, 1GG2. — 2d dau'r Hanna born 28
9 mo., 1GG2.

John Buttolph Maryed to liana Gardner ye
IGth 8th mo., 16G3, by Major Ilathorne. —
their son John borne 11th 7th mo., 1GG4, &
died ye 23d Aprill, 1665. — son Jona. born 9th
2d mo., IG—

Sam'l, son of John Browne, Jun'r, borne
by Hana his wife, ye 14th 1st mo., 1GG2, &
died ye Slst lOth mo., 1GG3. — son John born
ye 2l8t 12th mo., IGGl, before. — son Peeter
March, 10G4, & died about 3 mo. after, — Abi-
ell born 2l8t March, 1G72-3.

John Biy & Rebecka Golt were Maryed by
Majo. Hathorne the llth of 9 mo., 1GG3. —
their son John borne 27th January, 16G4.

Henry Bullock, ye elder, dyed the 27th
10th mo., 1GG3.

Abram, son of Sam'l Belknap, by Sara his
•wife, born 4 4th mo., IGGO, — son Samuel
borne 2d 3d mo., 1G62.

John Barnett (alias Barbant,) Married to
Mary Bishop, 14th 8th mo., IGGl.— their
Dau'r Mary born 30th 8th mo., 1GG2.— their
Dau'r Familliar born 26th 7 mo., 1664. —
Dau'r Eliza born 5th July, 1666.

Jonathan Brown Maryed Abyhaile Burreil,
by ye worshipfull Mr. Symoiids, 28 4 mo..
1664.

tfames Browne Maried with Hannah Bar-

tholraew, by Majo. Ilathorne, the 5th 7 mo.^
1664. — son James bo. 3d 12th mo., '65. —
their son Bartholmew borne 31 March, 1669;
son James deceased 10th mo., 1670. Daugh-
ter Elizabeth born the 20th January, '70. —
Daughter Ilanna born 9lh March, 1672. — sort
James born 23d May, '75.

Edmond Bridges, his Daughter Hanna borni
9th June. 1609.

Abigail Beadle, daughter of Samuel Beadle,
born by Susana his wife, ye 24th 7th mo., '61,
and deceased 14th 8th mo., "61.

Susana, wile of Samuel Beadle, deceased
13th 12 mo., '62. — ye said Samuel deceased
ye 10th March, '63.

Samuel Beachum, sf>n of 'Edward Beachum,
deceased 20 9 mo., '62. Mary, the wife of
Edward Beachum, deceased March 1667-8. — •
their daughter Mary deceased the t-ame week.

Mr. William Brown, Jun'r, Maried to
Hanah Corwin by Maj. Hathorne, 29th lOi
mo., '64. — son William borne ye 28 July,
1666.

Ruth, dau'r of Christopher Babadg by Ag-
nes his wile. bo. 21 Ist mo., '63. — their son
Jon borne 15th April, 1606. — Agnes his wife
deceased the 17th November, 16G7. — the said
Christopher Ba'jadg & Hana Carlton, Wid-
dow, were married the 5th 8th mo . 1674. —
their daughter Hanna borne the 15th July,
1675. — daughter Mary borne Ist March,
1670-7.

Danyell Bacon married to Susan Spencer by
Major Ilathorne, ye Ist August, 1GG4. — their
son Danyell bo. 14th October, '65.— daughter
Alice bo. 28th 8th mo., '69, & deceased about
7 weeks after. — dau'r Susana born ye 18th
July, 1670.— Mary borne 8th June, 1673.—

Ed'd Bush & Mary Hidz maryed by Maj.
Hathorne, 17th Octo., '65. — their son Ed-
ward bo. the 2d 7sh mo., '67, & died ye 5th
12 mo., '67.

Thomas Barnes, his son Benjamin born by
Mary his wife, Ist Octob. '55. — their sort
Tho's bo. ye year '57, & died ye same ye&r;
the said Thomas Barnes the elder, was drown^
ed December, ('63.)

3S

John Biilaen & Arrabella Norman were ' mo., 1673. — daughter 6u>ianna borne 20th of
married by Maj. Dcnnis(Jn in Sept. ,1064. — ' April, 1676. — their sun Thomaa deceased the
da liana bo. 1.5th October, 1667.— John borne 20th May, 1676.

1668.

of Tho's Cromwelli deceased

the 26 9th mo.

Thomas, son
16 March, -63.

John Bnttolph, his aon George borne by
Ilanna his wife, the 15th of October, 1667.

Thomas Brackett, his son Joseph deceased
May ye 15, 16 — his daughter Lidea deceased
1 January, '67. — son Thomas deceased the
15th January, 1667.

Mr. William Browne, Jr., his son William
deceased 2-ith 8th mo., 1666. — iiis daughter
liana, by Hana his wife, borne ye 16th March,
1067-8. — diiu'r Hana deoeiised 30 4 mo., '68.
their son Samuel borne by Hana his wife, 8
8th 'mo., 1669. — son Wi'liam borne 5th 7tft
too., '71. — son of John borne ye 2.9 mo.,
1672. — son William deceased 18, 7, 72. —
daughter Sara borne the 10th lOmo., 1674.

John Baxter & Abigaile Whiterig were mar-
led by Maj. Deneson, 25th November, 1667.
their son John borr.e the 14th 10 mo., 1668. —
their daughter Abigaill ye 15th 10th mo.,
1670, their daughter Elizabeth the 25th May,
1673. — Mary borne tlie 26 10 mo., 1674. —
the sd Mary died the 19th 7th mo., 1075.

John Browne & llanna Collens were mar-
led the 27th of January, 1668. — their daugh-
ter Prissilla borne 1st 4 mo., '69. — Margarett
borne 23d April. 1671. — Joseph borne 11th 7
mo., 1673. — Ilanah Collens borne 22d July,
1678. — their son William born first of Decem-
ber, 1677. — Daugh'er Mary borne 4 January,
1692.

John Buxton & Mary Small were married
by Maj r Hathorne 30th of March, 1668.—
their daughter Mary borae 3d 7th mo., 1669.
Elizabeth borne ye 13th August, 1672. — son
John borne the 29th 9th mo., 1675. — Mary
his wife deceased the 27th 11th mo., 1675.
Samuel Beadle maryed to Hana Lemon the

Mrs. Sarah B.itter, tlie wife of Mr. Edmond
Batter, deceased the 20th of the 9th mo.,
'1669.

Mr. Edmond Salter & Mrs. Mary Gookiil
were maryed ye 8th June, 1670. — their son
Edmond borne the 8th J.anuary, 1673.

Edward Beachum & Elizabeth Metcalf were
maryed the 8th of November, 1670.

John Best & Susana Durm were married ye
10th of 8th mo., 1670. — their son John ye 5th
7th mo., 167^. — daughter Susana borne the
28th 11 mo., 1673.

Joseph Boyce & Sarah Meachum were mar-
ried 4th 12 mo., 1667. — their daughter Sara
was borne 4th 10 mo., 1668.

Thomas Browning Deceased in February,
1670.

Nathaniel Beadle & Mary Hix were maryed
the 20th of Aprill, 1670. — his son Thomaa
borne by Mary his wife, 21st 11th mo.. 1671.
daughter Mary borne 20th 9th mo., 1673. —
son Nathaniel borne the l7tb lOth mo., 1675.
their son John borne the 29th 2d mo., 1678.
daughter Elizabeth borne the 25 October,
1679. — their son John ye second borne ye 12th
August, 1683.

Peeter Baldin & Rachel] Dellocloce, widdoWj
were married by Major William Uathome, ye
27th May, 1672.

Thomas Bouenton & Sara Sothwick were
maried ye 30th 10th mo.. '70.— their soa
Thomas Borne Ist March. 1671. — eon Benja-
min borne 24 July, 1675.— their Daughter
Abigail borne the 25th July, 1695.

Thomas Burt & jNIary Scthwick were mary-
ed the 18 9th mo., 72.

Jacob Barney, Jun'r, his daughter Dorcas
bo.Tie by Ann his wife, 22d 2d mo., 1671.—^
their son Joseph borne the 9th March, 1672-3.

20th June, 1668. — their son Nathaniel borne son Israeli borne the 17th June, 1675.— son

the 29th of March, 1669.— Samuel borne llth
€th mo., 1672.— son Thomas borne 28th 9th

Jonathan borne the 29 March, 1677.— son
Samuel borne the 10th 12th mo., 1678.—
daughter Hannah borne the 0 12 mo., 1680.

36

Robert Bray, his son Daniell borne by Tam-
sen his wi'b, the 29th 9th mo., 1673.

Georg Burch, his dau Mary borne by Eliza
his wife, ye 26th 7-h mo., 1667. — Abigaile
borne 16th August 1669, — son Georgo borne
27th April, 1671, sd Ge'org, the father, de-
ceased 1st 8th mo., '72.

John Bly, his son Benjamin by Rebecka his
wife, borne the 8th of 8th mo., 1666. — Mary
borne 25th May, 1668.— Rebecka 20th July,
1670.— Edmoud borne 14th 7th mo, 1672.—
Hanna 8th 8th mo., 1674. — son William borne
ye 17th 7th mo., 1676.

John Batcheler & Mary Herrick were mar-
ried the 14th of August, 1673. — their son
John borne ye 26 2d m.j , 1675. — son Jona-
than borne the 29th March, 1678.

Joshua Buffum & Damarice Pope were mar-
ried

Buth Batchellor, daughter of Jona. & Ruth
Bntchellor, born Dec 27th 1703.

Mary Batchellor, daughter of Josiah & Ma-
ry Batchellor, born Nov. 5, 1701. — their son
Wm. born Octob- 20, 1703.

Caleb Buffum & llanna Pope \ ere maryed
ye 26th March, 1672. — their son Caleb borne
14th May, 1673. — son Robert borne the Ist
10 mo , 1675.

Mr. James Bailey, his son James borne by
Mary his wife, the 12th Aprill, 1675. — sonn
John borne 29th 7th mo., "76, & dyed 29 10
mo., '77.— sonn John borne the 10th May,
-78.— SamuiU borne 2d March, 1679-80.

Samuel Buxston & Racheil Buxston, the
children of Anthony Buxton^ deceased the
24th 12 mo , 1675. — son Anthony deceased
May, 1676,

George Booth, his son Benjamin by Ales his
wife, borne the 10th March, 1675. — daugh'tr
Ales borne the 6th July, 1078. — theire daugh-
ter Susanna borne 21st September, 1680.

John Bachelor the eld-^r deceased 13 9 mo.,
1675, & his wife Elizabeth deceased the 10th
day of the same month.

John Batchelor's son Zachariah born Feb'y
5th, 1701-2. — anothei son Zacha. died Dec,
20, 1700.

Natha 1 Batchellor born Feb'y 9th, 1703-4,
being ye son of Jno. & Bethia Batchellor,

Daniel Bacon, his son Michaell borne by
Susanna his wife the 23d October, 1676. —
daughter Liddea 23d 12th mo., 1678.— son
John borne 24th 11 mo., 1680, the said Lid-
dea deceased 25 10 mo., 1081.

John Baxter, his son William borne by Ab-
igaile his wife the 14th October, 1076. — the
said Abigaile his wife deceased 22d 9 mo.,
1676.

Juhn Baxter married to Elizabeth Mack-
mallen, widdow, 4 9th mo., 1679. — theire
daughter Sarah borne 15 August, 1680 —
theire son Samuell borne the lOih June, 1683.

Mr. John Barton, his son John borne by
Lidea his wife, the 2d 12th m>., 1676, & de-
ceased the 7th of the same month. — theire son
John borne 30th Jiinuary, 1677. — theire son
Thomas borne 7th July, *80, — son Zacheus
borne 1st 2d mo., 1683, — son Samuell born
30th August, 168.8,

John Blethin & Jane Marker were maryed
10th May, 1674,— theire son. John Blethin,
borne 14th March, 1676-7.

James Browne, Glazier, hi-? daughter Sara,
by Hannah his wife, borne the 10th day of
August, 1678.

John Batcholor, hjs son Josiah borne by
Mary his wife, the 6th of March, 1679-80.

Efjenezer Buxton, soci of John Buxton &
Elizabetn his wife, borne the 20tb June, 1690.
Ledia Buxton borne Octoher 16th, 1692. —
Benj'n Buxton, son as aforesd, borne lOtb
March, 1694-5.— James Buxton, son as afore-
sd, borne 28th Septemb., 1698.

Joseph Bachelor & Meriam Moulton were
maried the 8th 8th mo., 1677. — theire son Jo-
seph Bachelor borne the 18th July, 1678.

Hanna, daughter of Edmond Bridges, borne
by Sarah his wife, 7th mo., 1669. — theire son
Caleb borne 3d Jun , 1677.

William Bennett & Elizabeth Smith, wid-
dow, were married in March, 1674. — theire
dsiughter Grace born February, '76, & dyed
shortly after.

[70 BE CONTIMJED.]

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.

Vol. I.

May, 1859,

No. 2.

EXTRACTS FROM RECORDS KEPT BY THE
REV. JOHN FISKE, DUI^INQ HIS MINISTRY
AT SALEM, WENHAM AND CHELMSFORD.

By the kindnesa of David Puleifer, Esq., of
Boston, wo have been pi rmitted to print in
our columns the following extracts, which are
contained in a quarto manuscript volume in
the handwriting of Mr. Fiske, which was giv-
en to him several years since by Sam'l Tcnney,
Esq.

Mr. John Fisk was born in the parish of
St. James, in the county of Suffolk, England,
about the year 1701. JJe was the eldest of
four children, all of whom came to America
afterwards with him, and left descendants. ^-
His father, having devoted him to the service
of Christ, first sent him to a Grammar school,
and afterwards to the University of Cambridge,
where he resided until he became a grudqate.
Ue then began to preach, but soon afterwards
appied himself to the study of phyeick aqd obr
tained a license |\)r practice. Soon after the
death of his father, the care of his mother,
two sisters, and a youngef brother having de-
volved upon him, he removed to America,
where he could quietly pursue tho exercise of
the ministry, lie arrived at New England in
1637, and for three years he resided at Salem,
wber'>. he was both a preacher and a tutor to
divers young scholars (the well known Sir
10

George Downing wasoqe.) From Salem he
wept to Wenham, and remained there fourteen
years, when he removed to Chelmsford, with
a part of his church. In this latter place he
continued in the ministry until his death,
which occurred on the 14th of January, 1676.

Gathz my Sts. togethz unto me yos yt baue
made a Covenant with me by sacrifice. Ps.
50. 5.

We whose names are hjjunder written, mem-
bers of ye pesent Church of X in Salem, haue-
ing found by sad expience how dangerous it is
to sit loose to ye Covenant; yre make with our
god. 4nd how apt we are to wander into bye
pathes, yea, euen to ye loosing of our first
aymes in entring Church Fellowship. Doe
therefore solemnly inyepesenpe of ye eter-
nall God, both for our own comforts & yos
who shajl or may be joyned unto us, renew yt
Church Covenant, we find yis church bound
unto at there jst beginning, viz : That we cov-
enant with ye Lord, & one with another, &
doe bynd ourselves in ye pesence of god to
walke together in all bis waies, according as
he is please-] to reveale hims. unto us in his
Blessed word of truth, & doe more explicitely
in ye name & feare of the Lord, p feese and
p test to walke as followetb. thro ye belpe &
poux of ye Lord Jesus.

Ist. We Avow ye Lord to be our god, &

ourselucs his people, in je truth and simplici-
ty ot or Spits.

2. We giue uporseluea to ye Lord Jesufi
Christ, & ye word of bis grace for ye teaching,
ruling & sanctifying of us in matters of wor-
ship & conversation, resoluing to cleaue to him
alone for life & glory, & to oppose all Contrary
wayes, cannons & 'stitutions of men in his
worship.

3. Wo promise to walko with our 'brethren
& sisters in yis Congregation, with all watch
fullness & tendernes, avoyding all Jealousies,
Buspitions, buck bitings, censurings, provok-
ings, secret risings of gpit against them, but
in all offences to follow ye rule of the Lord Je-
sus, & to beare & forbears, giue & forgiue as
he hath taught us.

4. In publick & private we will willingly
doe nothing to ye offence of ye Church, but
will be ready to take advice for or seines &
ours, as occasion sha) be pesented.

5. We will not, in ye Congregation, be for-
ward, either to shew our owne gifts or parts
in speaking or scrupuling, or there discouer
ye fayling of or brethren or sisters, but attend
an orderly cale there untoo, knowing how
much the Lord may bee dishonouredj and his
gospel in ye p fession off it slighted by our
distempers (& weaknesses in publick.

6. Wee bind our sejues to study ye advance-
ment of the gospel in all truth Sc peace, both
in regard of those yt are within or without,
no waye sleighting our sister churches, but
useing there counsell as need shalbee, nor lay-
ing a stumbling block before any, no, not ye
Indians, whose good we desire to promote, &
so to converse as we may avoyd ye very ap-
pearance of euill.

7. We heereby promise to carry or selues in
all lawfull obedience to those yt are set our
us in Church, & common wealth, knowing how
•well pleasing it wilbee to ye Lord, yt they
should haue encouragement in there placeS, by
our not greiving theire spirits through our
Irregularities.

8. Wee resolue to approiie or selues to ye
Lord in or p ticular callings, Bhlibning Idlehes

as ye buno of any State, nor will we deale
hardly or opp essingly with any wherein we
ate the Lord's stewards, also promising to or
best abilities to teach our children & servants
ye knowledge of ye Lord, & his will, that they
may s^rue him also.

And all yis not by any strength of or owne,
but by ye Lord Christ, whose bloud we desire
should be sprinckle. This or covenant made
in his name.

Sainiiel Sharp, Eldr.

Eiiz. Endicott

dis. to pace:

Alice Hutchinson

John Endicott

Eliz. Leech

Hugh Peter, pastor

Alice Sharpe

Philip Verin

Johane Johnson

Hugh taskin

Eliz. Holgraue

Roger Conant

Margarett Bright

Laurance LeccTi

Eliz. Dauenport

William Auger

Mary Alford

Francis Johnaon

Sara Conant

Thomas Eborne

Jane Alderman

George Williams

Agnes Woodbury

George Norton

Judith Raymond

Henery Herrick

Johane Gotta

Peter Pal fry

Dorcas Verin

Roger MaUry

Sara Batter

Tho. Gardner

Eedith paltry

John Sibly

Eedith Herick

John Balch

Hanna Maurie

Samuel xMoore

Susanna Fogge

John Holgraue

Joano Watson

Ralph Fo<:ge

Alice Ager

John Ilornn

Ann Ingersoll

John Woodbury

Elly

William Traske

Eliz.

Townsond Bishop

Warth

Thomas Read

Elyn B

Rich. Raymond

Anne Dixy

Jeffry Massy

Anne Bound

Edmond Batter

Anne Home

Elias Stileman

Margery Balch

Edmond Giles

Presca Kendall

Richard Dauenport

Anne Scarlett

John Black Leeeh

Gertrude Elforde, exc.

Tho. Scrugges

Katherin Digweed

Will Al'ea

Anne Moore, vid.

Will King

Lidia Bankes

Rich. Rootes

Mary Gigles

John Aloore

Mary Lord

Dixey

Anne Garford

John Sanders

Susanna Goodwin

Jacob Barney

Bniyne, vid

Rich. Brack«nbury

Hart

John Blacke

joane A mes

Joseph Pope

Eliz. Williams

Peter Wolfe

Mary Norton

Will Bann

Bethia Rea

Sam. A

Isabel Robinson

Tho.

Anne Robinson, vid.

Edm hail

Turner, vid. dead

Joh

Sanders, dead

. ims

Mary Gedney

deruan

Deborah Holme

30

Lartholomew
no Browning
Tho. Goldwhatye
John Browne
'William Grose
Josua Holgraue
James Moulton
Jo. ffiske
John Gedney
John Hardy
Tho Venner
Hen Burcbal
Edw. Batcheler
Benery Skerry
Jn. Hinds
Tho. Spooner
Jo. Simunds
Jo. Jackson
Ric. AVaters
Benj. Felton
Tho. Olny
Wm. Clerk
Wm. Robinson
Mich. Sbaflin
Tho. Avery
Em«in Downing
Jo. Hart
Daniel Ray
James Giifford
"Wil Osburne
Laurance Soutbwick
Tho. Antru—
Obadiah Holmes
Francis Higgison
Jos. Ketberell, drowned
Hen Swan
Jos. Grafton

Marshal
Eliz. Goldtl.wayt
Alice Baggerly
Gift Gott
Margaret Weston
Anne Fiske
Mary Moulton
Sara Stan dish
Arabella Norman
Anne Spooner
Anne Barney
Mary Symonds
Margaret Jackson
Ruth Ames
Elizabeth Blackleech
Jane Anthrop
Anne Pickworth
Lucy Downing
Tryphen Myrrel
Anne Stretton

Ray

Soutbwick
arkes
Marg euer

Mary

Mary Port

Holmes
Susan Greene
Dorothy Kenniston
Alice Weekes
Eli2. Pickering
Eliz. Dunton
Mary Grafton

Edwards
Martha Tbo'son

Salem, 1637.
At a X X meeting.
A qu ppounded to je x x, bj ye desire of ye
Magist of yis 'try.

What way or course is best to be taken of
ye X X 8 for Mrs, mayntenance, & ye continu-
ance & upholding of x x ordinances ?

K. ye X X bath taken it into yr 'sideration.

Will Walker. Or JBro : Walker's case
brought to ye x x.

He had been distemped in head & distracted
& 8 — yt time, suspended fr ye Scrt of ye Lo :
Supp.

now yt he is judged to be recoaed thzof, be
is 'sidered.

Eldr. 1. that be bath not manifested hims.
to be humbled for bia miscarriages in yt timd.

2. that he refusetb to come to Assembly &
to ptake in ye scales.

3. yt be bath not brought bis child lacely
bolrne to him utito baptisme.

4. yt commonly he neglects to beg a bless-
ing, & to giue thankes at his eating.

W. he ansurs.

1. To ye keeping back his child.

yt he judged hims. as — sufficient to one or-
din. as to ye othx,

now ye XX had judged him, as insufficient
one.

E. during ye time of his distraction & since
ye Elder bad told him now of ye necessity of
it.

W. Yet he could not 'ceive but — ye opinion
of ye XX, he was jot accounted insufficient
bee. of his distraction.

E. Then yis sliould haue humbled him be-
fore ye xx. but, whithx does he now desire
co-^ion with ye x x ? for he had manifested
his desire of return to Engl.

W. he would demur on it, & by reason bee.
of his unfitnes thro, god's visit — ng of him.

E. Thus he charges god, not hims. a. he
charges ye devil : bee. his fall ws fro his
tempting of him.

p. chsged him of a lazie idlenes disposition,
as ye cause.

W. he justifies him as yt.

R. he hath sometimes desired freedom for
ye X X com — n a. for com — g into ye assem-
bles, yt he hath sd yt he is not bound to sit
within ye watch of ye congregation, but may
be abroad in time of gods worp without ye
meet — g house.

W. This he justifies also.

^. R. & c. There eyes (it is sd.) were fas-
tened vpo — him a. many objects are tenderad
abroad to draw away ye mind.

To giueing of thanks at meatc.

W. yt he is not bound to giue appa — ce of
it.

E. 1. in' of offence.

2. in' of reverence so' gesture is to be used
y — .

W. yt Boule refernce suffice : & ye hatt may
be on, &o.

40

E. to yt 1 Cor. 6-20.

When he had nothing to say — hia defence
furthx yr sd he was 'victed. yr urged : why he
did not 'fesse bis sin.

W. yt he desired not co — ion with ye x x
unless ye xx were 'tented with ye hand of
god on him.

'Twas objected ag him.

1. yt he would not stay fr — eating till othxs
with him had be^^d a bleesing.

2. yt he would answ yexx why he saw
cause onely.

3. yt he was not bound in giueing thanks
to exprse words before god.

4. yt was supposed ho was vy Ignorant.

p. What ye 5t comdt was? he would not
tell — & asked what diice betwene vocation and
Justification : he would but could not.

a. he 'fessed yt he read not a chap by ye
whole weeke togethx.

a. yt he neglected ye duty of prayer comm-
ly — family.

a. yt he had sd yt poynts of Evidenceing of
salvation, are not to be medled with b\' Euill
men.

a. yt ye pastor shold catechize his boy &
not him.

And ye day af.er he was taken with a dis-
tracted disteup. in his head.

Issue. The xx g.iue him an admonition out
of p. 15,19.^:21.

p. & vpon it pesntly tur'y hia back h6 went
forth ye assembly.

Rob. Cotty. — His case decided by ye x x
wch was yt he 'ceived hims. a memb. of this
XX [he ca— before ye xx with a portugal
cap on. as pr objected.

1. fr — ye dang— of it, intimating yt soule
revence onely is ' ry to 1 Cor. 11-7.

2, ,try to good report. Warranted things
are of good report. Provide all things honest
in ye sight of all men.]

C. he a memb of yis x x.

1. Bee. berecomended to yex x.

2. bee. he was admitted to subsription to ye
covenant.

R. 1 yt he was not dismissed but onely re-
comened to ye x x wch implyed a purpose of
stay for a time onely hx. to 2. if he were, it
was thro' mistake of ye xx.

0. ye X X now dissolved f — whence he re-
comended go Es. 44, 5, Numb. 13.

R. 1. it ia denyed,

2. grant it yt recommendats' be so ; a man
may bee ofl" many x xs together.

p. to ye 2, ficrifturea, Numb. 13, was a
rash vow.

a. yt ye X X enquired further upon him why
he would subscribe & yt ye same day.

a. for recommendiiti thx are toxes. tho not
so manifest for dismission.

And yt in Col. 4, 8. 0, shewes yt yer is a
distinction of membs & a pp'ety to euery
church.

one of you & one of us.

a. ye Cov then not j'st made but ronued.

R. yt dismipsion is but a terrae of distinc-
tion for recommendation Si— lettrs dismissive
are nothing but letters recommendatory.

a. as or Lord hath diuers housholds, now
tho ye Lord sends a srvant of one by ye bye
upon a message or ye like to ye othx. Those
s'vents shall glue him Intertaynmt. But he
shall haue no powr of transacting any thing
in yt house : like as thx fr — whence he ca — .
so heere.

A qu WX8 moued to ye church. 'tribu-

tion,viz: Whithx 'tribution was. 1. to be
eury Sab :

2. to be done so as euy one might take no-
tice what each doth 'tribute.
R, It is referred to ye lurthx thoughts of

Vpon an other day. — S. Weston. The case
of or Sister Weston brought before yo xx.

When a matter of diflTerence betweene hx
& anothx was at ye Court put unto ye Jury.

41

she excepted ag. 2 of the Jury men who were
tberefure otfended, & with them others also.

E. demaunded her reason.

S. yt she did thinke it hx lib'ty.

E. True yt yr is a lib'ty. but exception
implies a just cause or tis not equal, viz, yt
he will not doe Justice, or, yt he regards not
an oth, or yt he beare s — splene.

M. The law graunts it in case of 'sanguini-
tieorsomenie relation, but then ye ground
or reason must be shewed to ye Judge of ye
Courts.

S. She denyed to render a reason, least yt
impeachmt to bis good name who — she except-
ed sig. g Mesy. & sd yt ye othx was all one
with ye pty agt hx & more freqjent with him
yn any one memb. Mr. Batter.

R. Mr. Batt at Mr. Pesters with Mr. Noyso
p ter ward j othx haue bad frequent dealings
thx.

& yt S. hath broken a rule. Mat 18 & Leu 19,
yt suspect — g will — yt she delt not with y —

For ye things were s — long time before ye
Courtes.

S. She knew not yr should be of ye Jury .
she intended not a scandall.

a. yt she 'ceived yr in a temptation & gifts
blind ye eyes of ye wise.

R. Jn aggravation of bz fault : it brought
in ag hx.

hx carriage to or bro. Johnson.

hx disv>rderly carriagyn before ye xx.

hx y taxing our pastor of Hypocrisy.

hx opening ye greivance thx ag. a bro. in
bx owne case.

hx not dealing with such suspected brethren
before afr so long a time.

hx 'fessing she saw no sin in y —

■wch aggravated hx exception.

hx taking ye occasion fr — suspitious reports
eg. ym.

So she referred to ye next x z meeting.

Br. Walker ye 2d time. — Eldr: He asks or
Bro. Walker how ye Case stands now with
bim.

u

W. 1. yt he justifies not his practise in yo
time of his distraction.

2. yt tis not — hx powx to reforme h — s.

3. yt he stands at yo dispose of ye x x.
E. ye XX expectes his repentance.

W* he knowes not what to say to it.

E. What he answer to ye x x as touching ye
withholding his child fro — Baptisme.

W. he silent.

E. ye XX desires satisfaction.

W. yt he lookes not vpon himselfe asmeet
for CO — ion. But yt he shalhe meet when
god shall turne his heart, (yet yt he well
understands ye xx expectation) «& yt bee 1
distemped 2 faith lesse.

Pastor, yt it apps he is nndr a Temptation,
& twere St his case were commended to god
by fasting & prayer.

E. Whithx he desires yis.

W. yt be knew not what to say to it.

Mr. Humfry. — Mr. tlumfres case brought
to ye X X.

Eldr. he 'plaines ag ye xx of Lin. yt twice
he was thx hindred ye seales.

yt 1 bee. of s — difference betweene him &
leiften. IIow who excepted ag. him.

ye 2d time, bee. one Thomkins was reci'i'^d
into XX CO — ion yt day notwithstanding he
excepted ag. him.

Pastor, it seemes as if ye x x yes denyed him
not yt CO — ion.

It was agreed ypo — yt if ye x x & he so
csent yis x x may have ye whole mattr discou-
ered by writing fr — both sids, & c.

This day Deborah ilolden Bro . Gidnies wite
Bro Marshals wife, Ja. Moulton. made yer
pfessions, & Testimonies were giuen of yer
godly life. Sa ye next sab. yr were recej'd into
X X — CO — ion.

Some othx p pounded should haue come in,
but were excepted agst.

Whx vpon warning was given by ye Elder
yt ye reasons of yr exceptions might be brought
in to him. before ye next xx meeting.

Deacons, p pounds to ye x x to 'aider of yo
dispose of Mrs. Skelton's children..

a

10th of 11th month. — Mr. HumfrfS. case
je 2d time : — ye interim or Pastor was sent
for to meet the Elders of ye x x at Lin to' fer
■with chem. Who fr both pties brings this
relation to ye x x.

1. yt he withdrew himselfe. bee. he was loth
to offend ye x x.

2 yt ye 2d time he withdrew himselfe bee.
he was oflFended by ye x x who tooke in an un-
worthy member.

To yis twas determined.

1. yt ye X X is to deale with Mr. Humfrey
for withdrawing h — a. & not rathx for deal-
ing with ye 1st Bro. prvately according to rule
let.

p. hx — ye — terim fell in yis discourse,
viz. qu whithx an Irritation unfitts lor ye
Sort.

it should app bee. anger is a short madnes.

A. 1, Cor. 11. an examined ma— tishia du-
ty to eate.

qu. VVjithx a bro. may abstayne when he
is like else to giue offence to an othx.

A. no,

2. yt ys X X is to write to yos Elders & xx.
1 becyr take on memb ag. opposition & 2,

privately.

2. bee. yr suffer ye unseasonable opposition
of members, for members are not to reason be-
tweene pp before ye xx by way of opposition,
but membs must speake yer case toyexx.
yis writ — g to be st by vtue of ye c — ion yt is
betweene yes x x s.

Sepatists. — The case of ye brethren yt with-
drew yp f — ys X X brought forth.
Pastor yt yi doe it out of If.

2. bee yi would ye peace of ye x x seing yi
cannot peaceably hold co — ion with ye x x.

3. yi are not resolved as yi pretend whithx
to goe.

a. yt yi object not ag. ye xx.

onely. yt those yt recejd on did not renounce
publickly ye gou't of Engl. & yt one about
hearing in Engl & yt one yt yi no libty of ob-
jecting in ye X X ag what is taught.

It t put to ye X X8 'eideration.

Whithx if 6 or 8 of ye XX. & wich we hope
to be godly, yet not aggreeing with us in yer
Judgmt may not haue a peaceable depture fro
us togathx a X X ?

R. 1. These psons must jat giue ye x x sat-
isfaction for yer schisme.

2 tis p bable y t theSe would not keep co — ion
with this church.

3. These haue not asked leaue of ye x x but
doe take leaue of ye x x.

It t determined these should be sent for.

Bro Weston. Elde desires of or Bro. Weston
ye grounds of his withdrawing fr — ye xx.

W, yt he had already told ye Elders his
grounds.

E. he desired him to declare y — to ye x x.

W. yt ye XX he counts to walk according
to hx light or apprehension & he walks accord-
ing to hid. 1. ground, bee. he not suffered to
ask qu. in publicke, but tis imputed to him
for pride.

E. Tis desired yt he should refraine in reg.
of ye season : — ye Lo. day.

but qu. is yr a ground of his withdrawing.

W. Yes bee. he count h — s bound prsently
to object & so seek cleering of Truths.

E. he neu'r delt in private with ye elders
for it.

W. 2. teas. bee. when he questioned about
or pastor touching his comming off at Rotter-
dam : & what kind of x x yt was : Twas an-
swered by 8 — , yt he was neithx fitt forxx,
nor commonwealth.

3d. bee. some are admitted into yis xxfrom
Rotterdam, touching who — yi write ytyi ca —
disorderly away : & if yt be a true x x, why are
these recj'd withit satisfaction jst giuen.

Pastor. 1. yt he — towne 2yeero& a halfe,
& not objected ye ag.

2. yt ye 2d rat of this wife, who had no
letters of dismission fro — thence.

qu. How far, or whithx a wife ought to
seeke lettrs of dismission if ye man be dis-?
missed.

R, by m. 1 yt not need full,

obj. she must co — in, in a way of god bz;

43

M. Tis tjatisfactiaQ enough ytsbe be a memb
of an othx church.

obj. yt X s hath manifested itselfe offended
for her disorderly comming away.

Past, she thought not herselfe bound to
req're yer letters, her husband being heere.

obj It should app as if yrmight be some-
thing dissurderly observed in hx carriage since
her husband's comming away.

Past, ye fault was of negligence by ye elders
in not ppounding her to ye church-
It. t 'eluded yt letters should be wrott to
Rotterda — about ye psons yt did disorderly
come off thence.

VV. 4. or. bee. or pastor oft hath sd in pub-
lick to yis effect, we had better part then liue
contentiously.

pa. mt in a way of x,

ma. to ye 2d reas. yt twas he yt sd. be waa
neithx fitt for x x , nor commonwealth, bee. by
bis oft questioing greiues Magistr. & Mrs. &
BO yt he thinkes still : so long as be holds yt
way.

hx Bro : Talby obj. yt it it was an un-
charitable speech.

K. yt he breakes a rule, Being he should
haue delt with or Ma ; privately. & ys kind of
speaking is disorderly.

"W. 5 reas. bee. yis church holds co — ion
with such as doe hold co — ion with ye x x of i
Engl. viz. ye members of Mr. Lathrop's Con- i
gregation wch hath both co — ion with this
Church & ye XX of Engl.

E. yt he should haue delt with yos members
privately,

W. 6. bee. he is 'selled to follow peace: &
yis is ye end of his practise jy.

E. Bnt ye beginning must be peaceable too.

Ma. The case may be resolved in yia one
question,

qu. Whithx one under sin in his opinion,
not in ye opinion of ye x x, is a just grouncj of
his leaving the church ?

W. a private scruple agst any is not to be
made publick, Least otbza should be brought
to scruple too.

Ma. Whithx a p'vate Scruple a ground of
sepatj.

This course tends but to schisms & so to
heresie wch is damnable,

W. This wch is now called damnable was
once called lawfull.

M. he wch holds & teaches : yt one may
breake off Ir — a xx, upo — any discontent, op
at taking offence ag. a brother &c is — a
damnable herisy for it rases ye foundation of
grace.

E. yt Bro. Westo — shew a text of Scr for
his sepation.

W, He is silent.

E. he is desired to be at ye next x x meet'
ing.

Bro: Ony. He is desired of ye x x ye grounds
of his sepation.

Ony, yt he had told ym to ourpastor.

& he desired him to discour ym to ye x x.

& his withdrawing was but for ye po sent.

bee. ye Sort ca— -suddenly before he couldj
enf jrme ye x x of his scruple.

Whxup— it prsently went abroad yt he was
quite broken off.

Whx'as be 'ceived h — s unde a temptation
& haueing touched a dead body ought to re^
frayne.

qn. by one whithx a man may breake off co
— i on with a x x, if he see or suppose so —
practize in ye x x yt he allow not off.

M. or p. Neg. gal. 5. Circumcisio — a fun-
dam tal error yet not a ground or rule yr tbrou
out ye Epist. of scpatio — f — yt x x.

So in ye X X of Corinth. Fornication.

So holding of Paule, so of Apollas.

So in Thyatyra Jezabells doctrine.

& yt no rule giuen for eepating fr — eytber.

O. Were euch membs admitted?

M. There is ye same reason of admission &
keep — g in of membs.

O. Such as haue ben defiled with idolatry
haue ben hx admitted without washing yr
hands by repts.

M. There practize giues satisfaction ^ In jt
they joyne with ye true x x of x.

44

O. They may yet retayne Babilon in yr
hearts.

M. We are to be more charitably aflFected
to such.

O. Ezech. 43, 9, 10, 11.

M. Are not or brethren ashamed of yr do-
ings when yi will not abide by it ?

Bro: Gidney. he gaiie ye right hand of
Fellowship to me.

E. Why then so lately & not now?

0. yt his Judgt so altered, so as not know
how to giue ye right hand of lellowship to ye

X X.

pa. That you are so newly altered in yor
judgmt Consider.

1. ye frame of yor h xt at yt time were
you in a humble praying frame & in ye way of
an ordin.

2. Does it carry you nigher to x now and
to more humbleness.

3. you should have told it to yo elders, pa.
9, 7 rebuke a wise man &c.

Ezech 43, 4, yt place in Ezech 43, you mis-
apply for fr — thence we note.

1 yos are most capable of je things of god
yt are ashamed of yr iniq'ties.

2. God will neur shew ye true formes of his
house but to y — yt are washt from there
inig'ties, & yes Formes are ye inwards, wch
are ye scales.

3 The story is ys. This 0 had revolted &
relapsed & ye p. ph exhorts hx to hx Ist loue
agayne.

And told hx what she should see vpo — hx
returne. for — yr falling off yi loosed ye pat-
terns of ye house,

5, Can you challeng any of spiritual whore-
do — amongst us.

O 1. yt if yos. yt relapsed, be — g — a x x
state, ought to be ashamed ere yi capable &c.

go. much more, yos yt neu a x x state.

2 he could not challenge any without peju-
dice or offence, but yis p. fessors, of all men,
■were most bitter ag. sepation at jst.

whonowjoyne without being ashamed of yt.
p. Such breaches as these in x x's gaue oc
casion to yt of yr bitternes.

O. Thx ought to be yet a publick detesta-
tion, ag yes courses, his Texes for sepation.

2 Cor. 6. be not unequally yoked.

M. yt yeilds no reaso — of his withdrawing
unlease we were pved Idolaters.

& wo haue a test opposeing this practice of
his Reu 2. 18 20. Whx ye Lo: 1. acknowl.
ye good in yt x x yn he speakes of her sins &
Judgmts.

& in X p 24. he saies to yos not so sinned.
He lay no other burden upon you, but &c.

The dn of idolatry or of circumcision may
be heild in a x x & yt ye x x a true x x.

P. jt place. 2 Cor. 6, mt of idolatry out
of ye XX & ye Ap. wrot to ye whole x x.

O mt yt yi should co — out fr ye Idolaters
amongst themseluas.

R. mt of yr being among Idolaters & ye
Joy — g to yr idoU feasts.

a. X. sepated not f — ye Jewish Synagogues.

O. ye diuers reasons of yt. fr — yo p phi-
cies were not fulfilled.

& X CO — ioated not in yr corruptions.

P. In Zach. 11: yr is set downe ye worp. z
did CO— icate in.

[TO BE CONTINUED. J

ODD NOTES.— NORMAN KINGS 1066—1154.

William the Conqueror was King of England
from 1066 to 1087- He had three children,
William Rufus., who succeeded him, Henry,
who succeeded William Rufus, and Adelaide,
who married Stephen, Count of Blois. Henry
had a daughter AJatilda, who married 1st the
Emperor Henry V, and had no issue, and mar-
ried 2dlv, Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of An-
jou, by whom she had a son, afterwards Henry
It. At the death of Henry I, however, Ste-
phen, son of Stephen of Blois and Adelaide,
usurped the throne, which properly belonged
t ) his cousin Matilda. After some strife how-
ever,the matter was settled by Stephen's prom-
ising to give up the crown at his death, to Ma-
tilda's son Henry, which was done.

45

House of Plantagenet 1154 — 1399. Henry
II died in 1189, and left Richard, Coeur de
Lion, GeofiFrey, aad John, surnamed Lackland,
Richard left no children, Geoffrey left a son
Arthur, who was murdered by bis Uncle,
John, and John left two sons, Henry III, and
Richard, Earl of Cornwall. Henry III left
Edward I, surnamed Longshanks, and Edmund
the Humpbacked, Earl of Lancaster, whose
great granddaughter Blanche, 1st heiress of the
rights of Lancaster, married John of Gaunt,
3d son of Edward III. Edward 1 left a son
Edward II, of Caernarvon, who left a son Ed-
ward III. Edward III had Edward the Black
Prince, William Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Ed-
ward. Duke of York.

Edward the Black Prince bad a son Richard
II, who was deposed 1399. Lionel, d of Clar- |
ence had a daughter Philippa, who married |
Edw. Mortimer, and was mother of Roger [
Mortimer, the father of Anna Mortimer, who
married Richard, son of Edmund, d of York,
Edward Ill's youngest son.

John of Gaunt married Blanche of Lancas-
ter, and bad two sons, John Beaufort, a natu-
ral son, and Henry, who usurped bis cousin
Richard's crown, and became Henry IV.

House of Lancaster (Red Rose) 1399—1460.
Henry 17 bad a son Henry V, who married
Catharine of France, and she afterwards mar-
ried Owen Tudor, and had a son Edmund Tu-
dor, Earl of Richmond, who married Margaret
Beaufort, 2d heiress of Lancaster, (and grand
daughter of John Beaufort, natur.il son of
John of Gaunt) and bad a son who became
Henry VII. Henry V had a son Henry VI,
■who was King until 1460, when his opponent
Edward IV became King.

House of York (white Rose) 1460—1485.—
Edward IV was descended from Lionel, d of
Clarence, through Anne Mortimer, his grand
daughter, who married Richard, son of Ed-
mund of Ybri; be was succeeded by his son
Edward V, who was murdered in the Tower by
command of bis uncle Richard, 1483.
13

Richard III reigned untU defeated and slain
at Boaworth, 1485, when Henry VII, son of
Edmund Tudor and Margaret Beaufort, ascend-
ed the throne, and united the roses, by marry-
ing Elizabeth of York, daught-^r of Edward IV.

House of Tudor 1485—1603. Henry VII
had Margaret, who married James IV (Stuart)
King of bcotland, Henry, who married Catha-
rine of Arragon, and Mary, who married 1st
Louis XII of France, and 2ndly Charles Bran-
don, Dukeof Sufiulk.

Margaret and James of Scotland bad a son
Jamea V, who had a daughter Mary, Queen of
Scots, cruelly beheaded 1587, leaving a son,
James VI of Scotland, and afterwards James I
of England. Henry VIII had by Catherine of
Arragon, a daughter Mary ; by his second wife
Anne Boleyn, a daughter Elizabeth, and by
bis third wife Jane Seymour, a son, who suc-
ceeded his father as Edward VI. Mary, and
Charles Brandon bad a daughter Frances, who
married Henry Grey, d wf Suffolk, and a daugb*
ter Eleanor, who married the Earl of Cumber-
land, and had a daughter who married the
Earl of Derby. Frances Brandon and Henry
Grey bad three daughters, Jane, beheaded 1554,
Catharine and Mary.

Edward VI d in 1552, and was succeeded by
his sister Mary, who died 1558, and was suc-
ceeded by her sister Elizabeth, who died 1603,
leaving no children, when the crown passed
over to James VI of Scotland, son of Mary
Stuart.

House of Stuart 1603—1689. Jamea I of
England had two children, Charles I, behead-
ed 1649, and Elizabeth, who married Frederic,
Elector Palatine, and bad Sophia, married to
Ernest Augustus, first Elector of Hanover.

Charles I had Charles II, who died 1685,
Mary, who married William II, Prince of Or-
ange, and James 2d, who abdicated 1689(; bis
children were, Mary, who married William
III, Prince of Orange, son of Williaai II and
Mary Stuart, Anne, Queen 1702 — 14, and Jas.
Edward, who had Charles Edward, died at

46

kome 1788, and Henry of York, Cardinal, who
died 1807, the hist Stuart.

House of Hanover, since 1714. At the death
of Queen Anne, the crown passed over into the
possession of George I, son of Sophia and Er-
nest Augustus of Hanover.

George I was succeeded by his son Geoi-ge
II, who had a son Frederic Lewis, who dying
1751, left a son George III, married to Char-
lotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, by whom he had
among others George IV, William IV, and
Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent. George IV
died in 1830. and William IV died 1837: Ed-
ward Augustup, Duke of Kent, married Vic-
toria, Princess of Saxe Coburg, and died 1820,
leaving a daughter Victoria, born May 24,
1819, who succeeded William IV in 1837, and
who now reigns*

MEDICINES IN " OLD TIMES."

It ip a' prevalent notion that the piesent time is
worse, in every respeet, than any former period. —
AVe talk about "good old times" as if the present were
'very bad times," and there was nothing good now-
adays. Ours is called an age of "humbug," — and
perhaps in some respects it is, — but with all its
short-comings, but a very little knowledge of histo-
ry is required to sbow us the vast improvements in
Art, Science, and Religion even, that have been made
from time to time, and that the world is, upon the
whole, continually growing wiser and better.

I am led to these remarks by the perusal of "A
Treatise of the choisest Spagyricail Preparations,''
printed in 1651, — containing some receipts for medi-
cines which are very curious, and perhaps some may
think unworthy to be preserved. I have, however,
thought it best to send you a few samples for publi-
cation, in order to show what "doses" people were
willing to submit to in the old Witchcraft, Quaker-
whipping times, that we so much reverence:

''The Quintessence of Snakes, Adders or Vipers. —
Take of the biggest and fattest Snakes, Adders or
Vipers which you can get in June or July, cut off
their heads, take off their skins and unbowell them,
then cut them into small pieces and put them into a
Glass of a wide mouth, and set them in a warm Bal-
neo, that they may be well dryed, which will bee
done in three or four days. Then take them out,
and put them into a bolt bend, and pour on them of
the best alcolizated Wine as much as will cover them
•iz or eight fingers' breadth. Stop the glass Her-

metically, & digest them fifteen days in Balneo, or
so long til the Wine be sufficiently covered, which
poure forth; then pour on mure of the foresaid Spir-
it of Wine till all the quintessence be extraoteil:
Then put all the tinged s|)irits together, and draw off
the spirit in a gentle Balneo till it be thick at the
bottom; on this pour Spirit of Wine Caryophyllated,
and slir them well together, and digest them in a
Circulatory ten days; then abstract the spirit of
Wine, and the quintessence remaineth at the bottom
perfect.

This quintessence is of extraordinary vertue for
the purifying of the blood, flesh and skin, and conse-
quently of all diseases therein. It cures also the
Falling-sickness, & strengthens the Brain, Sight and
Hearing, and p; eserveth from Gray hairs, reneweth
Youth, cureth the Gout, Consumption, causeth Sweat,
ia very good in and against Pestilential infections."

"Aqua Magnanimilatis is made thus: — Take of Ants
or Pi.-mires a bandtul, of their eggs two hundred, of
Millepides, or Woodlice, one hundred, of Bees one
hundred and fifty, digest all these in two pints of
Spirit of Wine, being very well impregnated with
the brightest soot. Digest them together the space
of a month, then pour off the clear spirit and keep it
safe. Good to stir up the Animall spirits. It doth
also wonderfully irritate the spirits that are dulled
and deaded with iny cold distemper."

Here is a receipt for aiiotber "Aqua Magnanimi-
tatis,'' something like the above, which is represent-
ed to be of "excellent use to stir up the auimall
spirit : in so much that John Casmire Palfe grave
of the Rhcne, and Seyfrie of Collen, Generall, against
the Turks, did aiways drinke of it when they wont
to fight, to increase Magnanimity and courage, which
it did even to admiration."

"Elixir of Mummie. — Take of mummio, (viz. of
mail's fiesb Lardened,) cut small four ounces, Spirit
of Wine terebinth inated ten ounces, put them into a
glazed vessell, (three parts of four being empty,)
which set in horse dung to digest for the space of a
moiietb, then take it out and express; let the ex*
pressiou be circulated a month, then let it run
through Manica Hippocratis, then evaporate the spirit
till that which remaines in the battome be like an
Oil, which is the true Elixir of mummie.

This elixir is a wondertull preservation against all
infections, alSo very Balsa micail."'

There are some receipts in this book so bad that
they would, I believe, cause the hairs of your cor-
respondent, who furnished you awhile sines with a
"Metson to make the hair grop," — to "stand upon
an end."

There are also in this singular book some very
curious experiments, a few of the titles of which I
will give.

"To make the representation of the whole ;70rld
in a Glasse."

"To make powder that hj ..pitting upon cball ba
inflamed."

"To make artificiali Fearle, as glorious sa any
Oriental!."

"To make Gold grow and be incre&aed in tho
earth."

47

"The author of this work says id his Preface, "I
tejoyce as at the break of the day, after a long tedi-
ous eight, to 806 bow this solary art of Alchymie be-
gins for to shine forth out of the clouds of reproach
which it hath a long time undeservedly layen under.
There are two things which have a long time eclipsed
it, viz., the mists of ignorance, and the specious lu-
nary body of deceit. Arise, 0 Sunne of truth, and
dispell these interposed fogs, that the Queen of Arts
may triumph in splendour!"

I think I have given your readers a sufficient dose,
and will therefore for the present take leare of the
eubject. B.

TREES IN THE STREETS OF SALEM, IN
MAY. 1859.

The following account of the different varie-
ties of treej, that are growing in the principal
streets of Salem, during the month of May,
1859, has been prepared with much care and
accuracy, by a gentleman of this city, who
has devoted considerable attention to this sub-
ject.

It is valuable, and worthy of record, as ex-
hibiting the degree of interest, which is devot-
ed, at this time, to the planting of trees m the
Btroets and public places of this city.

Andrew,

Andover,

Arabella,

Boston,

Bevkford,

Bridge,

Buffum,

Brown

Briggs,

Broad,

Barton,

Beaob,

Barr,

Chesnut,

Cambridge,

Ghaicfa,

Carlion,

Cherry,

Cet'^r,

Cabot,

Cer.tral,

Cross,

Doming,

Derby,

Dwufborn,

B 5

18 1
4 16

n 10

8

57 7
48 10

8 27

1 .
70 17

2 4

15

70

6
8
i

U
1
8

11

9

12

103

a

s s

c g

2

1

3

33

6

7

10
1
4
3

14

1

23

."t s. 1^

27

2

33

115

8

80

90

35

2

97

9

2

46

82

4

12

8

12

29

5

9

15

12

12

117

5

131

18

139

1

Everett,

Essex,

Endicott,

Federal,

Flint,

Friend.

Forrester,

Felt,

Grove

Harbor,

Hancock,

Hatboine,

High,

Holly,

Laurel,

Lafayette,

Lagrange,

Leach ,

Lynde,

Mount Vernon, 3

129
4
3

Mason,
Margin,
March,
Newbury,
Norman,
North,
Nortbey,
Oak,

St. Peter,
Pond,
Purter,
Prescott,
Pickering,
Pickman,
Pleasant,
River,
Kopes,
Salem,
Summer,
Skerry,
School,
Siiunders,
South,
Turner,
Union,
Webb,
Webb, East,
Walter,
Whittemore,
Around Com-
mon,
Avenue to
Alms House.

34

12

10

2

6

83

6

16

9

6

3

5

7

6

10

1

6

9

36

6

15

10

12

2

13

23

6

10

4

160 12
20

29

18

12

1 1

6
11 9

6 2
12

6 15
6

17 3

10

28

13

6
I l60
26
189
il
4
17
63
49
66
10
35
7
45
9
166
37
12
3
19
42
18
11
3
6
108
9
19
15
1
6
6
7
17
31
3
6
9
71
7
23
15
36
3
15
23
6
21
33

183

23

Elms, 1656; Maples, 353; Horse CLestnut, 213;
Linden, 65; Ash, 133; Poplar, 24; Cherry, 110;
Acacia, 8. In addition to the above, there are, —
in Brown street 2 Tree of Heaven, or Ailanthus;
Briggs street 2 Oak ; Broad Street 1 Locust ; Feder-
al street 1 Buttonwood; Friend street 9 Oak; Felt
street 9 Birch; Harbor street 1 Tree of Heaven;
Hathome street 2 Buttonwood; North street 4 Wil-
low, 1 Buttonwood; Oak street 1 Walnat; St. Peter
ctreet 1 Tree of Heaven; Porter street 1 Poplw}

48

Prescott street 1 Balm of Gilead; Summer street 1
Willow; Ropes street 1 Walnut; total number of
trees, 2615. i..

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac,
ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF
COURTS, SALEM, MASS.

Copied by Ira J. Patch.

CONTINUED FROM PAGB 12.

Mary Williams, 9lh mo., 1654.

"Will of Marie Williams of Salem. Widow,
dated Ist 8 mo., 54', mentions her late hus-
band, George Williams ; her daue fSarah, Ma-
rie Bishop, Bethia, sons Samuel, Joseph and
George. Witness — Ric'd Bishop, Thos. Rob-
ins.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£131 OS 3id, taken bj Elias Stileman jr & Rio'd
Bishop, 17 9 mo., 1654.

Eliz'h Hardy, lOth mo., 1654.
Inventory of estate of Elizh Hardy of Sa-
lem, widow, amounting to £151 9s 2d, taken
by Wm. Dodge, Wm. Dixey, 11th 9th mo.,
1654.

"Granted to Jno. Hardy, 27 10th mo.,
1638 : To fforty acres of vpland and sixe Acres
of meadow to the East of that land which is
graunted to Richard Dodge." vera copia

aa Atteste. pr Edmond Batter.

25th of the 8ih month, 1653.
Gervis Garford of Salem, in the County of
Essex, Gent., hath sold vnto Elizabeth Hardie
of the same, widdow, for eighty pounds ster-
ling, his dwelling house & ten acres of Ara-
ble land, & six acres & a quarter of med-
dow neare drapers point, vppon Bass Riuer,
adjoyning to the house, and eighty Acres of
land lyin^ betweene Lord's Hill & Birch-
plaine, on Bass Riuer side, within the pre-
sincts of Salem, as by deed dated the 26th day
of 7-ber, 1653, aprth.

This is a true copy out of the records for the
County in Salem, fr me.

Hillard Veren, Recorder.

Nath' Merrill, Mar,, 1655.

Will of Nath'l Merrill of Newbury, dated
Mar. 8, 1654, mentions wife Susanna, daugh-
ter Susanna, under 21 years, sons Nathaniel,
John Abraham Daniel and Abel all under
21 years, appoints son Nath'l ex'or. Bro
John Merrill & Anthony Somerby overseers,
witnesses — Richard .Knight, Anthony Somer-
by and John Merrill, probate 27th Ist mo.,
'55. deceased March 16, 1654-5.

Inventory of above estate taken Mar. 23,
1654-5, by Dan'l Thurston, Richard Knight
and ArcheUus Woodman .amounting to £84 6s
returned 27th let mo., '55.

Alice Ward, Mar., 1655.

Inventory of estate of Alice Ward of Ips-
wich, widow, taken 23d llth mo., 1654, a-
mounting to £37 148 lid, by Robert Lord,
John Warner.

Joannah Smith the wife of Thos. Smith,
Elizabeth wife of Jacob Perkins and Jane
wife of Francis Jordan, testifie that Alice
Ward, widdow, on her death bed did commit
Sarah Ward, her daughter in law, vnto John
Baker & Elizabeth his wife, the said Sarah
W^ard & her estate to bring vp the said child
in the feare of god. and gave vnto the sd Eliz-
abeth Baker her keyes & desired her to take of
all, & to discharge her debts.

Sworne in Court held at Ipswich the 27th
1st mo.. 1655. Robert Lord, Cleric.

Eleanor Tresler. Alh mo., 1655.
Will of Eleanor Tresler of Salem, dated 15th
Feb., 1654, mentions sons Henry & Nicholas
to be joint ex'ors. son Edward, 2 daughters,
grandchildren John Phelps, Elezabeth,
Sam'l & Edward, children of Nicholas, men-
tions legacy bequeathed by her late husband
to his daughter in England, to wit., £10. —
witness — Robt. Moulton, senr., George Gard-

49

ner. Robt. Moulton, jr. proved 26tb 4tbmo.,
1655.

Inventory of above estate (dated Mar. 13,
1654-5.) amountino; to £131 033 06d, return-
ed bj Robert Moulton & George Gardner.

Wm. Knight, ^th mo., 1655.

WillofVVm. Knights, dated Dec. 2 1653.
mentions wife Elizabeth, son John, dau Ane
& her children, son Francis, dau Uanna, John
Ballard, Nathaniel Ballard, after the lega-
cies are paid to these above, the balance to be
equally divided between his four children
which he had by his last wife Eliz'h — eldest
eon Jacob to have a double portion, appoints
his wife Eliz h ex'x, his brother Nicholas Pot
ter and George Keasur and John Witt to be
overseers. Witness John Faller & Nicho-
las Potter, probate 28th 4th mo., 1655.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£154 15s Od, returned 28th 4th mo., '55.

Robt. Moulton, 4th mo., 1655,
Will of Robt. Moulton, senr., dated Salem
20th Feb'y, 1654, mentions son Robert, &
appts him ex'r, dau Dorothy Edwards, grand-
son Robert Mjulton, good wife Buffo m and
Joshua Buffiim, witnessed by George Gard-
ner, Henry Phelps & Nichi Phelps, probate
2Gth4th mo., 1655.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£113 08s, returned 26th 4th mo., '55, by
Henry Phelps & John Hill.

Henri/ Fay, 1655.

Inventory of estate of Henry Fay, weaver,
of Newbury, who deceased June 30th, 1655,
taken by Thomas Hart. Thomas Browne &
Abraham Tappan.

Richard Pike testified that Henry Fay said
to him that if he died a single man, then his
brother's children shall have this estate.

Robert Long, James Jackman, and Jane
Jackman all testify that said Henry Fay said
at several different times he wished his broth-
er's children to have his estate if they came
13

for it, and wished his friends Robert Long and
James Jackman to take charge of it.

John Jackson, 4ih mo., 1656.

Will of John Jackson, senr, dated Zlst 11th
mo., 1655. mcntiona wif^j Mary, Margaret
Nouel, appts son John Jackson exor. appts
Wm. Browne, Edma Batter overseers, proved
4th mo.. 1655.

Inventory of above estate taken 10th lat
mo., 1655-6, amounting to £20 6s.

Thomas Wickes, 4ithmo.,lQ5Q.

Will of Thos. Wickes of Salem, dated 9th
7th mo., 1655. mentions wife Alice, and appts
herextx., daughters Bethia & Hannah, appta
loving cousin and friends Robert Gray, Mr.
Edmond Batter & Ellas Stileman, jr., to be
overseers.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£192 lOs. returned by ililliard Veren & Thom-
as Cromwell.

John Hart, 4th mo., 1656.
Inventory of estate of John Hart, Marble-
h'd, taken 14th let mo., 1655-6, by Moses
Maverick and Jona Bartiett, amounting to
£74 lOs 06d.

Fran. Parratt. 1th mo , 1656.
Inventory of estate of Francis Parratt, dat-
ed 15th 7th mo., 1656, amounting to £357
5s Cd.

James Noyes, 9/A mo., 1656.

Will of James Noyes, dated Oct. 17, 1656,
mentions wife and children, couoin Thomas
Parker, brother Nicholas Noyea. probate
Nov. 26, 1656.

James Noyes died Oct. 21, 1656,

Inventory of above estate, anjounting to
£657 lis 4d, returned by Rich'd Knight
Anthony Somerby & Benjamin Swett.

Mrs. Sara Noyes, the wife of deceased, makes
oath to the same.

50

Rehecca Bacon, 9th mo , 1655.

Will of Rtickah Bacon, Widow, dated let
mo., 23, 1655. mentions son Isaac as ber sole
executor, Eobert Buffum to assist him, Isaac
being under aj^e ; cousins Anne Potter &
Eich'd Cheelcraft ; frees ber man Cornelius &
gives hi m a suite ot clothes; sister Buffum,
Sister Coja, Sister Sugthwike, Sisters Averj &
horniss. Brother Kobert Buffum, appoints
Brothers Joseph Boys Thomas Avery &
Nath'l Felton, overseers : mentions Sister Ju-
dith, in Old England, cousin John, Georg Be-
dell, proved 29th 9th mo.. '55.

Inventory of above efltate, aThounting to
£195 8s 6d, taken 10th July, 1655, by 'fhos.
Gardner, sr., & Joseph Boyea.

John Bridffeman, 9ih mo., 1655.

Will of John Bridgman mentions Mr. Per-
kins after his claims paid, the rest to go to bis
daughter, probate 9th mo., '55.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£69 078 07d, taken by Walter Price, Philip
Cromwell.

John Ward, Mar., '56.

Will of John Ward, sometimes resident at
Ipswich, in New England, dated 28th Decem-
bei, 1652, mentions to Cousin Nath'l Ward,
the son of his Uncle, Nath'l Ward : 1 doe give
that house & land given me by my father in
his will, and that lies in East Mersey, in the
County of Essex in Old England ; cousin
Ward's, of wethersfield, two youngest sons,
Cousin John Barker of Boxted in Essex, his
Eldest dau, Anna, son Sam'l. to his mother's
poore kindred ten pounds : Cousin Sam'l Sher-
man's, who some years since lived in Boston,
N. E.. two youngest sons, both under age;
Cousin Philip Sherman of Rhote Island ; gives
books to Thomas Andrews of Ipswich, and also
his Ohirurgry chest, & all yt is now in it.—
Robert Paine, ex'or.

The balance of his estate be laid out in a
standing anility, to be bestowed on the Har-
vard Coll, Cambridge, and would have it im-

proved to the convenient bringing up & main-
taining of one or morescholhire in the said Col-
lege, & only such to have benefit whose estate
or friends cannot otherwise maintain. 14 lbs
to be spent oh his funerall. prGved 25th let
mo., 1656.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£308 78 3d, returned 25th Ist mo., 1656.

John Friend, 1st mo., 1656.
Will of John Friend, c'ated 4th 11th mo.,

1655, mentions son Sam'l, apt. exor., dauB
Eliz'h Pecker, Bethiah Heeter & son James,
his friends, Wm. Dodge & William King,
overseers. Witnesses — George Emery, Ed-
mund Grover & Henry Herrick. proved 27th
1st mo., 1656.

Henry Smith, Mar., 1656.
Inventory of Estate of Henry Smith ()f Row-
lev, taken 1st mo., 16, 1654-5, amounting to
£19 12g Od, returned by Rich'd Swan & John
Smith, allowed 25th 1st mo., 1656.

Henry Setva/l, Mar., '56,
Inventory of Mr. Sewall's estate, amounting
to £364 6s 8d, returned by Joseph Jewett,
Mathew Boyle & John Tad. allowed Mar. 25,
1656.

Huffh Chaplin, Mar., 1657.
Will of Hugh Chaplin of Rowley, dated
15th 1st mo., 1654, mentions his beloved wife,

Elizabeth Thomas Mighell Maximil-

liam Jewett, Thomas Diconson, Hew Smith,
John Pickard, eldest son John. Witnesses —
Joseph Jewett, John Pickard. proved 3l8t
March, 1657.

Anthony Newhall, Mar., 1657.
Will of Anthony Newhall, dated 14th Jan.,

1656, mentions grand-children Richard & Eliz-
abeth Hood, daughter Mary m'd son John,
Nath'l Pentland, Matthew Farrington and
John Fuller to be overseers, proved 31st Mar.
1657.

51

Inventory of a*>ove estate tuken 6th 12th
mo., 1656. returned by Richard Uood, 31st
Mar., 1657.

John Pickering, bth mo., 1657.
Will of John Pickering of Siletn, dated 30tb
5th niu. , 1655, inenuons eona John & Jonathan,
minors, wife Elizabeth, wife & two sons, esors
John Home & Edmund Batter, overseers,
proved let 5ih mo., 1657.

Henry Bullock, 5th mo., 1657.
Inventory of estate of Henry Burock, jr.,
taken by Thos. Gardner & Nath'l Felton, 10th
lOtb mo., 1656, amounts to £121 2s Od.

John Trumbull's, Sept., 1657.
Inventory of esta'e of John Tiumball of
Rowley, amounts to £225 17s lOs. returned by
his widow, Ann Trumbull, 29tb 7tb mo.,
1657.

Agnes Balch. ^th mo., 1657.

Inventory of estate of Agnes B,ilch, amount
£9 lis Od, taken by John Rayment & Henry
Herrick, Nov. 25, 1657, and Liat of debts
agst, her estate, which accrued in her long
sickness due toBenj. Balch, amount £18 12^.

Testimony of Anna Woodbury, widdow,
Nicholas Patch, her brother and El — his wife,
Abagail Qill, Rachel Rayment, Hannah Wood-
bury, John Grover, that the estate of Agnes
Balch, dec'd, is not enough to satisfy the
charges of Benj'n Balch ag'st the estate for
charges in her long weakness and sickness.

Humphrey Gilbert, Jan., 1657-8.
The petition of the four daughters, with
their husbands of Humphrey Gilbert, who de-
ceased Jan. 20, 1657, to the Court to grant
administration to their four husbands, Peter
Harvey. Rjc'd Palmer, Rich'd Comer. Moses
Ebberne. Administration granted according
to the petition.

John Robinson, Mar., 1658.

Will of John Robinson of Ipswich, wheel-
light, dated 27th Feb., 1657, gives to Alice
Howlett, wife of Thos. Howlett ; £10 to Thos.
Howlett, Jr., his Chest and all his tools, & to
Thos. Howlett, Sr. all the rest of his estate, &
appts bim sole exor. Witness — James & John
How. proved 30th Mar., 1658.

Inventory of above estate amount £54 19s
6d, debt due to Ensign Howlett tor diet,
clothes, attendance and physicke. £22 16s
3d allowed 30tb Mar.. 1658.

Humphrey Gilbert, Mar., 1658.

Copy of will of Humphrey Gilbard of Ips-
wich, dated 14tb 12th mo., 1657, mentions
son John, wife Eliz'h, daughter Abigail, &
her 3 sisters all under age.

Administration granted to Elizabeth, the
widow, the 30th Mar., 1658.

Inventory of above estate, amount £53 Os
lid, taken by Philip Fowler.

Thos. Wathen, 4th mo., 1658.
Inventory of estate of Thos. Wathen, dec'd,
taken 30th 4th mo., 1658, amount £7 14s 2d,
returned by his kinsman, Ezekiel Wathen,
30th June, 1658.

Thos. Scudder, 4th mo., 1658.

Will of Thos. Scudder of Salem, dated 30th
Sept., 1657, mentions wife El'zabetb, and
appts her soleex'x., his children, John, Thom-
as and Henry Scudder. and dau Eliz'h Bar-
tholomew, grandchild Thomas Scudder, son of
son William Scudder dec.

Witnesses— Richard Waters, Wm. Traske,
Joseph Boyle, Thomas Lowthop.

Proved 29th June, 1658.

Thomas Scudder deceased 1657.

Inventory of above estate, amount £73 OSa
4d, returned by Eliz'h scudder.

Geo. Bunker, Ath mo., 1658.
Inventory of George Bunker amounts £300
15s Od, returned by Jane Bunker, widow, 29th
June, 1658.

52

James Patch, June, 1658.

Will of James Patch of Beverly, dated 7th
Aug., 1658, mentbns wife Hannah, gave her
his house & land, orchard, and all the appur-
tenances to it helonging to his home grounds,
together with that parcel of meadow lying near
Ric'd Dodge : also 2 cows, together with ten
acres of Kooky Land, Ijing on .he east side oi
tbe home lott, for wood ; also all the house-
bold stuffti in the house fur the competent
bringing up of the children.

To his son, James Patch, all his part of the
farme called Knights farm, both upland &
meadow, all his right there be it more or les»,
together with the two youngest oxen & the
borse.

Tohisdau, Mary Patch, two oxen, which
are eldest, with one cow ; also ten acres of up
land Laying neai Sawyer's Playne.

To his dau Elizabeth, two middle oxen, with
one cow ; also 20 acres of upland laying by
the land called Eastyes land, and joyning next
unto paid land ; appoints his wife Hannah to
be extx. ; his two brothers, Nicholas Wood-
bury «& John Patch to be overseers of his will.

Witnesses — Thos. Lowthropp & John Hill.

Proved 2d 9th mo., '58.

Inventory of above estate, amount £250 168
taken 27th 6th mo., 1658, by Rie'd Bracken-
bury, John Thorndike, Zabulon Hill & John
Hill.

[TO BE CONTINUED J

MINUTES FOR A GENEALOGY OF GEORGE
JACOBS, SENIOR, OF SALKM VILLAGE,
■VVHO SUFFERED THE UTMOST PEN ALT i'
OF THE LAW DURING THE WITCHCRAFT
TRAGEDY, ENACTED IN NEW ENGLAND,
A. D., ie92.

BY C. M. ENDICOTT OP SALEM, A DESCENDANT IN THE
SEVENTH GENERATION.

George Jacobs, Senr., (tbe picture of whose
trial for witchcraft, before one of those extra-
ordinary tribunals, partaking both of a civil
and ecclesiastical character, embellishes the
entrance to the libraries of the Essex Institute
and Salem Atheneum, in Plummer Hall)

was condemned and executed during that
fearful delusion, when upwards of eighty years
of age, without any regard to the usual rulea
of evidence or other proprieties of law. — Hig
principal accusor was his own misguided
granddaughter, Margaret, into which she waa
terrified while confined in prison for the same
offence, by the intriguings. threatonings and
revilings, upon her own confession, of the de-
signing Magistrates, or rather Inquisitors, to
save h^r own life, being then only in her I7th
year. He resided in what was then called
Salem Village, in a secluded spot off east from
the main road leading *o Topefield, and bor-
dering upon the river leading to Danvers Port.
He appears to have bought his homestead of
Richard Waters and Joyn, his wife, contain-
ing a house and ten acres of land, the 20th
Nov., 1658 ; to which he afterwards added
about four acres more, consisting partly of
marsh land. He was also the owner of four
acres and six cow leases on Ryall side, being
the opposite shore, which he received by grant
from the town of Salem. This portion of land
remained in the family during the childhood
and minority of my great grandmother, Eliza-
beth Jacobs, the great granddaughter of the
guiltless victim, George Jacobs, senr., she be-
ing the daughter of John, who was the son of
G<^orge. jr., who was the son of George senr.
The old lady has often told me tliat previous
to her marriage with my great grandfather,
John Endicutt, she used to paddle a canoe
aeroFS the river, and milk the cows in this very
lot — and when the tide was out, she was ac-
customed to pass and repass over the flats upon
a row of stones, or sort of causeway, leading
to the channel on both sides — wade through
the channel with her milk pails and milk, and
upon her return safely depiofit her burden in
her father's house. These stones, we have
been told by some of the family still residing
upon the old homestead, remain to this day, a
memorial, not only of the perseverance of our
fathers, but of the hardihood of her who so of-
ten passed and repassed with tbe fruits of her

53

daily toil and industry over them. She was a
woman of uncommon energy of character. It
is relited of her, that, wlieu Col. Pickering,
on his way to the battle of Bunker Hill halted
his regiment at the Bell Tavern, Darivera, she
was so displeased that she walked up to the
Col. and said, "Why oa airth don't you
march? don't you hear the guns at Charles-
town?'" George eenr's Will isdated29th Jan.,
1691-2, and probated the October following.
His wife's name was Mary. It would seem as
if his extreme age and feebleness (being so
bowed down with decrepitude and the weight
of years that he required two cunes* for sup-
port,) should have shielded him from such a
wretched fate and ignoble death at tha hands
of those inexorable officers of (miscalled) ^'m5-
tice, who seemed determined upon the judicial
murder and indiscriminate slaughter of all
whom malice, credulity or misguided fanati-
cism, might select for their victims. It is re
lated of Chief Justice ytougliton, that when he
heard the Governor hud reprieved several vic-
tims who were awaiting sentence ot deaiii in
prison, he was so displeased that he lett the
Bench and went out oi the Court, exclaiming.
'•Who it is obstructs the course of justice 1
know not. We were in a way to have cleared
the land of these, &c. Ti>e Lord be merciful to
the country." In contrition of his errors and
bigotry, it is said Mr. Stoughton afterwards
erected the building kuown as *'^ Stoughton
Hall,^^ for the use of Harvard College. It is,
however, difficult to see any connection be-
tween the two circumstances.

There is a tradition in the family that their
ancestor was hung upon a tree on his own
land and buried there, [vide Felt's Annals,
Vol. 2, P. 482 ] This conflicts with another
tradition, related by my great grandmother,
that his body after execution in Salem, was
brought home for burial by his own son, who
witnessed his" execution, across the back of a
horse, cart ways being almost unknown at

*Tho very canes are now in tbe possession of the
Essex Institute.

14

that period, except upon the most frequented
roads, all others being what were called bridle
paths. Tradition has, however, kept alive the
fact that he was buried upon his own land.—
His reputed grave has been recently opened,
and found to contain the bones of a very aged
peraoD, without a single tooth in the jaw,
which were no doubt the remains of this inof-
fensive, artless, but unfortunate old gpntleman.
It would bo a melancholy satisfaction could we
with equal certainty identify the graves of the
victims of this dire delusion, the records of
which fill such a dark page in our New Eng-
land history.

Children of George and Mary— ^George Ja-
cobs, Jr. m. Rebecca Frost ; ^Ann Jacobs m.
John Andrew, and had -3 daughters, viz :
Ann, ^'Elizabeth an i ^M iry.

Second Generation,

^George Jacobs lesided upon the old home-
stead, and died previous to 1718 : m. Rebecca
Frost, 9 12, 1074. Both he and his wife, with
their dangluer Margaret, suffered persecution
during the witchcraft delusion. Upon being
accused he ded, but his wife and daughter
Margaret were imprisoned, but were after-
wards released. Children ot '^George and Re-
becca-^Margaret, b. Nov. 26, 1675. The
unfortunate accuser of her grandfather ;
3George,f b. .Sept. 29, 1677. Was living in
Wells, Me., and sold his portion of his fath-
er's farm to his brother John, in 1718. Mar-
ried there in 1702, where his posterity are cow

^Third Generation.
"George Jieolw, b. in Salem Villasre, now Dan-
vers Port, Sep-. 29, 1677, w:ts a ^rand-dn of the
<ruililcss victiiTi Gei>r<re Jncobs, senr Removed to
Wells, Me., abiui 1700, where he mHriieii, first,
December 16, 1701 Hrnnnh Cii-sins, m 2d. Oct.
21, 1742, Eli/abeih Burnham. Children, *Lydia b-
Dec. 11, 1702, m..I<isii.h SiLvens Nov 11. 1726;
^Hannah b. June 20, 1705 m. John Sievcns June
10, 1727 ; *Georsie. m .\iary Woodman Dec. 10,
1741; *.John m. Dcb^rali Ware Oer .'50, 1745;
•*Pricdla m. Jo>hiia Har btt Sept 16 17.36; ^Eliz-
abethni. Joseph ThvIoi Sept. 1734 ;* benjamin
m. Hannah Bank of York Me., June, 1750.
Fourth Generation.
^George Jacobs lived in Wells, Me., married

54

probably living; ^John, b. Sept. 18, 1G79 ;
'Jonathan, b. July 29, 1G81 ; no memorial of
him ; ''Mary, b. Alay 20, 1G83.
Third Generation.
'John Jacobs, b. Sept. 18, 1G79. Lived up-
on the old Jacobs homestead, in Salem Vil-
lage. Married for his first wife, Abigail ,

for his second wife, Lydia . Died 17G4,

a. 85. Was a member of the Ist Church, Sa-
lem. He and his brother George Were peti-
tioners for the South Danvers Church, called
at that time the Middle Precinct, in March,
1710-11. Was a substantial land holder. —
Will dated Jane 24, 17G0. Sons Ebenezer and
Henry, executors. Proved June 25, 17G4. —
Left the Jacobs' homestead to his son Ebenez-
er. Children of John and Abigail : ^Abigail,
bap. Sept. 1, 1706, at the First Church, Sa-
lem. Was living in 1760, the date of her fa
ther's will, m. a Felton ; *John, bap. July 25,
1708, at the First Church, Salem. Lived in
Sutton, Ms., and died previous to 1758j and
left one son, *John, whose posterity are proba-
bly living in that vicinity; ^Daniel, bap. Nov.
5, 1711iatthe First Church, Salem. Lived
in Danvers to an advanced age; ^Ebenezer,
bap. May 15, 1715, at the So. Church, Dan-
vers, m. Elizabeth Cutler, dau. of Cornelius
Cutler ; ^Desire, bap. IVlay 15, 1715, at the
So. Church, Danvers : d. previous to 1758 ;
m. a Porter, and left children, mentioned in
her father's will ; *Sarah, bap. July l-i, 1717,
at the So. Church, Danvers ; m. an Andrews,
and was living in 1760, the date of her fath-

Marv Won<imnn Dec lb, 1741. Children. *EIias
m- Mary Dorman uf Wells, Angus 1768; 'George
in. Hepsibah Brown Feb 1779; *Dib(irah m. Ja-
bez Dorm fin of Arundell, May 1780; *Jon>uhan
m. 1st Sarah Tenney. Dec 26, 1782, m. 2d Re-
becca S. Emerv Feb- 1784 ; *Samuel m. Hannah
Hubbard Dec. 13, 1785.

Fifth Generation.

*Elias Jacobs lived in Well.". Mc., married Mary
Dorman Ansnst 1768. ChiHren, ^Hannah m.
James Maxwell; 6Aar"n m. Sarah Stover of
York, Feb. 1804; 6John m. Abieail Phillips of
York May 1804 ; eObediah ni. Lucretia Liitle-
field Sept. 1813

er's Will ; ^Elizabeth, bap. Sept. 27, 1719, at
the So. Church, Danvers; m. JT)hn Endicott,
May 18. 1738 ; d. Aug. 1809, a. 90: children
by Lydia , *IIenry, bap^ May 21, 1721 ; was
living in 17GG, per receipt for his portion left
him by his father ; no further memorial of
him — probably the father of Henry Jacobs,
killed at Lexington, April 19, 1775 ; *Lydia,
bap. July 25, 1725 ; was living in 17G0, the
date oi her father's will ; m. John Small.
Fourth Generation.
*Daniel Jacobs bap. Nov. 5, 1711, at the Ist
Church, Salem. Was a cordwainer by trade in
early lifcj then a farmer. Lived in Danvers to
an advanced age — residence on tiie Salem boun-
dary line in North Fields. Married Sarah
Dudley of Boston June 17, 1735. Died in tho
family of his son-in-law, Qen'l Gideon Foster,
Oct 1809, in his 99th year. The following
is an extract from an obituary notice of him :
"Mr. Jacobs p-jssessed great vigor in his old
age. He was mowing in his field after he pass-
ed 90. He had an uncommon cheerfulness of
temper, &a relish ol life till its close. His sister
who married into the family of Gov. Endicott,
died lately, above 90 years of age." One of
the descendants of Mr. Jacobs remembers dis-
tinctly seeing hiin saddle his horse and ride off
like a young man, when he was upwards of 95
years of age. Children — 'Daniel, b. Aug. 22,
1737. Was living in New Hampshire m 1761.
where probably his posterity are at present re.

. ,. *Sarah & > gemini, b. Aug. 24. 1739;
siding ; 6 , ., S*^ • i <• u- •

*=" ' Jonathan J no memorial oi him ;

'Benjamin, b. March 24, 1740-1, m. Sarah
Moulton ; 'Abigail, b. April 15, 1743, m. Put-
nam Cleaves, and had 3 children, *Daniel, a
Daughter *Sarah and ^Abigail, who m.
Amos King. Daniel removed to Saco, Me.
and had children ■'Daniel, ^Sarah, ^Mary, ^aI-
mira ; 'Depire, b. Dec. 21, 1746, m. Zachariah
King, ch sZiicbariah, *Daniel, ^Anios, *De-
sire, ^Eben'r, « Jonathan, *Samuel, ^Mary ;
'Lydia, b. Aug 24, 1743, m. John Tn'-kz-r. ch.
'John, ^Andrew & ^Betsey, gemini, ^Jonathan,
«Gideon, «Marcia, «Sam'l D, "Mary , 'Marcia,
b. Oct. 6, 1750, m. Gen'l Gideon Foster, ch.j

55

•Gideon, «John, «Murcia, and another *daugh-
ter.

^Ebenezer Jacobs, bap. May 15, 1715, at
the South Church, Danvers, Lived upon the
old homestead, m. Elizabeth Cutler. Died in
1793. Will dated 13th Feb'y. 1790, Proved
13th Nov. 1793, son Eben'r and wire Eliza-
beth, Executors. Children — *Ebenezer, 'Abi-
gail, *Hannah, ^Elizabeth ; the last three died
before their father, and are not mentioned in
bis will.

Fifth Generation.

*Benjamin Jacobs, b. March 4, 1740-1, m.
Sarah Moulton about 1770. Lived in South
Danvers. Children of Benjamin and Sarah—
eSally, b. 1771 : ^Lydia, b 1773 ; sBenjamin,
b. July 17, 1775 ; ^Martha, b. 1779.

*Ebenezer Jacobs, uncertain when born. Liv-
ed in the old Jacobs homestead in Danvers, left
him by his father, m. Eunice lucker. Children.
6Ebenezer, b. Feb'y 17, 1783. m. Phebe Mar-
tin, of Andover, and had 5 children. ^JohnD,
^Warren Martin, ^Elizabeth Cutler, ^Martha
Frye D, ^Martha Martin ; 6 Jonathan, b. 1785,
d. 1831, unmarried ; ejohn, b. 1787, d. 1821.
unmarried ; e Aaron, b. 1790, never married :
* William, b. Sept. 22, 1796, married and had
2 children ; ^Allen, b. Oct. 12, 1800, married
Bnd bad 3 wives and several children.

Sixth Generation.
* Benjamin Jacobs, b. July 17. 1775. Lived
in South Danvers. Was a Ship master, til.
Sally Poor Jan'y 17, 1802. She died Feb'y
29. 1856. Children— ^Sarah, b. Sept. 19.
1802, d. Oct. 9, 1802 : ^Nancy Poor, b. July
15, 1804, m. Franklin Osborn ; ^Benjamin, b.
March 29. 1806, m. two sisters by the name
ofButtrick; 7 Joseph, b Feb'y 10, 1808, m.
Susan Wilson ; rSarah, b. Aug. 1, 1809, m.
P L Winchester ; ^George, b. April 11, 1812,
d. May 1857 ; ^Richard, b. Aug. 14, 1813, m
Sarah Nourse ; yMary Abbott, b. May 10,
1815, m. R. Smith, d. March 1857; 7 Eliza
Ann. b. July 28, 1817, m. E. F. Lamson ;
'Susan Poor, b. April 23, 1819, m. Francis
Baker.

BRICK BUILDINGS IN SALEM.

From the Gazette of February ith, 1806.
3Ir. Cuxhing. — Perhaps the following list of brick
baildings in Salem may come within the request of
jour correspondent "Caution," who has denired %
communication of an J/ /acts connected with the sub-
ject, which ho is discussing. I bare made the list
with care, and I believe it contains all our brick
buildings. The dates placed against some of them
are intended to show when they were built or fin-
ished. Some of your correspondents, I hope, will
correct any errors they may discover in the list. It
will be a carious fact in the history of Salem, (which
was settled three years betore Boston,) that at the
beginning of the year 1806, there were but fifty
buildings (out of about 2000, entirely of brick in
the whole town. fact.

B

Ward No. 1.

Essex Street, E. S. Lang,

" Benj Dodge,

'* Henry Rust,

Wash'ton St., John Daland,

Market St., IJatliorne & Gray,

F'uh Street, Samuel Gray,

Charter St., Gilbert Chadwick,

Vine Street, Jona. Mason,

" Nathan Pierce,

Water Street, Smith A Douglass,

Neptune St., Elipbalet Butman,

Union Whf., Page & Ropes,

Derby Street, Henry Prince,

" Moses Townsend,

Ward No. 2.

Essex Street, John Gardner,
" William Gray,

'' Chase & Kust

" Jacob P. Rust

Court Street, William Steams,

Ward No. 3.

Essex Street,

Wash'ton St.,

Summer St ,
Chestnut St.,

Henry Rust,
John Ilathorne,
John Appleton,
Abel Lawrence,
Mrs. Uaraden,
Joseph Ropes,
Joshua Ward,
Joseph Baker,
Daniel Gregg,
Jonathan Hodges,
Thomas Saunders,
Chas. Cleveland,

Warren St.,

Ward No. 4.

Essex Street, Albert Gray,

" Daniel Saunders,

" Robert Peele,

Federal St., Joseph Spragae,

1803
1805

1805
1805

1805
1 1804
1 1802
1

1805

1805
1769

1772
1805

1805
1805
1805
1805

56

Court Street, John Derby,

" Archelaui" Rea,

Boston Street, Jonaibau Dean,

1
1
1

26

13

Buildings of other descriptions. — Court Hoise, in
Court Street: Baptist iMeeting House, Marlboro St.;
Balein Bank, Essex St.; Sujiar House. Ash St.; R.
Stone's Distillery, N<>ptune St. ; John Norris's Dis-
tillerv, Water St ; Win. Gray's Stable, St. Peter's
St.; two workshops of one .'tory, in Derby St.; Fort
Pickering on Winter Island; Powder House, in the
Great Pasture. Total, 11.

Buildings partly of brirk. ^Sun Tavern, Essex St.;
Capt. Sage's House, E:?sex St.; Ebenezer Srnit'.., Es-
sex St.; .lohn Watson, Union St.; John Bust's, Coun-
ty St. ; Widow of Daniel Rust, County St.; Jo-iah
Parsons, Water St. ; James Pope's .Marlborough St. ;
Kev. Mr. Spaulding's, Summer St ; Wm. Fabons's,
High St. ; Stephen Phillips's, Chestnut St.: Richard
Savary's, Briggs Court. Total, 12.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF REV. JOSEPH
GREEN% REV. PETER CLARK, AND REV.
BEN.JAMIN WADSWORTH, D. D., MINIS-
TER6 OF SALEM VILLAGE, (NOW DAN-
VERS CENTRE.

BV SAMUEL r. FOWLER.

Eead at a meeting of the Essex Instxtute, Thursday,
March 11, 1838.

Before entering upon oui- subject, it will be
necessary to notice the condition of tbe people
at Salem Village, previous to the settlement of
Rev. Joseph Green.

After the frenzy of 1692 had subsided, and
a comparative calm had succeeded this violent
storm, its inhaijitants began more fully to re-
alize the extent of their misfortunes. During
the excitement in the summer of 1692, they
were only intent upon endeavoring to save
themselves and their friends from imprison-
ment and death. But when the witchcraft
delusion had subsided, they felt most severely
the confiscation of their property, the imposi-
tion of fines, and the suspension of agricultu-
ral labor, and the conseiiuent loss of their
crops. We have documentary evidence of a
largii amount of property being taken from
those accused of witchcraft, and expenses ir-
curred ; fur which they were but partially re-
muneratei by the Genoral Court. Their peti-

tions for relief disclose their sad condition,
and they appear to have been even more de-
sirous that the attainders should be taken off,
than to receive remuneration for their losses.
The following is the petition of Elizabeth Co-
rey, d->.ughter of Giles Corey, for aid : —

"To the Honourable Commite, apointed by
the General Courte to make Enquire with Re-
spect to the Sufferings in the year 1692 : —
These are to give you a short account of our
Sorrows and Sufferings, which was in the year
1692. Sometime in March, our honored fath-
er & mother, Giles Corey & Martha his wife,
was accused for soposed witchcraft, and im-
prisoned & was Removed from one prison to
another, as from Salem to Ipswich, & from
Ipswich to Boston, and from Boston to Salem
again, and so remained in close imprisonment
about four months. We ware at the whole
charge of their maintenance, which was very
chargeable, and so much the more, being so
farr a distance *"rora us, also by reason of so
many removes, in all which we could doe no
less than accompanie them, which further add-
ed both to our trouble and charge, and al-
though that was very great, it is the least of
our grevence or cause of these lines. But that
which bleaks our hearts, and for which we
goe a mourning still, is that our father was
put to Soe Cruell and painfull a death as be-
ing prest to death ; our mother was put to
Death also, though in another way. As we
cannot sufficiently expr«^ss our Grief for the
loss of our father & mother in such a way. So
we cannot Compute our Expences and Cost ;
but shall Comit to your wisdome to judge of.
But, after our father's death, the Sheriff
threatened te seize our father's Estate, and for
fear thereof wee Complied with him, and paid
him Eleven pounds six shillings in monie, by
all which we have bein greatly damnified and
impoverished, by being exposed to sell crea-
tures and all other things for a little more
than half the worth of them, to get the money
to pay as aforesaid, and to maintain our fath-
er and mother in prison. But that which is

57

grievous to us is. that we are not only im-
poverished but also Reproached, and so may
be to all generations, and that wrongfully
tew, unless something be done for the remov-
ing thereof. All which we humbly Committ
to the honoura'-le Jourte, Praying God to di-
rect to that which may bee acceptable in his
sight, and for the good of this land,
September ye 13/A, 1710.

We cannot Judge our necessary Expense to
be less than Ten pounds. Wee subscribe your
humble Servants in all Christian obediance.

Elizabeth Corey, daughter of ^JUes Corej,
in behalf of the rest of the familie.

To the Honerd Commity apointed by the
General Court to Inquire into the names prop-
er to be inserted in the bill for takeing off the
Attainder, and what damages They Sustained
by their prosecutions: — These are to signify
that [, Philip Englishj was Imprisoned to-
gether with my VVhife, in Salem Prison, and
then carried to Boston Prison, and there lay
nine weeks; from whence we made our Escape,
in which time, beside our Charge in flying.
and had Qur Estate taken away from the
Wharf House, at the point of Kocks, to the
amount of £1183 2 shil. And is a true ac-
count of what I had seized, taken away, lost
and embezled, whilst I was in prison, in ye
year 1692. And whilst on my flight for my
life, besides a considerable quantity of house-
hold go> ids and otiier things, which I cannot
exactly give a particular account, and for all
which I never Received any other or further
satisfaction for them, than Sixty Pounds paid
me by the Administrator of George Curwin,
late Sheriffe, deceas'd, ard the Estate was so
seized and taken away Chiefly by the Sheriffe
and his under officers, notwithstanding I had
given four thousand Pound B 'nd with Surity
at Boston. Philip English.

The Honorable Committee now sitting in
Salem, Sept. 13th, 1710. Whpreas, my moth-
er, Ann Foster of Andover, Suffered Imprison-
15

ment 21 weeks, and upon her Tryall was con-
demned for supposed witchcraft, upon such
evidence as now is Generally thought Insuffi-
cient, and died in Prison ; 1 being well per-
swaded of my mother's Innocency of the crime
for which she was condemned. I Humbly De-
sire that ihe Att:iinder may be taken off. The
Charges and Expenses for my mother during
her Imprisonment, is as follows : —

The money which J was forced to pay the
Keeper before I could have the dead body of
my mother, to bury her, was £2 lOw ; money
& provisions expended while she was in Pris-
on, £4; total expences, 6 pounds 10 Shil-
lings.

Abram Fost^, the son of the Deceased.

To the Honored Committee, appointed by
ye Generall Court to Inquire into ye names of
such *s may bo meet for takeing off ye Attain-
der, and for ye makeing some Restitution ;
and these Humbly and Sorrowfully Shew that
our Dear and Honored father, Mr. George
Burroughs, was aprehended in April, 1692,
at Wells, and Imprisoned several months in
Boston and Salem Jails, and at last condemned
& executed for witchcraft, wliich we have aU
ye reason in ye world to believe he was inno-
cent of. By his careful catechizing his chil-
dren and upholding religion in his family, and
by his solemn and Savory written Instructions
from Prison. We were left a parsell of small
children, helpless, andu rr other- in -law with
one small child of her own, whereby she was
not capable to take care of us, by all which our
father 8 Estate was most of it lost and ex-
pended. We cannot tell certainly wliat ye
loss may be, but ye least we can Judge, by
best information, it was fifty pounds, beside
ye damage that has accrued to us many ways
thereby is some hundred pounds. We ear-
nestly pray that ye attainder may be taken off,
and if you please, fifty pounds may be res-
tored.
Charles Burroughs, Elder son, \u ye nanje of

the rest.

58

To the Honofed Gi-netall Courte. now sitting
in Boston 'this 12th of October, 1692 ; -

Right honored Gentlemen and Fathers. —
We, your humble petitioners, whose names
are underwritten, peiition your honors as fol-
loweth : — We would nof trouble you with a
Tedious diversion, hut briefly spre.vd open our
distressed conditi n, and beg your honors' fa-
vour and pity in affording what relief m- y be
thought Convenient. As for The matter of
our Troubles it is the distressed condition of
our wives and Relations in prison at Salem,
who are a company of poor, distressed creai-
tures, as full of inward grief and Trouble as
they are able to b^ar up in life with all. And
besides the agrivation of outward Troubles and
hardships they undergo, want of food, and
the coldness of the winter season that is com-
ing, may so jD dispatch snctoutof the way,
that have not been used to such hardships.—
And besides this, the exceeding great Charges
dnd expences that we are at, upon many ac-
counts, which will be to Tedious to give a par-
ticular accouut of, which will fall heavy upom
us, especially in a time of so great charge an(^
elpence upon a geiieral account in the Coun-
ty, which is expected oJ us to bear a part as
well as others ; which, if put all together,
our families & estates will be brought to Ruin,
if it cannot in time be prevented. Having
spread open our condition, we humbly make
our address to your llonourn, to Grant that
our wives and Relations, being such that have
been approved as penitent confessors, might be
returned home to us upon what bond your
honors may see good, we do not petition to
take them out ot the hand of Justic^, but to
remove them as Prisoners under bonds in their
own families when they maly be more tenderly
cared for, and be ready to appear tc onsWer
further when the Honored Court shall call for
them. We humbly cave your honors favor
and pitty lor us and our^ Having set down
our Troubled State before you we heartily
pray for your Honors.
John Osgood in behalf of bia wife.

John Fry in behalf of his wife.

Jo5in Marston, in behalf ol his wife. Ma-
ry Marston.

Christopher Osgood, in behalf of his daugh-
ter, Mary Marston.

Joseph Wilson, in behalf of his wife.

John Bridges, in behalf of his wife and
children.

Hope Tyle*, in behalf of bis wife and daugh-
ter.

Ebenezor Barker, for his wife.

Nathaniel Dane, for his wife.

To the Honored General Court sitting in Bos-
ton.

The humble Petition of Thomas Heart, In-
habitant at Lynn, sheweth that whereas Eliza-
beth Hart, mother to the Petitioner, was tak-
en into Custody in the latter end of May last,
and ever since committed to prison in Boston
Jail, for Witchcraft, though in all which
time nothing has appeared against her where-
by to reuder her deserving of Imprisonment or
death. The petitioner being obliged by all
Christian duty as becomes a child to parents
to make application for the Inlargement of hia
Haid mother, being ancient and not able to un-
dergo the hardsiiips that is iLflicted from ly-
ing in misery, and death is rather to be chosen
than life in her circumstances. The father of
the petitioner being ancient and decripit, was
wholly unable to attend in this matter, and
petitioner having lived from his childhood un-
der the same roof with his said mother he dare
presume to affirm that he never saw, nor knew,
any ill or sinful practice wherein there was any
shew of Impiety, nor witchcraft by her, and
were it otherwise he would not for the world,
and all the Enjoyments thereof, Nurish or
support any creature that ye knew engaged in
the Drugery of Satan. It is well known to
all the neighbours that the petitioners mother
has Lived a sober and Godly life always ready
to discharge the part of a good Christian, and
never deserving of affliction's from ye hand's
of men fur any thing ot this nature. May it

59

hum My therefore please your Honored Court
to take this mutter into your Coneideration. in
order to the Speedy Inlurgement of this per-
■on. So much abused, and the petioner as in
Duty bound shall Ever pray.

Thomas Hart.
Dated the 19th of Oct. 1G92.

To the Honourable General Court now sitting

in Boston.

Th-^ Humble Petition of Nicholas Rist of
Beading — Showeth, that whereas Sara Kist
wife to the petitioner, was taken into Custo-
dy the first day of June last, and ever since
lain in Boston J:iil, for wiiclicraft, though in
all this time nothing has been made to appear
for which she deserved Imprisonment or death,
the petitioner has been a husband to the said
woman above twenty years, in all which time
he never had reason to accuse her for any Im-
posture or Witchcraft, but the contrary — She
lived'witb him as a good faithful, dutiful wife
and always had respect to the ordinances of
God. while her strength remained, and the pe-
titioner on that cont>ideration is obliged in
conscience and Justice, to use all lawful!
means for the support and preservation of her
life ; and it is deplorable that in old age. the
poor decreped woman should be under confine-
ment so long ic a stinking Jail, when her cir-
cumstances rather requires a nurse to attetid
her. May it therefore please your honors, to
take this matter into your prudent considera-
tion, and direct some speedy methods whereby
this ancient decrepid person may not forever
be in such misery, wherein her life is made
more afflictive to her than death, and the peti-
tioner shall, OS in duty bound. Ever pray.

Nicholas Kist.

To the Honourable Committee, Bitting in Sa-
lem, Sept. 13th. 1710.

An account of what was seized and taken a-
•way. by the Sheriff, or his deputy, and assis-
tants, out ot the Estate of Samuel Wardwell,
late of Andover, Deceased, who suffered the
pain of Death, under condemnation on the

Borrowfull tryals for witchcraft, in the year
1692. Seized and taken away :•*-

£ Shil. d,

5 Cows, at 2 pounds apiece, - 10 0 U
1 Heifer and a Yearling, - - 2 5 9
1 Horse. --.-300

9 Hogs, 7 0 0

8 Loads Hay, .... 4 .0 0
A set of Carpenter's Tools, - - 1 10 0

6 agres of Corn upon the ground, 9 0 0

£ 36 15 0

Abigail Faulkner, of Andover, who received
a pardon from Governor Phipjis, in her peti-
tion, says: ' 'The pardon so far had its effect
as that I am as yet suffered to live, but this
only as a malefactor, convicted upon record of
ye most beinious crimes, that mankind can bo
supposed to be guilty, which, besides its utter
Ruining and Defaming my Reputation, will
certainly Expose myself to Imment Danger hj
new accusations, which will thereby be ye
more readily believed, will remain a perpetual
brand of Infamy upon my family. Do hum-
bly pray that this High & honourable Court
will please to take my case into Serious Con-
sideration. and order the Defacing of ye rec-
ord against me, so that I may be freed from
ye evil consequences Thereof." Others petition-
ed that something might be done, to take off
the infamy from the names and memory of
those, who have suffered from witchcraft, and
that none ot their surviving relatives, nor their
posterity might suffer reproach upon that ac-
count. But how little do we know of the es-
timation posterity will form of our actions.—
The ignominy they so much dreaded, has long
since passed from them, without the much
•ought intervention of the General Court, and
fastened itself upon their accusers, and the
originators of this strange delusion.
The people of Salem Village, after the sad occur-
rences of 1692, which left them in a broken and
distracted state, were fortunate in their choice of
a pastor, Rev, Joseph Green, who was em-
inently qualified to heal all past difficulties,
and restore order &. harmony. Mr. Green wap

60

ordained over the Church ut the Villu^e, Nov.
10th, 1698. The churches represented upon
the occasion, were from Beverly, Wenham,
Keading & Roxhury. Hia salary was eighty
pounds, & thirty cords of wood It appears
from the church records, that he took an early
opportunity to induce its members to admit to
their communion the three dissenting brethren,
John Tarbell, Thomas Wilkins & Samuel
Nourse, and their wives, who were leaders in
the opposition against Rev. Samuel Parrie, in
1692. After several attempts, Mr. Green suc-
ceeded in persuading his church to revoke the
oentcnce of excommunication against Martha
Corey, who was executed for witchcraft. —
And it was during his ministry, that Ann Put-
nam was admitted to full communion with the
church, upon her humble confession.

Ann apologises for her conduct, by disclaim-
ing the indulgence of anger, malice, or ill will
aguini^t those she Accused, and says she was
deluded by Satan, in her false accusatione. —
And it is a singular fact, worth remembering,
as an exhibition of human nature, that ail
those, who were in any way connected with
wix'licraft at "lalem Village, after the excite-
ment had subsided, excused themselves for
their participation in its tollies, by casting the
■whole blame upon the devil, and asserting thry
\rere wholly unable to withstand his delusions.

Mr, Green was called from his labors at Sa-
lem Village, by death, Nov. 26, 1715, in the
fortieth year ol his age. He graduated at
Cambridge College, in 1695, & married Eliza
beth, daughter of Mr. Gerrish, of Wenham.
He baptised during his ministry of 18 years,
106 adults, and 528 children. During his
residence at the Village, the half way cove-
nant was introduced. Mr, Green was an emi-
nent peace maker, and labored to remove the
many difficulties in hia church, which arose in
Mr. Parris's ministry, and happily succeed jd.
He appears to have been hignly esteemed bjr
all who knew him, and his removal by death
was sincerely lamented. He was buried in
the Wadsworth burial ground, in Danvers,
where a slab of black elate was erected at the

bead of his grave, now m a good state of pres-
ervation, with the following inscription : —

Sub Hoc Cae-pc,
Requiescunt, in spe Beatae Resurectionis,
Reliquiae Revertndi D. Joseph Green, A. M.,
Uujuace Ecclesiae Per XVIII Annorum Fere

Spatium,
Pastoris Vigiiantissinii,
Viri Sempiteriia memoria Tenendi,
Turn Gravitate Doctrinae Tum Suavitate mo-
rum,
Qui Decessit ex hie aerumnosa vita sexto
Caiendas Decembres Anno Domini MDCCXV,
Impleverat jam annum quadragessimum.*

The following notice of his death is to be
seen in the church wcords. in the hand writing
of Dea. Edward Putnam : — "Then was the
choicest flower and goodliest tree in the garden
of our God, here cut down in its prime and
flourishing state, at the age of 40 years and 21
days; who had been a faithful embassador
fiom God to us, 18 years. Then did that
bright star set, and never more to appear here
among us, then did our sun go down, and novr
what darkness is come among us. Put away
and pardon all our iniquities, oh ! Lord, which
has been the cause of thy sore displeasure, and
again return to us in mercy, and provide yet
again for tins thy fl-ick, a Paf^tor alter thine
own heart, as thou hast promised in thy word,
in which promise we here hope, lor we are call*
ed by thy name, oh, Leave us not.''

A meeting of the Village Church, was held at
the house of Dea. Putnam, the 19th of April,

*TRAN8LATI0If.

Under this sod,
Lie in hope of a happy resurrection.
The remains ot the Reverend deceased Joseph

Green, A. M.,
Of this church for nearly the period of eighteen

years,
A most vigilant Pastor,

A man to be held iu perpetual remembrance,
Both for seriousness of diseo«rse and agreeableness

of mannors,
Who departed from a laborious life in this place on

the Gth day
Of the calends of December in the year of the Lord,

1715,
He had just completed his fortieth year.

61

1717, for the purpose of looking to God for di-
rection in settling a minster. The church vot-
ed, that Capt. Putnam, Deacon Putnam, and
Mr. Cheever, be a Committee to present their de-
sires to the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark, and request
bim to settle with them in the ministry, and
make a report to the church in due time. Mr.
Clark made answer to the call of the church
as follows ; —

April 23d. 1717-
To the church of Christ, at Salem Village.

My answer to your request, brethren and
friendf, duly renpected in the Lord, I thankful-
ly received this testimony of your love, and res-
pect towafds me; in calling me, tho' little wor
thy in my sel', to the oflSce of a Pastor, among
you, wherefore I do hereby testify ray accep-
tance, and shall according to the grace and a
bility given me of God. be willing to serve
YOU in the oflSce and work of the gospel min-
istry, as God shall continue my opportunity
and call, hereunto desiring your prayers to
God for me. Peter Clark.

Mr. Clark was ordained June 5th, 1717. —
The churches present at the ordination, were
from Beverly, Wenham, Reading & Topsfield.
He was to receive 90 pounds as his settlement,
a salary of 90 pounds per annum, and the
parsonage. Mr. Clark thuri notices the great
earthquake in his church records, Nov. 29th,
1727. "Being Lords day, at night, between
10 & 11 o'clock, there happened a very great
earthquake, accompanied witli a terrible noise
and shaking, which was greatly surprising to
ye whole land, ye rumbling in ye bowels of
the earth, with some lesser trepidation of the
earth, has been repeated at certain times, for
divers weeks after.'* On the 26th of Nov.
1729, 24 members of the village church were
dismissed to help form the church in Middle-
too, gathered under the ministry of their first
Pastor, Rev. Andrew Peters. A little more
than half a century had now elapsed, since
the fatal delusion of witchcraft had broken
out at Salem Village, and it is probable there
vrere some aged members of the oburcb, who
16

remembered that sad event, and had ever been
vigilant and careful to repress any approach
towards divination, or the supposed practices
of witches. Mr. Clark may have entertained
the notion held by Dr. William Douglas, the
author of the '^Historical Summary,*' that
witchcraft, enthusiasm and other maniac dis-
orders, was endemial in Salem and its neigh-
borhood and being like its weeds, indigenous
to its soil, required a Pastor's watch and care
to notice their first appearance and root them
out. But we have no evidence that such was
his belief; he properly entertained a convic-
tion, that divin>uion, invoking the dead or
spiritualism, witchcraft and diabolism, and
their kindred arts should not be practised in a
Christian Church. There being reports that
reputed witches were in the village, and were
practising their arts by divination &c., and
that members of the parish were consulting
them, Mr. Clark immediately called together
the church on the 5th of Sept. 1746, to make
enquiry into the matter, and the following
votes were passtd at the meeting, let That
for chriiitians, especially church members, to
seek to and consult reputed witches, or fortune
tellers, this church is clearly of the opinion
and firmly believes, on ye testimony of ye
word of God, is highly injurious and scanda-
lous, being a violation of the christian cove-
uant involved in baptism, rendering ye persons
guilty of it, subject to ye just censure of ye
church No proof appearing against any mem-
ber of ye church (some of whom had been
strongly suspected of this crime) so as to con-
vict them of their being guilty, it was further
voted, 2nd, That ye pastor in ye name of ye
church, should publicly testify their disappro-
bation and abhorrence of this infamous and
ungodly practice of consulting witches or for-
tune letters, or any that are reputed such,
exhorting all under their watch, who may be
guilty of it, to an hearty repentance and re-
turning to God, fervently seeking forgiveness
in ye blood of Christ, and warning all against
ye like practice for ye time to come.

62

The next Sabbath, Sept. 7th, this testimony,
exhortation and warning was publicly read to
the congregation iroui the pulpit by the pas-
tor. Tiiese old women, who so troubled Mr.
Clark in 1746 were the last witches (we mean
diabolical onei») seen at Salem Village. Yonng
and elderly ladies still continue however to
meet there, as in olden traie, in circles and
classes, and it is Supposed they have not lost
any of their bewitching artfr, but fortunately
they are not exercieed in the same way as in
16^. The last record made by Mr. Clark in
the churol) book was Nov. 8th, 1767, at which
time his health failed, and he was compelled
to forego the labors of the pulpit. He contin-
ued to decline during the early part of the
season of 1768, frequently attempting to
preach, and olten failing. The last t'ime he
appeared before his people, he faltered in the
service^ and leaned against the pulpit, which
one of iii*t deacons noticing, he went to Lis
assistance, and led him home. His death oc-
curred soon after June 10th, 1768, and is thus
noticed by Dea. Asa Putnam in the records,
"Now it has pleased God in his holy Provi
dence, to take away from us our dear and Rev.
Pastor by death, Mr. Peter Clark, who de
parted this life, June ye lOth, 1768, in ye 76
year of his age, and on ye 15th day was his
funeral. It was attended with great solemni-
ty; his corpse was carried into the meeting-
house, and prayer was made by ye Rev. Mr,
Diman of Salem. A sermon was delivered by
Rev. Mr B.irnarJ of S.ilena, from Gal. 3 chap
11 verse. It was th^en removed to the grave,
with the church walking before the corpse as-
sisted by twelve bearers, with a great con-
course of people following. After his inter-
ment we left his deceased body in ye dust, for
"worpis to feed upon, which we took so much
delight and satisfaction in. He is gone, who
has been so faithful in ye ministry among this
people, the number of fifty one years — Now he
is gone, never to sec his face no more in this
world, no more to hear the precious instruc-
tions, and examples out of bis mouth in pub-
lic, or in private. That je God of all grace

woul^l be pleased to sanctify this great be-
reavemeni to this church and congregation for
good, and in his own due time give us another
Pastor after his own heart, to feed this people
with truth, knowledge and understanding that
this church may not be left like sheep with-
out a shepherd. But of these things he will
be enquired of, O house of Israel to do it for
them.'*

Mr. Clark, during his ministry of 51
years, baptised 46 adults, 1,226 children and
admitted 309 persons into his church. He
was buried in the Wadsworth burying ground
in Danvers, with the following inscription up-
on his^ravo stone:

"Here lies Intombed the remains of the Rev.
Mr. Peter Clark, for about 51 years the pain-
ful, laborious, and faithful pastor of the first
Church in this town. He was a great Divine;
an accomplished Christian, in whose character
ye most exemplary patience, humility and
meekness. Were illustriously displayed. He
was born March l^th, 1693, Graduated at
Harvard College in Cambridge 1712, ordained
pastor of ye church in this town, June 5th,
1717. He lived much esteemed and respected,
and after a long life spent in ye service of re-
ligion. He died much lamented June lOtb,
1768, .^tatis 76.

Wrapt in his arms, wlio lied on Calvary's plain.
We murmur not Blest shade, nor dare coinplaine;
Fled to those seats *here perfect Spirits Shine,
We mourn our lot, yet still rejoice 'n thine;
Taught by tby tongue, By thy example led,
We Blessed thee living, and revere thee Dead.
Sleep here tby Dust, till the Last Trump shall Soand,
Iben sbalt thou rise, and be with perfect Glory
Crown'd."

Mr. Barnard, in his funeral sermon, observes
that Mr. Clark was well acquainted with an-
cient & modern learning, his style pure, ner-
vous & clear, cool or pathetic, as his subject
required; and by means of his conversing
much with the best modern authors, more ele-
gant & pleasing to the politer world than most
of his equals in age. His printed works are
somewhat numerous upon many public occa-

6-3

sions, he being the most voluminous •writer
that ever lived in Danvers. Mr. Clark preach-
ed the Artillery Election Sermon in 1736, Con-
vention Sermon in 1745, Dudleian Sermon in
1763, & the Eleciion Sermon in 1739. I have
in my possession two sermons preached by
him, the firttt to a society of young men in the
North Parish in Di'.nvers, Dec. 15th 1757 ;
the second, a sermon from Psal. 119, 109th
verse, containing "A word in S-^ason to Sol-
diers, preached .April 6th, 1755 being Lcrd^s
Day before muster of a number of Soldiers in
the North Parish in Danvers, who had enlisted
in the public service of the King and Country.
in the intended Eastern expedition." Most oi
the recruits put up notes on the occasion, re-
questing prayers of the congregation. So-re
of them r. quested that "God would preserve
them, especially from sin, and some of them ad
ded, the "worst of evils." .Mr. Clark was fond
of controversy, and wrote several books in de-
fence ot original sin, and in favor of infant
baptism. After his death, the people in the
North Parish in Danvers, invited Mr. Amos
Sawyer to settle with them in the ministfy,
who acC'-pted the invitation, but died before
the time appointed for his Ordination. An in-
Titation was then extended to Mr. Joseph Cur-
rier to become their Pastor, but in consequence
of some difiBculties arising in the Parish, h«
gave his answer in the negative. On the 30th
of August, 1772, the church voted to give the
Rev. Benjivniin Wadsworth a call, who re-
turned the following answer :

To the North chut-ch & corigregation in Dan--
vers. Dear'ybeloved in Ohrist : —

Whereas, the great Governor of the Uni-
verse has. in his wise Providence, (some time
since.) removed your former Revereni*. wor-
thy and "very laborious pastor, into the land
ofBilence ; and your desire for the resettlement
^the Gospel ministry has evidenced itself in
yoar invitation of me (unwoithy as I am,) to
that important work ; tho' it must be con-
fessed the voice of all the people did not unite
in the call, yet as the answer has been deferred
for -a coHsidarable time, the practical language

of your offering no objection to me, I can't
but suppose speaks your general concurrence.
Afture mature deliberation, and many anxious
thoughts upon a matter of so great conse-
quence, both to yourselves and me, having
been importunate with God for direction, and
sought the advice of men, I have concluded to
accept of your invitation upon the terms pro-
posed, humbly confiding in ihe great head of
the church for assistance faithfully to discharge
the duty incumbent upon a minister of the
Gospel, and in your goodness for a comforta-
ble subsistence, if what you have already pro-
posed for that end should p.ove insufficient'
And a^ your earnest prayers for me, that a
divine blessing may attend all my ministerial
labors, and that I may obtain grace to be
faithful, and mercy to be successful, heartily
wishing that grace, mercy and peace may be
the stability of our times. Thus I subscribe
myself your affectionate friend & servant in
the Lord. Benjamin Wadsworth.

Milton, Nov. 5th, 1772.
Mr. Wadswor h was ordained Dec. 23,
1772, and the following persons were present :
Dr. Appl'^ton from Cambridge, Mr. Robbing
from Milton, Mr. Morrell from Wilmington,
Mr. Dunbar from Stoughton, Mr. Williams
from Weymouth, Mr. Diman from Salem,
Mc. Holt from South Danver.-*. Mr. Smith .''rom
Middleton, Mr. Stone from Reading, Mr.
Swain from Wenham, and Mr. Sherman from
Woburn. The records of the chorch inform
us "that Mr. Holt opened the solemnities by
prayer ; Mr. Robbins preached from Eph. 2d
17th. Mt. Morrill prayed and gave the
charge, and Mr. Smith gave the right hand of
fellowship. AH the services was carried on
with order and decency. May heaven smile up-
on the services of the day." I have been in-
formed by aged people, who were present at
the ordination, that the dHy was so mild and
pleasant, tlie windows of the church were
raised. It was a scene of great festivity
throughout the parish ; all the houses were
open, and these failing to accomtoodate th«
concourse of people^ tents Trere erected in tiit

64

fields opposite the meeting house for tht-ir use.
Mr. Wadsworth, at the time of his ordination,
was 22 years of age. The nnmber of male
members belonging to the church at the com-
mencement of his niinis:,ry, was 45 ; females,
91. Nov. 3d, 1775 —The church voted to
sing out of Dr. Watts's hymns on trial for 8
weeks. On Monday, Sept. 23d, 1805, the so-
ciety met with a severe loss, their meeting-
house being destroyed by fire. It was discov-
ered about 4 o'clock in the morning, & was
supposed to be the work of an incendiary. —
The following Sabbath the society worshipped
in the school house in District No 5, where a
sermon was preached by Mr. Wadsworth,
from Isaiah, 64th chap. 11th verse. Dec.
26th was observed by the society as a day of
humiliation, lasting and prayer, on account
of the loss of their meeting house. The church
met to consult on measures for supplying the
sacramental table with suitable furniture. —
The set of table service in the house at the
time of the firs, consisted of two flagons & two
tankards of pewter, and eight silver cups, val
ued about 30 dollars each. They were pre-
sented to the church by different individuals,
and as the silver was not found after the fire,
it was supposed they were taken by a sacri-
legious hand.

The .Pari.<h held a meeting Oct. 4th, for the
purpose of seeing what action they would take
in regard to building a new meeting house.—-
They voted unanimously to rebuild, and on
the 2d of November contracted with Col. Eb-
enezer G..odale to build a brick house for the
sum of $10,000, to be completed by the 1st of
Sept., 1806. On the 21st day of May, 180G,
the buildi'ig was commenced. On Thursday,
the 20th of November following, on a fine, pleas-
ant day, the new brick meeting house was
dedicated. Public worship was first held in
the house Nov. 23. 1806, and on Monday, the
8th of D*icember following, the pews were
sold. Mr. Wadsworth was honored with the
degree of Doctor of Divinity from Harvard
College in 1816. July 18th, 1819, the
scriptures were first read in puijlic.

The last record in the church book made by
Dr. Wadsworth, was July 18th, 1824. His
sickness and death are thus recorded by Eleazer
Putnam, Esq : —

"Rev. Dr. Wad worth deceased the 18th of
January. A. D , 1826, after a severe illness of
ten months. He retained his reason to the
last moments of his life. He has enjoyed a
long and peaceful ministry among us His
funeral was attended the 23d inst., by a large
concourse of people, and the services were sol-
emn and appropriate. Kev. Mr. Green ad-
dressed the throne of Grace, Rev. Mr. Dana
preached the sermon, and the Rev Dr. Woods
made the last prayer. "Bles>ed .are the dead
who die in the Lord." He lias buried in the
Wadsworth burial ground in Danvcrs, and the
following inscription may be seen over his re-
mains : Consecrated to the memory of Btnja-
min Wadsworth, D. D., a tender, iaitlilul
husband and ftxther, a valuable Iriend and ju-
dicious counsellor, an exemplary christian,
and distinguished public servant of the Prince
of Peace, who entered into his rest Jan 18th,
A. D , 1826, in the 76th year of his age, and
54th of his ministry in this place.

" Tis great to pause and think on what a
brighter world than thia his spirit shines. "

Near his grftve lies buried his colored ser-
vant, who lived many years in his family. —
Dr. Wadsworth erected over her remains a
stone, on which is to be seen the following in-
scription : In memory of Phebe Lewis, who
died Jan. 10th, 1823, aged 49 years. She
shone a hiight example of integrity and fidel-
ity, and proved an ornament to the christian
profession.

Benj. Wadsworth was born in Milton, Mass,
July 18, 1750, and graduated at Harvard Col-
lege in 1769. The year succeeding his gradu-
ation, he was engaged in teaching a school ;
after which he resided at Cambridge, and pur-
sued the study of Theology, under the direc-
tion of Professor Wigglesworth, and in the
spring of 1772, was licensed to preach. On
the 23d of December following, he accepted

65

the pastoral charge of the First Church in
Dan vers. Enjojing vigorous health, he con-
tinued to labor without interruption, until the I
last year of his life. He was never detained •
from his pulpit, during his ministry more than j
four or five sabbaths. The whole number of
persons admitted into the church during Dr.
Wadsworth s pastorate of 54 years, were 260.
He baptized 810 children, and 86 adults. At
the period of hii death, there was not a male
member of his church living, that belonged to
it when he was ordained, and only two fe-
males. The following is a list of his publica-
tions : —

A Sermon at the ordinatnn of Rev. Josiah
Badcock,at Andover, N. II , Ajril 30th, 1782.
A Thanksgiving Serm>n in 1795. A Thanks-
giving Sermon in 1796. Eulogy on Washing-
ton in 1800. A Sermon at the dedication of
the Brick Meeting House, Nov. 20th, 1806.—
A Sermon before the Bible Society, of Salem,
and its vicinity, in 1815. An Address before
the Moriil Society, in Danvers, for the sup-
pression of Intemperance, in 1815. A Ser-
mon at the installation of Rev. Moses Dow, in

1815. A Sermon at the Brick Meeting Hnuse,
Nov. 7th. 1816. before the Female Cent Socie-
ty, in Danvers and Middleton, A Sermon at
the interment of the Hon. i^amuel Holten, in

1816. A Discourse on the death of Dr. M.-i-
nasseh Cutler, July 28, 1823. A Sermon
preached upon the death of Benjamin Heze-
kiah Flint, and Bethiah Sheldon, Nov. 19th,
1820.

Dr. Wadsworth was not. like his predecess-
or, the Rev. Peter Clark, lond of controversial
writing, but on the contrary sought and ob-
tained a peaceful ministry, undisturbed by the
changes taking place around him. Mr. Clark,
as a controversialist always had his lance in its
rest, and was ever ready to shiver it with any
one, who ch'jse to encounter him. The sala-
ry of Doct. Wadsworth was small, never ex-
ceeding $400 per annum, and would have giv-
en him a meagre support, had it not been for
his frugal habits, and the income fiom prop-

17

erfy acquired by marriage. He appears to
have fully understood that his salary was not
what it should have been, as in signing his re-
ceipts for money received from the parish
treasurer, he sometimes added, "a very inade-
quate support." As several of his parinhoners
were sea-faring men, he was in the habit of
making adventures at sea, and not being
charged for freight or commissiim it was a
small source of income to him. Our recollec-
tion of him is that of a gentleman of the old
school, dressed in black velvet small clothes,
with silk stockings, and \ hite topped boots. —
He wore bands in the pulpit, and black silk
gloves, with the ends of the thumb and fore
finger cut ofif, the better to enable him to turn
over the leaves of his sermon. He was in the
habit of bowing to the old men, aud his most
distinguished parishoners, as he passed up the
broad aisle, first on the one side and then on
the other. Although in the pulpit, the tone
of his voice was low and monotonous, and he
was clos-ely confined to his notes, yet he pos-
sessed by nature, superior powers cf mind. —
His written productions always evinced a
sound and dit>criminating judgment, a vivid
imagination, and a correct and refined taste.
He rever presented religion in a harsh or un-
pleasant manner; but by letting its native at-
tractions, sliine through the medium of a rich
and elevated style, he sought to inspire every
heart with love to its author. He had a deep
solicitude for the welfare of the rising genera-
tion, and would often call together the chil-
dren and youth in his parish, and with the
most afiectionate tenderness intreat them to re-^
member their Creator, in the morning of life.
His private character was distinguished by a
combination of various excelleuves. Hie equa-
nimity of temper was remarkable. Temper-
ance and prudence combined, with the most
refined afiability and benevolence, rendered
him an example of personal and social excel-
lence. The calm serenity of mind, which he
manifested, under every dispensation of Provi-
dence, was not the result of iijsensibilit^ ; fop

66

lie hdd a heatt feelingly alive to all the tender
sympathies of our nature.

Dr Milton P Braman, the successor of Dr.
Wadsworth, in the ministry of the first parish
in Danvers, was ordained April 12, 1626.

The ^mstoratt'S of the three last ministers
of this ancient church, embraces a period of
138 yearn, and is probably wichout a parallel
in New £ngland.

OLD SCRAPS.

SEItBRAL COURT IN SALEM IN 1774.

Messrs. Editors. — I send you a copy of a document
in my possession, which may be read with some in-
terest. This paper is in the handwriting of Col
Timo. Pickering. B.

"Expenoes of fitting the Town House in Salem, to
accommodate the House of Representatives, June,
1774: —

£ 8 d
Benja. Pickman, Esq., for boards, - 2 14 9
Josiah tii>uld, for Carpenter's work, - 1 6 4
Benj. Ward 3d. ditto <t Joists, 19 1

James Andrew, Carpenter's Work, - 16 4

Tbos. lirown, ditto - - -18 0

"Willm. Pickman's acct. for Nails - - 1 0 3
James Gould, lor Carpenter's Work, - 1 13 10

10 16 7

To the honorable House of Representatives of the

proviuce of Massachusetts Bay:

May it please your Honours. — We received a letter
from the Secretary, acquainting Us that his Excel-
lency the Governor had directed him to desire us to
make provision for the accommodation of the two
Houses; in consequence of which we ordered seats
to be made iu the Town House, where your Honours
now sit; and the foregoing account shows the ex-
pences incurred thereby. Many other expences for
cleansing and repairing, we have omitted; and noth-
ing is included in the foregoing account but the
charges necessarily occasioned in erecting those Seats.

We pray yonr Honours' allowance of that account,
and an order on the Treasurer for tbe amount there-

Titho. Pickering, JUn., 1
IVm. Pickman, 1

Willm. Northey, \

Rich'd Ward. J

Selectmen

of

Salem.

SAli'L BROWME — MBRCHANT IN SALt:U — HIS 1M.STKDC-
TIONS TO CAPT. JOHN TOUZELL— VOYAGE TO THE
WEST INDIES.

Salbm, New England, Decem'r 19, 1727.

Mr. John. Touzell — "You are hereby appointed
Master of my Sloop Endeavour, and being Leaden A
supplyed with what is needful for your voyage, you
are therefore to take ye first good opportunity of
wind <fc weather, & come to Sail with sail vessell, di-
recting your course and making the best of your
way for the West Indies; and you may Touch at
Barbados, St. Christopher's, or Antegoa or Jamaica,
ai.d if any good marketts att any of those Places,
then you may dispose of my Cargoe I consign you
by Bill of Loading & Invoice herewith given you, to
my best advantage, & Purchase a Loading of good
MoUasses, Som<? Rum, good Cotton wool, good Cocoa
Nutts & good Indigo, and any other thing you may
bring here with Safety, that will turn to advantage,
or, if the markets are Low at ye English I.-tlands,
then you may goe & Trade at Gruardelupe, Cape Fran-
cois, or any of the french Islands, where you Can
gett Permition to Trade, & with Safety, and bring
my Effdctd as afforesaid. If you should Trade at
Martinico, Gett of Mr. Barbolton the_ Eifucts of my
Sloop's Cargo Left iu his hands, of tlie Last Voyage
in good Mollasses. Imploy your Conpers Diligently
in making Cas-k for your Mullasses which you pur-
chase for me, make what Dispatch you Can back to
New England to me. Leave no debts on my account.
If possible to avoid itt, Butt Bring the whole Pro-
ceeds of my Cargoe in ?iuch goods as I have men-
tioned, be Careful to pay your Port Charges, and
not to bring anything Home to endang r a Seizure
of my Vessell. Take Care that yourself, Mate &
Seamen Pay their Proportion of the charge of Per
mition To Trade at the French Islands, if you Should
go & Trade there; lor it is Butt Reasonable that they
Should Pay their Part who Reap Equall advantage
with me according to their Ptir'^s, and Suffer nothing
to be brought in the Vessell more than their Privi*
leidge, without Paying freight. Consult my Inter-
est, & make Dispatch in ray Buissiness, & use the
greatest Prudence, Diligence & good Husbandry you
Can in all my affairs, and Endeavour to make me a
^ood Voyage, advise me of your Proceedings pr Eve
ry opportunity. So wishing you a Prosperous voy-
age, Comitt you to the Protection of Almighty God,
I am Yr Freind & Imployer,

Sam'll Browne.

Bring Some Oranges & Limes.

NOTICE TO PROPRIETORS OF BEVERLY BRIDGE IN 1788.

«Xo .You, being one of the Proprietors of

67

£s$ex Bri'lge, and owning four shares, are hereby
notified that a meeting of the Directors of said
Bridgp, held at Leech's tavern in Ueverly, on Satur*
daj the seventh day of June instant, they asset^sed
on each share the sum of tircnty dollars: and that
the sQui due from you is eighty dollars; which sum
must be paid in fifteen days after this no'ice, other-
wise your said shares will be sold at publick vendue,
agreeably to the rules and regulutions of the said
Proprieto"^. Dated at Beverly this ninth day of
June, 1788. Your humble Servant,

\\m. Presoott, Propr.'s Clerk.

N. B. Payme'Dts must be made in Gold and Silver
pr order of Directors."

The above notice is filled out and signed by Judge
Prcscott, Father of tbo Historian.

Richard Weight, Aged about 55 years, being sworne,

saith:

That he being preasent, standing with Mr. Rich-
ard Margerum, neare to the Castle Tavern, he beard
the said Margerum say that Mr. Browne kept a false
booke and he would prove it soe.

John Bushnell, Aged about 40 years, saith:

That be was standing by at the same time and

heard Mr. Margerum sp<jak the sarse words above

mentioned and ffu'ther these Deponents saitb not. —

These words were spoken in the open Sireett.

3worne b»fure me tLe 20th of the 4th month 1635.

Jo*. Endecott, Qou'r.

Salev, March the 13th, 1743.

llien Rec'd of Phillip English, Ten pounds In
Bills of Crt., of the ould Tennor, In part of his Sub-
crition /or the North River Bridge.

£10 Os Od. pr Sam'll West.

SOME RE.MARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SA-
LEM FROM 1026 TO 1740— WITH A SKETCH
OF PHILIP ENGLISH— A MERCHANT IN
SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4.

BT GEORGE X. CBEYER.

The Trade or Commerce of Salem most prob-
ably dates back to, or even prior to the settle-
ment of the Place. Adventurers to this West-
ern Coasit after lieh and furs, may have traded
with the Naumkeugs, ere Cunant and his asso-
ciates settled here. From what remains of

Go5no/(/'5 Observations in New England, the
Indians by Cape Cod were not unacquainted
with trade, and this is in 1602— twentv -four
years before Salem is vi^*ited by Conant ! It
would seem as if *Conant and the planters
might have been en^aj^ed in trade with the na-
tives or others, because the planting of tobas-
co by these old settlers gave great offence to the
second comers (the Puiitans of 1628). the lat-
ter maintaining according lo the orders of the
Home Company that its culture was immoral,
unless for medicinal purposes. Now, the cul-
tivation must have been greater^ of course, than
was considered necessary fur medicine, and the
surplus was for trade. Such, at least, is a fair
inference.

The second comers, (the Puritans of 1628-
30) were not at first very zealous for trade. —
The old planters, being of the moderate Epis-
copalian stamp, and ot the Cape Ana settle-
ment, were most probably in favor of it ; biit
they possessed but little power, being soon
swallowed up in the Puritan emigration. The
f Puritans (second comers) though regarded by

*To judge from the testimony of Bracktnbury , Dix-
ty, and Woodhrry (Salem Records, Registry of
Deeds, vol. 5, pages 105 to 7) the early Planters
were on the best terms with the native Indians in
Salem, and thus had the opportunity of trading with
them; and the Cape Ann Settlement had boats, which
were doubtless used for fishing, and very probably
trading, along the coast. As that settlement was
originally intended as a planting, trading and fish-
ing one, it is most likely that fish and furs were
both sought from Sulem, as from the vicinity — the
search for both these articles being then common to
adventurers to this Western Coast.

fThe early settlers of Salem (1628-30) seem to
come hither as non-conformists, or at least with that
reputation. They soon however became congrega-
tional sepatatists, as were the Plymouth Colonists be-
fore them. The term Puritan seems in that day to
have been applied more particularly to tht se wLo
sought to purify the national church. The Ply-
mouth Colonists however even before their departure
from Europe were called Browhists, that is separa-
tists from the national church — and though denying
that particular name,were in fact Congregationalisti .

68

the Home Company probably as in eymjiathy
with the first settlers of Siilem in their relig-
ious views, seem either to have sympathized
practically witn the Plymouth settlers ere they
(the Puritans) came to Salem, or else changed
their views very shortly after arrival. Some
of them were evidently non-conformists at first.
At all events their religious views assumed in
Massachusetts a direct hostility to Episcopacy,
and modifit^d all their civil views. Once here,
and independence both of the Church and State
of England comtnences. Indeed, the Puritans
cut adrift from about all authority, except the
Bible, and the pauses for it are partly to be
found in their spiritual proclivities, and partly
in the condition in which they found them-
Belves on arrival. The Home Company, in-
deed, had given them instructions how to act,
and expected a compliance therewith, but some
ot these instructions perhaps could not well be
heeded, and some others were disregarded. —
The Home Company were expecting prompt
commercial returns and the Colonists wen'
struggling for existence. The sudden liberty,
too, which hero greeted the Puritan, helped to
break his ties to the Old Country. He shonld
here realize, he thought, his enthusiastic dream
— religious independence— and he allowed noth-
ing to interfere with it. Trade was considered
as of trifling consequence in the comparison. —
So dominant was this faith and view, that it
led the Puritans to do things which seriously
embarrassed their al.ies in the Home Company,
more particularly after the transfer of the Pa-
tent and Government here in 1630. It is much
to be doubted moreover, whether the substan-
tial Home •helpers of our Mass. Colony ever

The latter had been watched very narrowly by the
Ecclesiastical tyranny at home, which suspected
thera from the first of separating entirely from the
Church of England. This they had done, it appears,
even before they left England for Europe. The
Plymouth Church (congregational) must be regard-
ed thrrefore as the Parent Church of Massachusetts
— the seed of our Congregational system.

♦Cradook, the first home Governor of the Company,
and who was. a very just, liberal and no ble man — with

were repaid the debts incurred in their efiForta to
colonize. The contrary seems to have been the
case, while the expulsion of the Browns —
the punishment of Ratclifi" — the sectarian law
of f Freemanship, and the reported Judaistic
tendency of some of the colonial legislation —
all these reacted to the prejudice of the Home
Company — paral zed them in fact — strength-
ened the enemies of the Puritans in England —
came near costing them their charter in 1638,
and finally, recoiled upou themselves, perhaps,
under the arbitrary James. The existence of

Etrong attachments to the church and State of England
— which the Colonists evidently did not share with
him — left a claim upon the Colony, which amounted
in 1648 (so Felt says) to nearly £700. It is not
probable that any of this was ever repaid.

f There can be but little doubt, that the Puritans
acted from policy in their early measures for the
exclusion of all but Congregationalists from power
and influence in the Colony, the fear that the Episoo-
pal tyranny at home would get a foot-hold among
them to their destruction, if not utterly banished in
anjr and every suspected shape. The miserable in-
trigues of Oldham and his confederates (Conformists)
at Plymouth — which were evidently intended for the
destruction of that Colony — very probably operated
against the Browns in Salem — who, however, seem
to have been honorable upright men, and who, aa
non-couformists, (as they most probably WPre) could
not have been in good odor in England. The diflS-
culty seems to have been, that the moderate Episco-
palians in the Colony — those who were persecuted at
home for non conformity — had to sufifer here for the
sins of the High Churchmen of Old England or Jfew.
The fear of tlie Puritans was natural perhaps, but,
we cannot but think, exaggerated. The enemies
they stirred up in the Old Country by this course,
with the addition of the opposition of those tbns
treated by them, £ave them more trouble in the end,
than could the toleration of a few mere non-confor-
mists among themselves. Toleration seems to have
been with them rather a theory than a practice — aa
is indeed generally the case among men. Yet the
Puritans behaved with very comnendable justice
to the Indians in the extinguishment of their land
titles. In the one case they were politic — in the
other just. A too faithful adberenee to the Old
Testament, and a too literal interpretation of it,
led them into unreasonable peculiarities at times.

69

our Mastfuchusetta colony for a series oi years,
seems to be a History of Escapes, and very nar-
row ones too, at times. Tlie Puritans often escap-
ed even the consequences of their own want of
liberality, or wisdom, by some fortunate civil
commotion in England, or some combination ot
events no human fo-esij^ht could have perceiv-
ed. They were defended, too. and stoutly, by
their allies at home, when their acts were even
detrimental to the interests ot those allies. —
Watched, suspected, and hated for their love
of civil and ecclesiastical independence, they
invariably escaped the snares laid for their
destruction. Helping to maintain the Repub-
lic in England for a time, they founded one in
New England for all time, and even under the
Tery shadow of Monarchy the while.

It is not within the range of our subject to
attempt to portray the characters of the Pil-
grims— to endeavor to do them justice. But
it is impossible not to refer to their character-
istics, even in a sketch of their Commerce, for
•with them, as with all men, in History, Faith
made the Man^-whether as a Civilian or Up-
holder of Religion. The Puritan, and his
polity were not sustained, moreover, b^ their
detects, but virtues His Commonwealth was
cot really founded on his misconceptions in
regard to Divine or human legislation, but on
positive and lit»eral ideas. Tlie Puritan began
by almost ignoring the advantages of Com-
merce, but when he saw his mistake, he be
came a firm and wise upholdei of it, and was
abundantly rewarded for his efforts. No Col-
ony after its first start ever furpassed. Jet us
Bay, ever equalled it for energy, industry, pru-
dence, and economy. This the English Par-
liament in 1643 practically admit. The Pu-
ritan and his Conmon wealth, too, were saved
by what was good in them — and there was
much. If he sometimes went back almost to
first prejudices, he went back also to first prin
ciples in his taith and polity. The glory of
his fame may be brighter, and its shadow
Bomewhat deeper than is usual among men,
for his lot was a more peculiar one. As the
Pioneer of the Great Republic of religious and
18

civil Liberty — seeking to lay the foundations
uf its power upon first principles, and that too
amid severe spiritual and temporal trials, it is
no wonder, that he should have sympathised
with the Jews when journeying to their prom-
ised Land — -adopted some of their views, and
felt fiimself like the Israelite -with the Egypt
of Tyranny behind him, the perils of the way
and the Heathen around him. and the promised
Kingdom before him. Taking the Bible, as
his literal guide, his visions and his j<)urney-
ings were directed by its Light and Shadow,
and that Light and Shade were cast roin that
Column, shrouding the Great Jehovah, which
swept with such awful yet serene majesty over
the trembling deep-daj-shadowed or crimsoned
night-sands of Arabia So before our Fathers,
visible to the eye of Faith, swept that awful
column of cloud and flame, but over the desert
of the sea and not the shore, and into (he New
Canaan filled with a more numerous Heathen,
but of a still more abundant promise —
the later Palestine of greater blessings
both for the body and the soul. More
or less of such a faith and belief entered
into the hearts of the Puritans who sought
these shores — and something also of the e:?-
ciusive spirit of the Israelites as against the
outside world. The parallel was carried at
times too far with the Puritan, since he cat
off even those who agreed with him m essen-
tials, if not in forms. Such mistakes gener-
ally arose however not from the mere wanton^
ne«8 of tyranny, but that gravity of belief,
which considt-rs a different faith as heresy, and
as the great evil, because destructive to the
Soul. What the Puritan did right, he did
well — earnestly, perhaps sterol v, but thorough-
ly, and that both in Church and State. What
lie did amiss, was done as earnestly and decid-
edly— a proof both of the grave sincerity of hid
motives, and the fallibility of all human judg-
ment in the hour of conflict between human
power, whether temporal orepiritual. and the
new faiths demands and wants of humanity.
The Puritan failed in his mistakes and preja-

1o

dices, but lived, and will ever live in his vir-
tues.

The Home Company m England — under
whose auspices Salem was permanently settled
— was originally intended (sa>8 IJutcliinson,)
for trade and colonization, like the East India,
and other great companies. It is certain,
however, that the Ittading commercial men ol
the Company. Cradock. as an instanne, had
nobler tiews than mere pecuniary ones, al-
though detiiring, o( course, remuneration for
their outlays. The transfer of the Patent and
Government here in 1630 moreover aided the
commercial as well as civil freedom of the Col-
onists, since it was a practical bar to any
Company monopoly in England. That trans
fer gave also, practically, the land of Massa-
ohubettb to the guvernmeni of the Colony,
which soon thereafter held it mainlv as a trust
for the coiumon benefit of the people, which
was not the original intention of the Compa-
ny. This community of interests was partly
based on old baxun laws, and partly, perhaps,
on reasons and necessities ari.-ing from their
religious belief — their acknowledgement of
common needs and a common destiny in things
temporal, as spiritual. It gave a somewhat
democratic character, at all events, to the par-
tition of lands, and the establishment of the
common rights of the Colonists in the ongrant
ed land — the rights to wood, grass, pasture,
passage, — of sea and shore. The necessity
which compelled the early authorities of the
Colony to grant land in fee, without reeeiva-
tion of rent or othei qualification, so that the
settlers should not be discouraged by not hav-
ing lands of their own, — this very necessity
both gave and begat a freedom which was fa
tal to all monopoly. The necessity, moreover,
which compelled the early authorities to dis-
charge tlie company servants, that they might
not perish by famine while under their con
trol, broke down the partition wall of an old
■world Caste never to be rebuilt. The settlers
under the charter had aJso valuable commer-
cial privileges — being free from all duties to

and from English ports for 7 years, and there-
after for 21 years, except after the 7 years 5
per cent on merciiandize entered into the Eng-
lisii ports. At first, these privileges were

thought but little (»f by the Puritan settleis.

They were tliinking more of their independence
of Enj/land in matters of faith, than of any
emnuiercial advantages to be gained in the
new country. Tiie Company in London
urged trade upon them with a divided motive,
partly to pay the expenses of colonization, and
partly to defeat the schemes of Gorges and
Mason by occupying advanced trading posts,
and so gaming or maintaining title by adverse
occupancy. The < arly Puritan settlers, how-
ever, besides feeling small interest in trade,
lound themselves on arrival in a position, not
alone of independence, but without restraint,
A wide ocean rolled between them and all
home control. There was no spiritual or tem-
poral power over them, whose arm could be
immediately felt. A new and boundless Con-
tinent lay before them, with all its wealth and
resources— the very aids to their spiritual in-
dependence. They were themselves laboring
under a nev^ vision for the future; were new

men — with a new faith — in a new world.

Some of their dreams were grand and true ;
some were mixed with old world prejudices
and tyrannies. Suddenly called upon to real-
ize their wishes, hopes, ideas and prayers amid
new and strange scenes, privations, darigers
and siifil-rings, is it to bo wondered at, that
they, being human, should make errors? that
having been bitterly persecuted, they in turn
should sometimes abuse power? that having a
stem, hard lot, they should at times be cold
and literal themselves, or that thev should oc-
casionally mistake bigotry and prejudice for
principle? Sudden freedom and power in
this new world put them to the practical test,
and by this, but in charity, must they be
judged.

It is pretty certain, however, that the commer-
cial schemes of the Company at homo proved a
failure ; that they realized neither power nor

71

profit under their charter — that the transfer
of tliat charter to MasHachiisetts ; the in-
dependence of the Colonit-ts here- at times
even defiunt — the large emij^ration into Sa
lem ; the peculiar circumstances of the Col-
ony : and the civil troubles m England, — all
served in a fevy jcarstoopen tlie way for liberty,
both civil and commercial, — a liberty, the fruits
of which we, even at this day, are reaping.

Tlie entire separation of the Colony from
England, may be said to commence at the set
tlement of the Puritans here. It was so also
at Plymouth. Tiio religious yoke is firft
thrown (iff — then follows the civil. There is
an Often.-i lie deference paid at times to the
civil authorities in England, but underneath
all there is a boleinn determined and earnest
independence of the mother country — the d'^ep
undertone of the faith and policy of the Colo-
ny. The Colonists were not, perhaps, always
aware whither this was tending, and some ol
their measures were rather in reasonable dis>
regard of England, and for economy, than
pointedly intended as independent measures;
but, as it had been with the hiith of the Colo-
nists, so it was with their commerce and trade,
and they soon freed themselves, and were freed
by circumstances also, from any restraint by
the home Company, and resisted (and wisely
and justly too,) the application of the laws of
trade, which the Rulers of England, particu-
larly after Cromwell's decease, sought to fas-
ten upon them. The policy of the General
Court and tiiC large towns, from an early day,
was to free themselves from dependence on
England — to develope their own resources. —
From the year 1645, and running to the Amer-
ican Revolution, commences a series of meas-
ures and laws fostering home ^manufactures
of hemp, flax, clothing, &c. — some of these

*Up to 1680. however, Massachusetts seems to
Lave exported few or no manufactures, the clutb, both
woolen and Linen, shoes, tiats <ic. made here were
ased in the country. Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol
8, p335, Governor Bradstreet's answer to the Lords
of the Council .

measures being very stringent and compulso-
ry. As early as 1645-G. a Town meeting waa
ordered in ^jalem to consider a stock of cotton
wool— an agent at Barhadoes — and sowing of
hemp and flax. The "Agent at Barbadoes''
was of course to ciillect cotton for the public
benefit, and in furtherance ot the home manu-
facturing policy of the Colonists. This policy
was not carried through without opposition
from the English manufacturers, who, in af-
ter years, opposed it bitterly, but fortunately
witiiout success.

The Hume Company begin their trade with
Salem and vicinity in 1628. They send over
with Endecutt certain goods to traffic with the
natives for beaver, otter, and other furs, and
in 1629 he is ordered to send home to tho
Company in London two or three hundred fir-
kins of Sturgeon and other lisli. timber, f sassa-
fras, fsarsaj<arilla, fsumacb, fsilk grass, and

f The "Sassafras" waa the root of the Sassafras
Tree, [-^nrubl] valued in 16U2 at 3 shillings a pound,
and £336 the ton. To it was ascribed "Sovereign
and Manifold Virtues.'' In Archer's account of Gos-
nold's Vo>aj;e to the North part o.' Virginia. (New
England) Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series 8th vol. pp 77-8,
there is recorded a cure of "a great Surfeit" by the
"powder of Sassafras." Sassafras seems to have
been especially souglit alter by the early traders,
most probably as a medicinal drug. It was called
by the native inhabitants "Wynauk.'' It was
thought to be good against contagious diseases.

fThe silk grass, or grass silk was similar to that
found in Persia, and out of which a lomewbat coarse
silk stuff called gro;;raine [^rnjrram] cuuld be made.
See Tracts appended to Urereton, Mass. Hist. CoIL
3d Series vol. 8, page 117. Through the kinJness of
Prof. John Lewis Ru.«sell, of Salem, we have been
enabled to state what this grass i». He has deter-
mined it to be the Yucca filnmentoxa found growing
in the Southern and We.-^tern States, and there vul-
garly called Bear and Buffalo grass. Whether it
grew wild in AVw England ai that time is somewLat
questionable. It appeals to have been found in
Florida and Virginia proper.

■f-The Sumach was well known ard used in Eng-
land in several of the arts, as affording a fine dye
for black, green, or yellow — also for tanning. It la
perhaps the Virginia Samaoh which is meant, and

72

Beaver. Corn seems to have been at first paid
the Indians for Beaver — afterwards Watupuin.
The Colonists this year demand of the Home
Company in turn, men skillful in making salt
and pitch. JStaves are ordered this year as
part of the return cargo of the Company ; also
Beaver and other lurs, Clapboards and other
•wood. The Company seem now to Ijcontrol
trade in Salem almost entirely, but this seems
to have lasted but a very short time.

In 1629 we find the Home Company sending
into Salem six ship builders, of whom Rjbert

which grows naturally in almost every part oi North
America.

fSarsaparilla is most probably the same root as the
Virginia and Jamaica Sarsaparrilla, and which from
its superiority finally excluded thp oriental species
from commerce. This is most probably the same
Kout "Tsinaw" mentioned in the tracts appended to
Brereton (Mass. Hict. Coll. 3d series, vol. 8, page
119) as being one of the native products of Virj<in-
la. Both Sassafras and Sarsaparilla appear to have
been abundant in Now England at the first settle-
mentor, or are reported so.

ria"" and Hemp were also native products of Ma&-
fachusetts, but the high price of labor is the reason
given for their non exportation about 1080. Enough
only was raised for domestic purposes.

$It is very probable that the Colonists, who were
engaged then or afterwards in fishing, gave about
five months of the year to that calling, and the re-
mainder to planting, cutting timber, cleaving pipe
Staves, making chip-boards, boat building, &o. We
infer this from some things (.-nentioned in Levett's
voyage into New England 162.'i-4) that could well
be done by Fishermen in these parts, and the Colo-
nists were certainly a very industrious, capable set.
See Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol. 8, p 187. The
Colonists, it appears first fished in our harbors and
bays, and at the Banks of Newfoundland, and after
wards also off the coast of Acudia [Nova Scotia].

||For the trade of the Company in London with
Salem see Felt's annals. It was at first a monopoly,
or something very nigh it. Our object is to sketch
the trade of tho Colonists — their own trade — and not
the Company's trade, which was both a forced one,
and of short duration. As a monopoly, it seems to
have been abandoned both in London and Salem,
and even then seems not to hivve been remunerative,
to judge by Hutchinson, and others.

Moulton is chief, and two coopers and cleav-
ers of timber, the last to prepire staves for re-
turn cargo, and that they order three ^shallops
to be built in Salem, doubtless fur fisiiing pur-
poses. It is m')st probiibla that these shallops
il ever built, were built upon the Neck, near
or upon Winter I.nUnd, which was used for
the fisheries and ship-building from the very
commencement of the town. There was in
1637 a ^forest side to the Neck, as appears in

ITThe Shallop (ohaloupe) is the long boat, the lar-
gest boat usually accompanying a ship, furnished with
a maet and sails. Those fitted for tenders to ships-
of-war were sometimes decked and armed. Falcon-
efn Murine Dictionary, 1789. An Encyclopedia of
1798 describes the Shallop as a largo boat with two
small masts and lug sails. It seems to have been in
vogue, though with different rigs, with the French,
Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch. The word Sloop is
an abbreviati'-n of Shallop or Sballoop, thongh now
having an entirely different signification.

Judging from what is said of the shallop in the
New Eii<;land Voyages in the Mass. Hi.st. Coll., — of
what Prince and Bradford say, and the comparison
Hutchinson makes between the fi.4bing shallops of
1749 and the fishing schooners then employed, the
shallop of New England was often a decked boat of
from ten to twenty tons. Like our New England
pinn&ce, it seems to have been larger than its name-
sake in Engl.ind or Europe, to judge by Marine Dic-
tionaries. In a manuscript journal of a voyage 'In
ye good Sloop Surah' from the Island of Jersey to
Capo Ana in 1724, which journal is in our possession,
ive notice the following, confirmatory ot these views
in regard to the shallop as a large decked boat

'From Thursday to Fryday ye 10th of July, 1724.
* * • at 4 this morning sounded, found 65 fath-
om cors (coarse) gr ^y sand, ijot a cnsk, saw two shal-
lops <fe one Skooner of Marblehead, and they told us
that Cape Sable Bore of them N. N. W Dist. about
15 Leagues.' These shallops appear to have been
fishing off Cape Sable, and were, to judge by what
Hutchinson says of them in 1749, about half the size
of the schooner of that day.

§[25th of the 7th monetb, 1637.] 'George Wright
is granted half an acre of the Neck to build upon,
and five acres on the forest side to plant on, and to
keep a Ferry between Butt poynt and Darbye Fort.'
1st vol. Records of Salem, page 25.

Note. The above would seem to indicate bj one

73

the Book of Grant« in Salem, and from this
very forest, the first craft in Silem may have
been framed. Salem became noted afterwards
as one of the principal places for building ves-
Eels in the Colony.

The early, the long continued, the staple
trade of Salem, vras the Jfisheries. We see

manner of reading, certainly, that there was a build-
ing side and a,/orest side to the Necij in 1637. It may
be that the "forest side" means Forest (lliver) Side,
though it jeeois otherwise. As the Islands in our
Harbor were, however, ''replenished with thiche wnnd
and high trees" (according to Mr Higginson) in 1629
it is most probable that the Xeck was covered, in
part at least, by a native forest, and that oat of this
forest there were trees fit for ship-building.

That the Neck was very early used for ship-build-
ing, we infer, from one or two items of History. In
1636, Richard Hollingworth, a ship builder, gets a
grant of land from the Town, and in 1690 the land
(on the I\'ech) formerly belonging to Richard Holling-
worth, was ordered to be laid out (Felt 1st vol. 192
page). Moreover, in 1637 (20th 4tli mo.) Richard
Johnson is received an inhabitant and is appointed
half an acre of Land (the same amount as George
Wright was granted on the Neck) "for an house lott
nere unto Richnrd Holtingworth's wnrkes. Salem Rec
ords, 1st vol. page 21. As it is a matter of history
that this Richard Hollingworth buil a ship of 300
tons in Salem in 1641, these items, with the tradi-
tion on the subject, which agrees with them, go to
prove that Richard Hollingworth had a ship-yard on
the Neck in 1637. Robert Moulton probably had
one there even before him. Ship-building may also
have been commenced thus enrlv in the Criek (Snuth
River). George Curwen (according to tradition)
built a ship there in 1640.

^:Tho English bad freely used the coast of New
England for tne fisheries before the settlement at
Salem, and the royal charter reserved this right to
Englishmen after the settlement — a right which was
freely used, it seems. Newfoundland had an English
settlement at the time.

The early fisheries were quite profitable, to judge
from Levett's account of the trade in 1623-4, where
in he says he has "attained to the understanding of
its Eecreta." According to him, a ship of 200 tons,
with a crewof 50 men, the ordinary crew for such
lized vessels in the fisheries, would be ataa outlay
19

indeed some of her sona from 1630 to 1658 en-
gaged in the Beaver and Peltry trade, once
valuable, but this was almost extinct in 1688,
and at that time the fisheries, whale and oth-
er, were as productive as ever. Ihe harbor and
rivers of Sa'em swarmed with fish,among which
cod and bass were very plenty So plentiful
were they, that they were used for manure up
to 1639, when the General Cour; fort>id it- —
Great favor was early shown the fishermen in
Mapsachusetts by law, such as freedom from
taxation on their stock and fish, and from mil-
itary duty while engaged in their occupation.
The early foreijin trade, that is im[>ort9 of the
colony, seems during the first few years to have
been in the hands or power either of the Home
Company, or the Government 0(' the colony, as
repi-esenting either them or the cohmists ; but
it is doubtful if this policy ever extended over
the fisheries, or if so, it must have been for a
very short period. The fisheries were consid-
ered CO important, that as early as 1635, the

of some £800 — the cost for 9 months victualling, &o.
One third of the catch, "fish and train,'" being deduc-
ted as "fraught" for the owners — another as a share
for the crew — and the balance for expenses, — the
owners' one third part <>f the cargo would yield £1340
"for disbursing of £800 9 months." The cargo gold
in Spanish ports from 36 to 44 rials per quintal.

Our 8alem fi.-hing craft were not so large as Lev-
ett's "ship," but were shallops of from 10 to 20 tons,
say— ketches of from 20 tj 40 — and finally schooners
from 30 to 60 or mora, carrying not more than from
4 to 8 or 10 men say. Small boats were perhaps
u.sed at first. Still the trade was profitable, Salem
and Massachusetts being built up by it in the early
day. The fisheries and the timber trade gave Salem,
doubtless, two thirds or more of her early wealth.

In the middle ages, the Alchemists said, ''cum sol*
et sale omnia fiunt," Wilhembulkels seems to have
been the first, who, in the middle ages, suggested the
idea of making use of salt in the curing of fish. Tho
plan succeeded so well that Charles the Filth, being
in the low countries, went to Bier-Vliet to see thfl
tomb of the humble fisherman, wishing thereby to
honor the memory of one who had rendered so great
a service to his country. American Journal of Phar*
macy, vol. 31 No. 3 p<*ge 259.

74

General Court appoint a committea to impress
men, who ehall unload salt when it arrives. —
This ia evidently in a good part owing to the
value of the salt for the fisheries. Tliey were
not hampered with the early restrictions iin
posed on foreign imports so far as we can find,
and soon became profitable. After the colo-
nists had built their houses, cleared their lands,
established their common rights, raised enough
to help support life, either in ||grain or animals
and somewhat settled down, their attention
■was more particularly devoted to the fisheries.
It seems most probable that a certain class of
men, however, devoted themselves fri Salem al-
most exclusively to this business, and from
the commencement of the town. Winter Is
land was their head quarters. They obtained
the use of certain lots on the Island, and cer-
tain common rights adjacent, and this island
continued to boused by fishermen until, and
after a division of the common lands about
1714. It was there expressly reserved by the
commoners for the fisheries, as it had ever
been before. This reservation, moreover, was
of a great common right, viz — the free use of
this Island for fishing purposes; since the /ec
seems, as a general rule, never to have left
the town like other grants. Those who built
houses, fish-houses, warehouses and wharves
on this Island, only gained an usufructuary
right for the time being. Yet this Island has
seen a busy fishing population gathered upon
it, and as late as 1731 there were conveniences

According to the same authority, the Hebrews
were well acquainted with the antiseptic properties
of salt, and enaployed it in the preservation of their
meats. The Pagans even used it to retard the putre,
faction of the flesh of their victims.

For Levett's calculations of the profit of the fishery,
see Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d seriee vol. 8 fp. 186-7. Ar-
ticle— Levett's Voyage into New England.

II Massachusetts could not well have exported much
grain before 1640, whatever she may have exported
in fish, since in 1637 there were onJy 37 ploughs in
the whole colony, says Graham, the most of them
being in Lynn.

upon fho Neck, which in all probability means
this Island, iot forty vessels and their fares.
All this is now a tale of the past. Indeed,
just before 1700, this Inland was a still busier
scene in all probability, as Salem sent out over
sixty fishing Ketches, of from twenty to forty
tons, which evidently discharged their cargoes
in Salem, and moht likely on the common
ground or land for the fishermen In 1600,
Baker's and Misery Islands were both set apart
by the General Court for the free use of fisher-
men, and were probably intended to be espec-
ially used by the Salem, and perhaps Marble-
head fishermen. From the year 1629 to 1740.
or thereabouts, ^Winter Island seems to be the
liead quarters of the Salem fishing trade, and
that trade itself seems to have been our staple
trade down to a much later period, even to
the American Revolution, and the great change
of trade consequent upon it.

ITWinter Island seems (according to Fell's Annals,)
to have been used for the Fisheries up to about 1739.
The business was then removed, and it was let with
the Neck for pasturage of cattle. In 1079, so many
were the residents there, that John Clifford was li-
censed to keep a victualling house for tbeir conven-
ience. In 1684, several merchants had leave to
build wharves on its flats. In 1698-9, the Island
had a regular street, called Fish street ; and in
1701 the shoremen had permission to fence it in, to
keep out animatls, with a gate for men and carts.
When the Commoners in 1714 granted it to the town,
they expected it would always be used for the fishing
business, as it had been before. It would seem as if
even the bmlding hits early granted to the fishermen
on this Island, were only usufructuary rights, sinca
the whole fishing villnge there has totally disap-
peared. The building lots, on the contrary, granted
in the body of the town, were mainly proprietary —
gererally with certain conditions to be first per-
formed— atid thenOe in f6e. See Vol. 1st, Records of
Salem, paL«stm. It mfty be as well here to state that
what is now Collins' Cove, at the bottim of Essex
Street, was anciently called "Shallop Cove," accord-
ing to tradition — and this because the fishermen
moored their shallops there, and lived on the shores.
This was an important Cove of Salem, at and prior
to 1692. It had a street of fishermen's huts, which
ran on a line with the Cove.

15

It 18 not probable that the Commerce of Sa- I She perhaps comes up from Cape Cod, where
lem beji^an to have an independent being be'.ore i whales were first captured by small boats from

•16-J('-1. Tiie arrivals before that time are
mostly foreign ships into Salem — that is ves-
sels belonging to the corporation in England,
or other parties abroad. These supplied the
colony with various needed articles, which seem
to have been under the control of the Gen-
eral Court and Governor, who levied certain
duties upon them. The Governor, (Hutchinson
says,) was the naval officer of the colony. The
monies so raised went into the colonial treasu-
ry. As to the laws of trade in England, the
colonists seem to have ignored them utterly —
Up to 1670 no custom house seems to have
been established in New England by the home
authoriti.^8. From lt529 to 1G40 Salem seems
to get along without much shipping of her own,
but the failure of the emigration about the lat-
ter year, threw her upon her commercial ener-
gies, and the Rev. Hugh Peters stimulated her
with a far sighted sagacity into ship building.
To be sure, between these years we see occa-
sional gleams of commercial life in the first
few beginnings of the col'jnists. A small ves-
sel of some twelve tons (belonging to Salem)
is in our bay in 1631, wiih two hogsheads of
train (whale?) oil as an item of her cargo. —

*Ilutchinson sars that the colooists began about
1637 to build small vessels for tbefishuries, and 'rade
vritb tlie a(<jaceiit colonies. Tbb leading men, at the
first, in Ma-sacbusetts, wer« not in favor of, or en-
gaged in commerce. The colony was probablj forc-
ed into it to supply its wants. Il is most probable
that prior to 11137, Robert Moulton, ol Salem, and
his shipwrights built several small decked vessels on
the Neck, tor fisheries and trading. The three shal-
lops to be built in 1C29, were very probably decked
boats of several tons burthen.

The first mention of commerce in the Colony Rec- '
ords is iu 1()45, when friendly foreign ships are per- !

mitted to trade here on payment of certain duties I

almost a free trade. In 1652 a committee are ap

pointed to consult ihe best way of trade. {Notr.

Commerce had, however, evidently got to be a power
in the State before 1645 or 1652, or the General Court
would not have been aroused to its importance.)

In 1655 we see that the General Cuart adopt a pro-
te3tive policy lor the i-taple commodities of ^hi^ coun-
try, by forbidding tbe importation of malt, wheat,
barley, biscuit, beef, meal and flaur (Which are des-
cribed as our principal commodities) from any part
of Europe, unless it be to provision ships, on peoaltr
of Confiscation! See CoiyOj Kecords.

the beach. The same year a pinnace goes down
from Salem to Plymouth for corn, Salem
had an abundance of canoes (pine dug outs) in
1633. and there were more here than in the
whole Patent. With these the colonists fer-
ried our rivers and went out even leagues to
sea for fowling, fishing, &c. Alter these,
dnubtlebs, came shallops, fpinnaces, and final-
ly larger craft. The impetus given by Rev,
Hugh Peters in 1640-1 to shipbuilding, pro-
duced an abundant supply of vessels in a few
years, Richard Hollingworth, a siiip builder
by trade, and who came to Salem in lt)35, be-
gan in Feb'y, 1041, to build a ship of three
hundred tons, which was finished and launch*
ed the succeeding June. From all which can
now be gathered, his ship yard appears to have
been in the lower part of 8alem, on the Neck.
This ship may be the ship Mary Ann, of Sa-
lem, mentioned as of 1643. What number of
vessels were thus built in Salem about this pe-

fFalconer, in his marine Dictionary — 1789 — des
cribes tlie Pinnace as an eight oared boat, navigated
with oars and sails, having generally two masts, and
rigged like a schooner. This description, however,
is manifestly inapplicable to the early Pinnaces of
New England, for Prince, in his New England Chro-
nology, speaks of tbe arrival into Salem, May 27,
1631. of a Pinnace of 18 tons, from Virginia laden
with corn and tobacco — a very happy arrival, the
corn, at least, — lor the Colonists then here. She
was bound further North, but foul weather compelled
her to put in here Prince moreover speaks of the
way in which the Plymouih Colonists in 1626 made
a small Pinnace, viz: by sawing in halves their larg.
er Shallop, adding five cr six feet in the centre, —
strengthening her timbers, — building up decks, and
giving her sails and anchors. From further items
in Prince, it appears that the Pinnaces of New Eng-
land were large ducked boats, for not only can they
carry 100 bushels of corn, 12 Hogsheads of corn, Ac,
but he mentions the fact that Capt. Dermer went
t'rom Cape Cod to Virginia, discovering by the way
Long Island Sound, "in an open pinnace of five tons."
The presumption is, then, that the Pinnaces of the
Colony were generally large decked boats. Prince
mentions one Pinnace sent over to the Plymouth
Company by the adventurers in England, for the use
of the Colony, of /o/^tyy"M'' tons burthen. Pinnaces
and Shallops are very often mei tioned in tbe early
history of Ma.-<sachusetts— the S^.allops appearing,
however, to be tbe smaller boat, and often open.—
The I^eich was built bert quit^s early, to judge by an
item in Prince- As Princu gets his facts mainly from
Bradford, we can be sure they are correct.

76

riod does not appear, but probably quite a
number. Tt ia most likely that email vesselo
were built to supply the colony with grain
from the neighboring colonies, for Massachu-
setts seems never to hare produced continuous
abundant export crops o( grain. At times,
corn and wheat were alarmingly scarce in the
colony. Massachusetts had a more certain
crop in her fisheries, and the mackerel, cod,
cusk, &c., which she soon cured and exported
to the West Indias and Spain, brought her
back an abundance of money and foreign pro-
duce to supply her own needs Besides fish
and oiljshu first sent back to the Old Country,
timber, tar, pitch, turpentine, staves, clap-
boards, and other wood, and afterwards to the
West Indies her lumber, corn, beef, pork,
(masts, clapboards ?) pipe staves, and sundry
other commodities. In J 16-13 she English Par-
liament release New England trom all duties
on imports and exports which are for home
consumption. M.issachusetts, and Salem as
an important port in it, geem now to have
fairly entered into tie West India and colonial
trade. Salem began cautiously, but soon used
her commercial freedom to advantage, Th-^
Porcugut?se and Spanish West Indies were not
forgotten, though her largest trade was, it
would appear, with jjl^arbadoes and the lee-

±"rn consideration of the success and increase of
the New England Colonies, and that they had been
no charge to the nation, and in prospect of their be
ing in luture very serviceable to it, the English Par-
liament, March 10, 1643, granted them an exemp-
tion from all customs, subsidies and other duties, un
til further order." This gave to the Colonies a free-
dom of trade, by which they flourished greatly.

|]We hear much of Harbadoes as one of the early
and earliest Ports at which our Salem vessels traded.
This Island, according to PiiikeitoQ, was settled by
the Eii^li-h a- early as 1624, is one of the chief of
the Carribeo Group, was exceedingly fertile, and be-
came the favorite centre of a great emigration dur-
ing the civil commotions in England, so that in 1650
it c'intaine.l some twenty thousand whit" population.
Being left to its own efforts, and with an unlimited
freedom of trade, it flourished greatly. Charles the
2d, at the re.-itoration, tor its loyalty, bestowed the
dignity of Baronetage on thirteen of its principal
inhabitants. Antigua, called Ontega, another of
the group, raentiontrd in our later Salem commerce,
may be said to have commenced to flourish after
1G74, and at or about 1700 coutaiued some five thou-

ward Islands. She traded with the Dutch and
English Buccaneers also, who. robbing th o
Spaniards of their bullion, paid it over to Sa.
em and New England merchants for supplies.
About this time the larger colonies also unito
for defence and protection, and a common spir-
it of good will and of enterprise bind them to-
gether commercially, and favors adventurous
trade. Being, too, on the right side of the Re^
publican party in Enailand. they are favored
in that quarter, and this was a decided advan-
tage. We find, moreover, that our Salem peo-
ple as a general rule discuss matters of trade
as a public aflf lir, for in 1645 a general town
meeting is ordered to consider of ''Publique
tradings and other things." The community
soon seem to have been awake to the impor-
tance of trade either internal or extirnal, for
we find the subject of manufacturoH, clothing,
trade, raising of wool, flix, "Ifheti-p, &c., not
unfrequent topics of public discussion in town*

sand white inhabitants. Barbadoes produced, a3
chief products, s'Jgar, cotton, ginger and aloes. An-
tigua, sugar, Cotton Wool and Tobacco. This latter
Island had excellent harbors, which may have ren-
dered it more of a favorite for our shipping than
some others of the Carribee Group. According to
Salmon, (in his Geographical Grammar, 17G0,) Bar-
badoes was settled mainly by Caviiliers from Eng-
land. Tobacco was first planted tnere, which did
not succeed, and afterwards Cotton and Indigo, wnioh
were profitable. Sugar works were first erected by
tlie English Cnvaliers in 1047, ami the trade then
became profitable. The sugar trade of N. E. with
Barbadjes commenced say between 1G47 and '50.
The Cotton Wool trade began before. That Salem
should have commenced trading with Harbadoes is
very natural, since S. was for a while after its settle-
ment the resort of the modt^rate Episcopalians — those
who hail not entirely abandoniMi the Church and
3tate of England, .and Harbadoes was not very dis-
tant from this faith and belief.

St Christopher seems to have been the first settled
of the British VVest India Islands, though Barbadoes
has the credit of being. .St. Cliri.-*topher seems not,
however, to be mentioned much in our early Salem
Commerce, that is before 1700. Philip English was
trading there in 1688-9, to judge by old accounts.
Edwards' Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, 405, commences
the history of this Island, which see.

ITHeinp grew wild in Massachusetts, and the Indi-
ans (says Lewis,) made fishing lines of it of great
fineness. The early Colonists were advised by those
in Authority to cultivate it for manufacturing pur-
poses; and the Inventories of the old estates some*
times show that this advice was heeded.
To be Cuntiuued.

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE

Vol. I.

July, 1859.

ISTo. 3.

SOME REMARKS ON THE COM.MERCE OF SA-
LEM FROM 1«26 TO 1740— WITH A SKEJTCH
OF PHILIP ENGLISH— A MERCHANT IN
SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4.

Br GEORGE P. CBEVER.

[Continued from Page 76.]
If we are to judge of the success of our Sa-
lem fishermen about 1647, t>y that of ourijklar-
blehead brethren at the same timo, we shall
see that thiv trade was vabmble ; fur the latter
bad taken up to the middle of January that
year, about £4000 worth of fish. In 1648
Salem sutTered, we must believe, from the
scarcity of corn, caused by its excessive impor-
tation from Mass. to the Spanish and Portu-'
guese West Indies ; and it is not at all unlike-
ly that these repeated scarcities of grain final-
ly compelled our people to ret.iin their own
grain, and even replenish their stores by seek
ing the more Southern settlements, Virginia
and Maryland, where wheat and corn were a
staple crop. At all events this trade sprang
up, and most probably in this natural way
Virginia and Maryland, perhaps before, but
certainly after 1680, took West India products.
Rum, Molasses and Sugar, and also salt, wood-
en ware, Kegs, Cider, Cans, &c. from us, and
in return gave us Wheat, Corn, Pork, Bacon,
Peltry, Tobacco, Hides, Old Iron, &c. Boston
seems to have been, throughout, the great mag-
azine of English and European goods and
manufactures, and supplied the Coloflies main-
ly with these. As early as between 1650 an<l
1660 a line of Packets ran between Boston and
20

the old country. Between the years 1629 and
1650, espeoially between '40 and '50, Salem
commenced her commercial career, and at the
close found herself with shipping and means ;
and trading not alone with the mother coun-
try, but with the West Indies, Bermudas, Vir-
ginia and Ontega (Antigua } Siie had found
supplies of salt, probably at *Saltitudo8 and
*Tortuga, and moot probably also received
them from Lisbon, Cadiz, St. Ubes and Isle
of May. So important had become the com-
merce of Massachusetts, and Salem shared no
mean part of it, that a Committee are appoint-
ed in 1650 to examine a book entitled "jLcop
Mercatoria," and report to tlie next Gen'l
Court what they find therein applicable to
''deciding of maratime afftirs in this jurisdic-
con." During this period, however, the Bar-

*SaUiiuda, or Saliitudos, maj be what is now
known as Salt Island, one of the Virgin Group,
West Indies, S. E of Tortola, and belonging to the
English. It is evidently a Spanish word, and per-
haps a diminutive of the name Salt hland. It is
difiBcult to locate this spot, even if an English pos-
session, since Salmon, in his Geographical Grammar
of 1760, is entirely; silent about it. At all events,
we may safely conclude that Salt was the staple pro-
duct of this place, wherever it was located in the W.
I. group.

Toriuga is probably the Tortuga of the Carribee
group, close to the Spanish Main, and not the Tortu-
ga near St. Domingo — an early French possession.
Edwards, in his history and map of the West Indies,
1793, calls the Tortuga, near the Spanish main,

"78

bary t<-'orsairs troublecj our commerce geriously.
Id ouDDectiua with the iisheri' a, ship build-

"Salt Tonogo,^' which makes our supposition the
more probable.

Various attempts were made by a few of the early
and enterprising Colonists to supply our Salem fish-
eries witb Salt manufactured here, and they obtained
certain protective privilege? from the General Court
in aid of their efforts, but the Colonists obtained
their main supplies abroad, and were compelled so to
do. See Felt's Annals in regard to Salt manufactur-
ing in Salem-

•f-Piracy and freobooting seem, in the early history
of the Ci'lony, to have been considered more as an
annoyance than a crime. The West Indians were in"
fested with Pirates — Freebooters — Dutch, French and
English, who preyed generally upon the Spaniards*
and traded freely with ihe N B. Colonists.

Buccaneering or freebooting does not seem to have
been, or regarded as pir icv in the beginning, because
then based on regular letters of marcjue and reprisal.
Besides, the Buccaneers were also smugglers for the
Spaniards. C-iarles tlie 2d knighted Morgan, one
of the ct-lebrated Buccaneers, aod (.says Edwards'
Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, p. 161,) is charged with
being priv.itely concerned in their fortunes, even af-
ter having issued public orders for their suppression.
The system begat license, however, but being fash-
ionable in high quarters, no wonder that piracy, so
much resembling it, should be regarded by the Colo-
nists as an annoyance ratber than a crime.

English pirates came boldly into Massachusetts
Bay from IfcSa to 1705, and plundered vessels, and
though sometimes naught, generally seem to have
escaped punishment. In 1689, pirates took the
ketch Mary, Capt. Chard, three leagues from Half
"Way Rock, were afterwards captured in the Vineyard
Sound, by Capt. Samuel Peas of Boston, brought to
Boston and condemned, though they seem (."ays
Felt,) to have been reprieved — and this too when
they had mortally wounded their captor. This same
year, the ship Pelican, a pirate, brought a prize into
Salem {1) and sold her. It has been said that the
pirates about New England, for thirty or forty years
prior to 1700, were connived at. Lord Bellamont
seems to have been the first who arrested and pun-
ished them. Numbers were executed in Boston just
before 1700, while Bradish, Kidd and others were
carried to England and executed. In 1704, Major
Stephen Sewall, together with Captain John Turner
and forty-eight volunteers from Salem, capture

inj; of CDurse fl juriehed, anl groat pains wero
taken by the J-Jarly author! tiea of rtiilem to

Capt'n John Quelch and his piratical crew, who had
gone boldly into Gloucester, and Quelch and five of
his men were hung. So says Felt. It would seem as
if the freebooting spirit had rather been encouraged
at first, as against the Spaniards; but the general
license it begat, convinced the Colonists finally that
it was totally wrong and criminal, and they resolved
to break it up.

The history of Piracy and Freebooting has been
written, and for a reference thereto, see Edwards'
Hist. W, Indies, and Ree's Encyclopedia, Article,
Buccaneer. After the p< ace of Ryswick, in 1G97,
Buccaneering in all quarteis seems to have declined.
Before that time, Piirt Royal, Jamaica, seems to
have been their rendezvous— the English profiting
by these forays as against the Spaniards. The Span-
iards seem to have borne the principal brunt of these
outlaws, who, if they could not smuggle for them
robbed them, whether by land or sea. The New
England Colonies reaped, after all, perhaps, the
main benefit of their 1 rays against the Spaniards.

The Turks, that is, we presume, the Barbary and
Tunisian pirates, troubled our early Commerce, es-
pecially when in the EDgli>h Channel, for many
years Even the vigorous action ol the great Admi.
rals of the Commonwealth in England, did not whol-
ly subdue these outlaws. What witl.these Pirates —
Spanish, and French Privateers — Eniihsh Freeboot-
ers, Dutch men-of-war, and the Indians — the Cors-
meice of Salem up to 1730 ran at times a fearful
gauntlet, saying nothing of the usual dangers of the
Sea. It is evident that the old times of commerce
were not as good as the new.

ifAs early as 1637, the citizens of Salem prohibited
the transportation of boards and Clapboards from
their Plantation, without leave of the Selectmen,
since many of "the bt-st tyuiber trees' had already
be«n used for these purposes; and in 1640 the Au-
thorities publicly asked tor plank fit for shipping,
and forbid any ship timber near Salem or Marble,
head being made into Clapb-ianis or pipe slaves. Aa
the forest in and around .^alem was then a common
property of the inhabitants, these laws had a public
force. To judge by .«ofne accounts of Capt. Wm. En-
glish, as late as 1713 14. such laws were probably
common to the maritime tiwns throughout New
England; as he, being then at Brantoid, Connecti-
cut, in the Briganteea ^Vm & Susannah, charges as
one item of expense at B., "«o ye Selectmen, for 2

79

preserve the dhip timber on the comoiun lands
i'itv this purpose. They seem to have been tol-
erably successful in their efFirts. The fifHt at-
tempts at ship building in Salem were perhaps
somewhat rough, lor as late even as 1667, a
maritime code of laws are adopted, looking to
the better building of vessels, and more correct
proceedings in admiralty cases. As early as
1644 the Gen'l Court pass an order for the bet-
ter building of vessels.

From 1650 to 1660, Salem seems to have
flourished. Beginning with a population of
some two hundred say. in 1629, she bad in-
creased to some thouf-and or more in 1640,and
in spite of the setting oflFof Marblehead, Wen-
ham. Manchester and part of Topfifield between
1639 and 1650. still in 1654 she contained o-
yer a thousand inhabitants as is supposed, and
in 1660 probably contained from a thousand
to twelve or thirteen hundred. Iler wealth
was most probably great in proportion to her
population. Iler territory diminished, and
almost hfr population, yet she flourished in
trade. B<«ing in favor with the Commonwealth
and Cromwell, Silem in common with the col-
ony flijurishr-d. while Bermuda, Virginia, Bar-
badoes and Ontega (Anti>/;ua) fell under the
displeasure of the Parliament, because of their
loyalty to the royal party, and were cut ofT
from their trade for a while, and linally sub-
dued. Very severe commercial ordinances
were passed as against the colonies, but though
professedly general in their nature, yet MaB»a
ohusetts and New England never suffered much
by them, the main intent ot these laws be

perrruts to load Staves, Jive sktllings." The Ist vol -
nme of the Town Records of Salem contains various
items of interest in regard to the disposal of the an-
cient forest of Salem ; the tenure by which it was
held, both by the public and individuals, (tbr wood
being sumetioies expressly reserved for public uses
in town grants ot land) and the disposition to be
made of it by fishermen and others. The history of
the ancient summon rights of Salem is a very singu-
lar and instructive one, and based upon a somewhat
Democratic eommanity of interests.

ing to punish the royalist colonies, Virginia suf-
lering »e<erely by them.

In 1651 iMassachusetts is exporting corn,
beef, pork, masts, clapboards, pipe staves, fish,
beaver, otter and other commodities. In 1652
she commences to coin money, an act of sover-
eignty, and sends out her silver coin, the prod-
uce of the bullion taken from the Spaniards by
ihe Buccaneers, and ol the West India trade
of the colonists. In 1654 no person is to carry
out of Massachusetts more than 20 shillings la
•coin, and searchers are appointed to see that
the law is obeyed. About this time the Dutch
trade (with New York) is so profitable to Mas-
sachusetts, that our people are indisposed to
war with their Dutch neighbors, the other col-
onies being otherwise disposed. This hhows
that the commerce of Massachusetts with New
York was then important, and in all probabil-
ity Siilem was somewhat engaged in it. In
1655 Admiral Blake punishes the Algiers and-
Tunis Pirates, and Jamaica is wrested from

*Money was scarce in Massachusetts for a long pe-
riod, and even the custom.-* were often paid in grain,
of oour.^e at a certain cash value. The General
Court in 1631 maue Indian corn a legal tender for
debts, unless money or beaver was expressly mention-
ed as the consideration. This was partly to encourage
the raising of grain to prevent future famine, and
partly, perhaps, a necessity of the times. Beaver,
wampum, grain, fish, lumber and live stock were all
specie in the early davs of Massachusetts — part of
them even down to 1775.

One of the reasons fur th's state of things was, that
Massachusetts mainly creited her own wealth by her
own independent industry, and with none of the pre-
cious metals in her soil. It was in furtherance of her
independent industry and spirit, that in 1632 she
Cuuimenced coining money on her own account, and
it is a striking evidence of her practical independence
of the English government both at that time and for
years afterwards. It was as reasonable in her, too,
as it was independent, and was finally regarded in
England as a practical declaration of independence,
and is duly paraded as one of the crimes of Massa-
chusetts in the judgment to vacate the colonial char-
ter in 1684. The coining of money is one of the at-
tributes of sovereignty, and was so considered as
againet Massachusetts.

80

tihe Spaniards, and so opeaa another field for
our commerce. The fame of the great English
Admirals of the commonwealth made all our
colonial commerce more secure up to 1660,
eyen the Dutch beinj; obliged to give way be-
fore them, in 1655 the General Court see and
feel the necessity of encouraging commerce as
well as husbandry, and of promoting an union
between them. In 1658 appears a notice of
the farmers of the customs in Massachusetts,
the customs being let out — farmed out — i-as was
a custom in Old England at the time. Felt
says that there was a port house (tCustom
House) on the South River in Salem in 1636.
and that there was another called The French
House on South River in 1645, lasting thirty-
four years. These must then have been instj-
tuted by the colonial authorities, and not by
the home government.

From the restoration of Charles the 2d, in
1660 to J1670, the period when we take up the

fThe Custom House in Salem in 1682 was a small
building adjulniug, or attached to the old mansion of
Benjamin Brown, Esq , still sts^nding on Essex and
Bast streets. This fact seems? to indicate that the
oominerce of Salem at that purio I was carried on in
the lower part of the town, and that this location was
a centraX one. Our authority here is Benj. Brown,
Esq., himself, now an octogenarian and a dweller up-
on the spot.

:{:The Massachusetts colonists, according ^a Hutch-
inson, admitted to the King's commissioners in l<i65,
thatthev possessed about 80 vessels of from 20 to 40
tons, about 40 from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen
ships above 100 tons. Of these Silem had undoubt-
edly built, and then owned, her share. The Colony
Records confirm this. Vol. 4 part 2.

In 1680 Massachusetts seems to have about 120
strips, sloops, ketches and other vessels, vjz: — 8 or
IQ ships of 100 tons or upwards, 3 or 4 of 200 tons
or more, 40 or 50 fishing ketches between 20 and 40
tons, and about 6 or 8 English ships which come to
^rade. The most of these 120 vessels belonged to
the colony. The balance (unaccounted for) were co-
lonial. West India and other traders, we suppose,
and were sloops and ketches very probably. See Mass.
Hist. Coll. — Article, "GleaninKS for New England
History." 3d series vol. 8 page 338.

history of Philip English »8 one of our Salem
merchants. Salem seems still to progress in
commerce. Salnm is ||biiilding vessels for her
own trade, and perhaps for other places. From
1659, to 16,77 there appear to be not less than
four noted ship builders in Salem, one of whom,
Jonathan Pickering, get? a grant of land
about Hardy 8 Cove, fsom the town, to him-
self and heirs forever to build vessels upon. —
From 1692 to 1718 seven ship builders appear
prominent in Salem, among whom are the
names of Joseph Hardy and William Beckett,
the latter name being associat'd even down al-
most to thesf days with ship building — a Beck-
et having built the fast sailing America, cruis-
er, for the Crowninshields. In 1721 so impor-
tant had become our ship building in Massa-
chusetts, that sixteen master builders belong-
ing to the Port of London petition the Lords
of Plantations not to encourage ship building
in New England. They say their journeymea
are drawn to this country, and that in case of
need there would not be a suf^oiency of ships
for tiie royal navy. Massiijchusetts was then
too well rooted and grounded in independence
and prosperity to heed these assaults. She
practically disobeyed too, the act of 1660 — the
plantation act — which would have compelled
her ships to give bonds to the Custom House
in England, to carry plantation produce to
England, or the other JjjngUsh possessions,—
In 1662 our town authorities endeavor to ac-
commodate at the Burying Point, those desir-
ous ol graving vessels, wiiich shows our com-
merce then to have been of pu'>lic importance.
About this time the Virginia trade is of conse*
quence, several of our citizens being engaged
in it. In 1663 William Hollingworth, a Sa-
lem merchant, agrees to send 100 hogsheads of
tobacco from the river Potomack by ship from

IjThe Neck — about the Burying Point — on the creek
(South River) — various places on the South River —
Hardies Cove— Frye's Mills — are all noted as locali-
ties for ship yards in our Salem history — the Neck
(including Winter Island) being probably the most
ancient among them.

81

Boston to Plymouth in England, the .Island of
Jersey, or any port in Holland, and thence to
the said Island for £7 Hterling a ton. The un
warrantable war eomuienced against theDutcli
by the home government in 1664. and which
resulted in the capture of N. York Irom Hol-
land, reacted upon the colonial commerce se
verely.for De Ruvter made in 1665 conniderahle
havoc at Newfoundland, by accident alone was
kept fiiim Nhw England, and alarmed all the
colonies ; and in 1667 some Dutch men-of
war ravaged the coast of Virginia, plundered
some eighteen or nineteen sail of merchantmen
John Brown, son of elder John, of Salem, NVjI
liam HoUingworth. John Norman and Robert
Stone of Salem, being taken prisoners and
plundered hy them. They threaten<^d to visit
New England, and this irritated and seriously
alarmfd the colonists.

In 1667 the colony encouraged the making
a dry dock which is subsequently located at
Charleeti>wn. It appears in 1668 from a peti-
tion extensively signed in Salem, for the repeal
of an order of a late General Court. laying a
*duty oi one per cent, on imports and exports,

♦The dutiea levied by the Colonial Government on
its Commerce were not oppressive, or if judged to be
onerous wern soon changed, especially as the Geceral
Court and Governor looked to the popular sentiment
of the Colony, and respected it far uiore thda the
threats or frowns of the mother country, whether in
matters of trade or policy. In 1635, the duties
amount practically to £5 per cent. In 1636Ti>baec(),
strong drinks. Wine, Sugar, Spices, aiid trait— that
is articles of luxury — pay one-.sixth of their value,
with an additional one third for retailing. In 1645,
Wines fr<'m different quarters pA'f ^rom 5 to ten
shillings the pipe — fresh wines 2s 6d per liogshead,
and Strong VVaters 10 sbilliags per hhd. In 1648,
somewhat similar duties are paid on Spirits. In
1676, Goods, Wares and Merchandize, living cattle
and provisions pay 10 shillings on eacb'£iOU value — \
Wines pay from 10 shillings to £1. per tou — Brandy i
£2 do. Every ship of 200 tons and upwards, 10
shillings the ton — small vessels each vovage 68. 8d.
(this was for the Colony vessels — their pai>se8 from i
the Governor, we presume) — E!ach Stranger vessel, |
not built in the Colony and above^O tons, paid each i

21 •

and 2 d on all grain from adjacent colootes,
that from 30.000 to 40,000 bushels of graia
were brought into Massacliusetts. Other towoB
petition likewise. From this we see that Ma3-
sachuHetts w<ks dependent on the more south*
em colonies, probably, for grain, and that a
considerable trade was carried on 'between

voyage one half pound powder per ton, or 9d in mon-
ey— Strangers vessels, a ton 6d — no customs on any
exports, except 6d each on Horses. At this date,
foreign vessels from all quarters trade freely with
Mass., and are encouraged to do so by Our authori-
ties in direct oppusiti<)n to the English Laws of
Trade. In 1680, one penny a pound on goods im-
ported— no export duty. In 1686, Sir Edmund An-
dros began bis tyrannical rule in Ma.s8iU3hu:<etts, and
levied exorbita-bt taxes, according to TnimbiiU, part
of which may have fallen on Commerce. In 1689,
he is over thrown, and King William proclaimed.
The Charter he grants, is not so favorable to the
Coloni.<ts for Commerce, as tLeir old one, which they
bid construed moreover in their own (avor, and in a
verjr libeial manner. As the Coluni.sts had con-
trolled their own trade, and had enjojed heretofore
a comparative free trade, and had thriven by it, and
saw its advantages, they spiritedly declared through
the first act of their Legislature after they had re-
ceived the Charter, that "no aid, tax, to'ttage, assess-
ment, cu^ttom. loan, benevolence, or impo^Uion what-
soever shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied on
his majestys subject.-: or their estates, on any pre-
tence whatever, but by the act and consent of the
Governor, Council and representatives of the people
assembled in General Court." This was intended to
maintain their independence in trade, as before the
ohartfr, and in 1718, the General Court went "so far
as to lay a duty on English goods and English built
ships, which, however, was soon repealed, but their
boldness caused great displeasure in England. These
things however show the spirit ani iudependence of
the Colonists. la 1726, the duties ran from 20 to 30
shillings per pipe on Wine — Kum 20s. the libd. of
100 gallons — Sugar 28. the hhd. — Mula.-<ses Is. do —
Tobacco 20s do — Logwood 38. the ton — other goods
or merchandize, except those from Great Britain, Id.
for eve'y 20s. worth. In 1701, the duties on Rum
and Wine in Salem, were £60 10s , and in 1732,
£800 to £900. ' This latter amounted to three fifths
of the whitt^ Tfvenuf of Massachusetts in 1680 — whioh
was then, according' to Gov. Bjsadstreet, alfont
£1500.

82

them. A« the colonial tuhsbIs in those days
were smuU, and carried otitet articles besides
grain, there were probably, (judsi^g from car-
goes some years later) from forty to fifty
vessels employed in the coast trade, avera^^ing
from twenty-five to thirty-five or forty tons. —
Of these, Salem undoubtedly had her share. —
This, too. is independent of the rishing fleet,
which doubtless was simply engaged in fishing.
The colonial ketches and Sloops ran to the
West Indies, to Spain, the Wine Inlands and
the Streights, and brought return cargoes which
were despatched fuoastwise, together with our

•f To judge by Qov. Bradstreet's answer to the Lords
of the Council in 1680, our coastwise trade to Virgin-
ia and Maryland for grain, tobicco', &o , must have
begun after that time, as be appears to be silent on
the point. Knowing the desires of the authorities in
England to fasten their laws of trade upon us, he
may, however, have rather underrated our commerce
and enterprise at that time. The trade (and direct
Salem trade) with the southern colonies was evident-
ly well established between 16C0 and 1G70, and was
even then important. Between 1690 and 1720 it
flourished greatly, and was prominent, if we a-e not
mistaken, down even to the American Revolution. —
The coastwise trade of Massachusetts, and of Salem
»8 one of the t^jf^ principal seaports in it, was con-
fitied principally at first -prior to lti40— to the New
England states, and tbence gradually extending to
New York (with the Dutch) and still further South-
So it seems, at least. The coloniitts finally purchased
their grain, tobacco, Ac. oi Virginia and Maryland,
by the West India produce they bought with their
fish Ac. It is of course impossible to tell the exact
time when this particular course Of trade commenced.
Too colonies bought grain of the southerU Colonies
at an early day, however — to judge from some few
items of history. The early authorities of New En-
gland may not have been very communicative to the
English rulers, knowing that every admission they
made was to be used as an additiontil argument why
fbey should conform to the laws of trade in England.
The colonists plead poverty to evade these laws,
•ometimks truly, sometimes perhaps wisely; and oc-
casi<>nally resisted them outright. They sometimes
boldly carried on a contraband trade, and the Gene-
ral Coart was butb wisely silent and blind in the mat-
ter. The nolonists were for free trade, aud it proved
to be an ineradicable irtiit in their ooiAmereial char-
•oter.

Yankee notions, and this very grain taken us
part of the final return cargo to Massaehusetts.
It is certain that Salem flourished by this gen-
eral trade, as Josselyn says of Salem in 1664,
••In this town are some very rich merchants."
The colonists seem occaHionally to have been
troubled with Jpiracy, both native and for-
eign, which was not put down until after 1700.
By a law passed by the town in ||1669. refus-
ing permission to transport' wood or timber by
land or sea from the town commons, without
leave of the selectmen, we can judge that a
free use hud been made of the native forest of
Salem for lumber, staves, and ship building,
as well as wood for the fishermen, and the com-
mon uie of the town, and that the scarcity wa?
beginning to be felt. From the years 1640 to

:(In 1684 the General Court pa^a an order for the
seizure of pirates and privateers, authorizing certain
officers to raise armed men for that purpose — making
it lawful to shoot those resisting such officers or men
under them, or if captured, are to be put to death as
capital offenders. Any officer refusint; to serve against
sucb outlaws, to be fined £50 or be imprisoned, and
any inhabitant called upon by such officers, \( refus-
ing to' appear promptly, and well armed, to pay £5
or suffer corporal punishment.

In 1685 Capt. Sampson Waters of Boston, is grant-
ed a commission against certain pirates off New Lon-
don, and a proclamation made by order of General
Court, and by beat of drum, for volunteers. The vol-
unteers, as an inducement, are to "have an equal
and just divi.-<ion in all the pirates' goods and estates
taken witb them; aud no purchase, no pay" — Lord
Bellamoot seems to have been the first who was suc-
cessful in suuduiug them.

||.n 1676, boiVever, Salem is said to be one of the
principal places for building vessels, at £4 the ton.
In Book 2 leaf 47 Salem Records (Registry of Deeds)
is an agreement between John Browne & Company
aijd William Stevens of Gloster.in N. E., shipwright,
under date of 1661, in which Stevens agrees to build
''one new shipp of sixty-eight foot long by ye keele
Ac" at £3 5s the ton. Brown A Company were con-
nected with the Jersey trade, Browne himiielf being
a resident of Salem, the others at the Isle of Jersey,
as it appears. The trade was most probably a Frinck
one. The "shipp" appears to have been a little over
100 tons burthen, say 110.

83

1670 it is reaHonahly certain that Salem 6our-
lahed greatly in comiueree, and all branches
connected with or dependent upon it, and to a
greater eitent comparatively, than for the thir-
ty years after 1070, cloning with the century.
Her prosperity, in common with the colony, af-
ter 1670, attracted the jeaiojsy and greed of
the home government, and the days of the Com-
monwealtl) being numbered in England, she
had no powerful friends there to interpret co-
lonial lawb in her favor, or drive her enemies
from power. The impetus, however, which
she ha I already gained in commerce, atid I er
natural independence, carried her through and
over many obntacies, nor was Salem fairly sub-
dued by her subKpquent ill-fortunes until 1711.
Her troubles may have been sad to have fairly
commenced in 1677, when our General Court
order the navigation laws of En;;land to be
obeyed, and culminated locally in 1692, with
a continuation of commercial misfortune up to
1711.

The Fisheries, as we have said, were the
main reliance of Salem in the early days, and
were indeed declared by the Council to the
House in 1708 to be "the chief staple of the
Country.'' (ireat attention was paid of course
to them. In 1670 the General Court denounce
Tortuga Salt as impure, and declare Fish cured
with it to be not merchantable. The phrase
*' Merchantable Cod tish'''' is often met with in
the old accounts some years prior to and after
1700, and this may in some degree explain the
phrase. There is also the phrase "Refuse
Cod," which was ordinary or defective from
eome cause, and was shipped largely to the
West Indias. for the Negroes most probably.
The dry Merchantable Cod Fish went to Spain,
the Streights and the Wine Islands. In 1726
•we see the General Court passing an act for
the better curing and culling o' Fish — the lack
of care having brought our Fish into disrepute
in foreign markets.

From the year 1670 to 1740, the period at
which we close our remarks upon the com
merce of Salem, oar New England trado was to

the *We8t Indies, and must parts ut Europe —

*AmoDg the old Cummercial papers of the English
Familj, is found tlje following letter directed *'To
Corun'll Samuel Brown Esq.,

Maroli't in .ralem.

New England.
St. Christopher. Feub: ye Uth, 1727-8

Coro'll Brown.

Sr — Having mett with ye Opportunity to writ to
yon by Capt. Tiuiberlake that Stoppeu to c-ime here
from Suranam having bin tiikeo to Mindwurd of
Martinico By ye Gunrde coast & Brought to Uuarde-
loopeand had a law sute with theiUy I wiit to you from
Martinico to Acquniut you of Being a new General
arrived there Which will not grant any pertuigsioa
att all, then I went to •iuardeioiipe A they would
not lett me come a Shoare then I went to Antigoa, <k
tound ye Markett there .•'o loe. fi.<h wa? sold for lOs per
ql then I came Here & thi)U;:ht fit to stay here Be-
cause wee have news ot three >paiii!ib Privateer that
was about ye Leward Island- I sold all ye fii<h at 14
per ql Board sell from lour to five pounds Ruiu is
here 2:i 3d p gall, Malas^es is at i)d Cotton is at 12d p
pound I can not sell ye Shingle I have about lUOUO
of Board to sfell, tliere '» no Soalt at any of ye
Island.-) I here that ye fleet will not £oe to Tortuga
I shall make all ye ilispatch home Again I can, so
Remain

Sr. yr Ilumble Serv"t

John Touzel.

Molasses i£ very sCase to be had"

Note. Id No. 2 of this Magazine will be foand
a letter of Instructions from this same Sam'll Brown
to Touzel in 1727. By the fleet going to Tortuga,
Capt. Touzel probably means the New England vet-
selsthen trading to the West Indies, which would go
toT. to load in part, at least, with Salt for the New
England Fisheries. But what a pursuit of Com>
merce under difBculties does Dot this letter digclose?
U hat with rumors of Guard Coasts, law suits, re-
fusals to land, low markets, and Spanish Privateers,
Capt. John Touzel seems to biive had trouble enough!
There is no doubt, but that he did "make all ye
Dispatch home again" be could, keeping too bis eyet
sharply tn windward as he sailed out of St. Cbristo*
phers, and for many a good league beyond, to iiee
whetner the "Three Spanish Privateer" were not on
bif track. Right glad too was ''Coron'll Samuel
Brown E^q.," to see Capt John sailing peaceably
into Salera Harbor, safe at last from fears and foei.
Those who look upon the old times as the best, would
nave been cured of their delusion, no doubt, could
they have taken this cruise with Capt- John, aftgr
one to the West Indies and back in this day and gea>
eration.

We will only add, this Capt. John Touzel WM «
Son in law of Philip English, and appears to faavt

84

lincluding'fSpain, France, and ilollind At
times there uppear tu have been insCinces of
irregular trade with the French at Newfound-
land, bj which brandy, wine, oil and English
manufactures were brought into Salem. This
trade seems to have been boldly and openly
maintained however. From the year 1G86
New England appears to have a flag of her own,
having a cross of red color on a white ground
with a crown in the middle of the cross, and un-
,der the crown J. R. (James Rex ) A Dutch
book entitled the Ship Builder, (so saya Felt)
and printed in Amsterdam in 1705, states that
the flag of |New England is blue, vtith a

sailed for William & Samuel Erowne, noted mer-
chants of that day. Some of bi3 Sea Journals are
yet extant, and in the Essex Institute.

fin the Salem Records (Registry of Deed?) Book
3 Folio 170, is to be found recorded the Instruct ions
of Richard Lowe to bis partner Mr. John Black-
leaob,:.who is directed to purchase what fisb or other
goods are needtsd (beside the fish already bought in
Salem) for the Ketch Blessing, theuoa to proceed z<<
Bilboa, Spain, to sell his cargo, and thence to some
part of Fiance , where it may be most advantageous
to lay ont the proceeds in Linen cloth, and v^haiever
else may be best, and thence directly to Boston.
Blackleach as partner is to have "noe wages" but
instead, 10 per cent on the sale of Lowe's portion in
Biiboa aad 5 pur cent do at Boston. Date of In
gtructions Nov. 21, 1672. From several wills we
have seen in the Probate Office from about the same
date to 1700, Bilboa, it seems, was a favorite mar-
ket for our Salem vessels, and continued to be for a
long time after.

:j:!t may be that the flag spoken of by the "Ship
Builder," printed in Amsterdam, 1705, was .a New
England fl.igpn>r to 1686. What makes this proba
ble, is, that in 1665 the King's Commissioners -de
sire, among other things, that the true flag shall be
hoisted on Massachusetts vessels. Colony Records,
Vol. 4, Part 2. This would seem to imply that
Massachusetts, if not New England, had then a flag
of her own. The flag of 1686 is that of New Eng-
land, under Sir Edmund Andros, and any one desi-
rous of seeing a good representation of that flag, can
fia 1 it (as taken from the Briti.<h State Paper office,)
in Arnold's History of the State of Rhode Island,
Vol. 1, opposite page 4d6. It is by no means ua-

white free quarter, whinh is divided in four
by H red croiis, having in the first subdivision
a sphere of sepurated hemispheres, alluding to
America as the New World.

From the years 1686 to 1689 inclusive, Sa-
lem is trading to iJBarbadoes, London, Fayal

likely that Massichusetts (and New England acting
with her,) had a separate flag as early as 1660 It
was no more an independent measure on her part
than the coining of money n 1652, and that was
clearly an act of sovereignty. The Magistrates in
1673 tell Wayborne, who taen complains to them of
their permitting a free colonial and foreign trade,
as against law, "that they were his majesties vice
admirals iu those seas, and that they would do that
which seemed good to them," and they evidently did,
including very probably the hoisting of a C<)loniaI
flag on board their ships. As the peogile then chose
their own Governor and Admiralty offic;eis, as well
as Representatives, we c.n readily see that they had
about their own way in all matters relating to Com-
merce. It was not until the Charter was cancelled,
that this freedom was checked — and then only to
gain new force for the final explosion of Liberty at
the Revolution.

II Among the English papers is a letter of Wm.
Hollingworth, then a merchant in Barbadoes, under
date of Sept. 19, 1687, which is of a commercial
character, relating especially to the imports into
that Island from Salem. The letter, is directed on
the outside. "For Mrs. Elanor Hollingworth, Att
Sallem, In New England," and reads:

"Dear and Honoured m^-ther

"My Duty be presented to you with my kind love
to my brother and sister and to ye c lildreri. Yours
by Mr. Prance I Heci^ved; fish now att present bares
A gv»od rate by lleasou ye Newfoundland men are
not yet Come in but I believe itt will bt» low anuflfe
about three monthes' hence; bread and peiece [pease]
hath been A good Commodity and Contenue.s, louiu-
ber is lowe still, oylo will be ye principle Commodi-
ty but in good Cuske wee are in great likelihood of
A brave cropp; this latter part of ye year hath
proved very Sea.-sonable, ye lord be praised for itt,
pray lett my brother see this letter I cannot tell
what to ndvioe him to send as yett besides oyle but
iu A short tyme wee shall see what these new.''ouad-
land men will doe what quantitye:* of fish they bring
in and then I will advice lartbor I will slip noe op-
portunity in advising bim, soe with my serviss to all
my frinus [friends] [ subscribe my Selfe your obedi-
ent Son to Command. Wm IIo I.LI. vg worth.
pray fail not my dear Mother in sending me half

85

and Biirtjiidoes, rennsylvaniii.St Christopliers,
V'irjjiiiia and Antigua. The great luajor^t^ of
her vessels are ketchea from twenty to tarty
tons, and from four to six men. Only one ship
appears among tliem, and her tonnage is but
130 tons. Salem however, it appears, was in-
directly engaged also in the Virginia and Hol-
land trade, carrving tobacco from Virginia
to Europe. In 1G90 there seems to have com-
menced a local trade of boating gixids to and
from Boston, but how long it continued after
l693 is in doubt. The French war now begins
to trouble -Salem, and from this tisna to 1697
she loses over fifty of her fishing ketches bv the
French and Indians. Some of our Sa'em peo-
ple stiflPer in these years by being impressed on
board British men of war. In 1698-r9 Regis-
ters are taken out for 26 vessels tielonsr'ng to
Salem— 2 ships, 1 b-irq-ie, 3 sloops and twen-
ty ketches. The most average from 20 to 40
tons. Only five exceed the latter amount.
One of the ships was 80 and the other 300 tons.
The largest was built here, as well as 17 more
of thp number.

In 1700 the foreign trade of Salem is thus
described by Higginson : — 'Dry Mercliantable
Codfish, for the markets of Spain, Porcugal
and the Straits. Kefuse fish, lumber, horses,
and provisions for the West Indies. Keturns
made directly hence to England, are sugar,
inolassps. cotton wool, logwood and Brasilctto
wood, for wliich we depend on the West Indies,
Our own produce, a considerable quantity of
*whale and tish oil, whalebcne, furs, deer, elk

kentle of Cuske and some aples and Eonifi barbe-

ryes and ye lott of Cuske.

Barbadofs, Sfptni 19, lt)87, Bridgetown.

My StTvisp to Mr. Croade, Mr. Andrews and to
Mr. Adauies, and to Mr. Beuj Allin. W. H.

Note. The oi7 mentioned in this letter, may, in
part, have been Whale oil from the Cape Cod whale
fisheries, or taken perhaps by Salem whaling boats
in Massachusetts Bay.

♦From some old testimony searched out from the
Files of the Es?ex, Co. Courts by Ira J. Patch, Esq.,
and referring to the Ancient Whale Catching Cus-
toms of the Fishers in Cap<6 Cod Bay in 1708, we
are inclined to believe tbit Beverly was engaged in
22

and bear skins are annually sent to England.
We ha-ve much shipping here, find freights are
low,*' From 1700 to 1714, inclusive, registers
were granted to the following vessels of Salem,
— 4 ships, 3 barques, 9 brigs, 24 f sloops and
19 ketches. They ranged from 15 to 90 tons ;
40 of them were f>uilt in Salem. In 1705 the
ship Unity, of 270 tons, was built in Salem,

this fishery then, and in all probability Salem also.
The testimony, as copied by Mr. Patch, can be seen
in the Salem (jazette of Jan. 1, 1858. As whaling,
was tiien an old, long e8tabli:'hed pursuit in our
Bay. Salem may have enteied into it, as Boston did,
and with a like profit. This is most probably the
case.

f Among the English Papers are to be found a few
acconn«s of Capt. AVm. English, (son of Philip,)
who in 1709 and 11 is commanding respectively the
sloops Mary and Arke bound to and from Virginia
and Maryland. He carries thither Molasses, Hum,
Salt, Cider, Mackerel, Wooden Bowls, Platters,
Paijs, Kegs, JMuscavado Sugar, Cans and Cod-
fish, and is ordered to bring back to Salem, Wheat,
Pork, Tobacco, Furs, Hides, Old Pewter, Old Iron,
Brass, Copper, Indian Corn, if cheap, and English
I Goods. In 1712 Wm. £nglish sails for Surinam
j (Dutch Guiana) in the Mary, with orders to fill up
with Molasses, or freight (or Salem and Boston.
There is a letter extant of this Wm. Engli.-h to a
"Mr- Isaiic Knolcott cif Surinume,'' which may have
some little commercial intormation in it, and which
rather goes to disprove the modern idea that the
liquors the ancient people drank were alvays of the '
purest description, and therefore very wholesome.
In this matter, as in most matters of tue past, "Dis-
tance lends enchantment to the view."

"Salem, July the 2d, 1713.
Mr. Isnack Knoleott,

Sr: beair is in Closed Bill of Lading & invos
for one hogshead of Verey Good .Midlin Cod fish
shii'cd you by the Sloop [illegible^ Capt. John Shad
ock comniand'r whitjh 1 hope will Com Safe to yr
hands. I baue not yet sold all your Melasses By
Ue.<en yt when it cauie a shore it Stunk & was Salt
I So that Every Body tbat came to see hitt Sade yt it
, was I ut in Either a fish Barrell or Porke or Beef
tiarrell I have Sent it to ye Stillers to have it Stild
[Distilled] into Rum. I shall make ye most of it I
cann, & as for Talow [Tal ow] thare is none to Be
had. I shall Send jou what Remanes yet dew to
von By the next opportunity.

I Rest y Vs.
Wm. English."

86

for Boston and London oierchuntH, and in 17U9
JoSfph Hardy built the ship American Mer-
chant, ol (jilascow, in Salem, fehe was of 160
tons burthen, and he was one of the owners,
from 1714 to 1718 our vessels traded to Ma-
deira, 8urin<iui, Jamaica, B.irbadoes, Biiboa,
Lisbon. Bri!«tol and London. In 1721 some of
our citizens wefe accused of an irregular trade
with Cape Breton, and the Legislature wink at
it. Lumber, provisions, and tobacco are car-
ried tliither, and wine, brandy, linen, silks and
other goods brought back. In 1733 as manv
as ten vessels bound to or froiii Barbadoes and
Saltatuda. are in tha ice in bur harbor, and
people are employed to cut thein out. From
J1721 to 1740 our trade was to vaiious parts of
the West Indies, North Carolina, Maryland,
Saltaluda. Oporto, Fayal, Lisbon. Canso, Bar-
badoes, l|Bilbi>a, Gibraltar, Leghorn, Canaries,
Jamaica, New Foundland, ^Leeward Islands,
Cadiz, Alioant, Mediterranean, Virginia, St.
Martins, Antijjua.

The trade of Salem, immediately after its per-
mament settlement, was under the control and

^Iii 1721, the Collector of the District, which in-
cludes Salem aud adjacent Sea Ports, states that he
tlears out 80 vessels on an average every year

Felt's Annals.

I|H e have In our poFsession a few letters of in-
struction, from .S&in'll BroVirne of Salem, to his Capt.
John Touzull, ranging through ».ne years 1728 9, in
which Touzell i« ordered to deliver his cargo of
"Scale Fish, middling C6d, and merchantable Cod"
at Bilboa, S'f)aiti, arid thence get freight for Lisbon
or Cadiz, and load with ialt at St. Ubea for N. E;
or he may take a freight from L. or C. to Ireland,
fiolland or England, and then go to the Isle of May
for salt: or he may sell the Brigantine [Endeavor of
lixty tons, plantation built] for £45U or £500, if be
•an get that for her abroad.

ir 1732— Salem has about 30 fishing Tcssels, much
less than formerly, and the same number which go
on foreign voyages to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and other
'West India islands; gome to the Wine Island?; others
carry fish to Spain, Portugal, and the "Streights."
•—Frit's Annals, appendin.

Hu/cAin.von 8&> « our Massacbusetti trade with tbe
Briligb West Indies was mutually {trofitable until tbe
peaM of Utreoht ia 1713. It then began to deelioe.

auspices of tiie Home Company. They, howr-
ever, finding that their joint stock (tor the
trade was manHgcd by the Company as a Cor-
poratiun^ was sinking in value through the ex-
penses of colonization, viz : purchase and main-
tenance of ships, supplies, tranhportation of
passengi-re, colonial expenses, and probably in-
suflSjent returns, re-organized their operations,
creating two kinds of stock, or else more effect-
ually Separating and dividing their old stock.
One ol these stocks was trailed the Joini Stock,
the other the Common Stock. The Joint Stock
was to be a trade stock. Tiiis they passed over
to the management of Mr. John VVinthrop,
Governor, and others, as undertakers. These
undertakers were to manage this stock for seven
years, with certain pcciiniiry advantages to
themselves, run all risks, and, at the end of
the seven years, account lor the stock and its
profits, the Same to be divided to every stock-
holder in ptoporfion to his adventure therein.
It was not, therefore, a sa/e of the stuck to the
undertakers, but only the a8sum()tion of its
management, on favurahle pecuniary terms,
by the undertakers, in consideration of their
running all the rirfks. The common stock was
entirely distinct from the joint stock, which
was expressly declared by the Company, Feb.
10, 1630. (-ee Felt's Annals, vol. I. p. 148,) to
be '•ordained for the maintenance of the trade,"
At the same date and meeting of the Company,
(see Felt's Annals, game vol. same page.) it
was determined ''that a common stock should bt
raystdjrom such as beare good affecon to tht
pla Uacon and propagacon thereof, and the sam*
to be employed on(y in defrayment of puhlique
charges, as maintenance of mtnisttrs, transpor-
tacon of poorejamylyes. building of churches
and ffortyfycalions aud all other fubhque and
necessary expenses of ih" plantacon. dj^c.'' The
reason given for the formation of this *Commoji

'This Common Stock was evidently in furtberanea
of Plantation purposes (not trade) since every per-
son BobHCribing to it tbe sum of £50 was entitled t»
200 acres of land, and proportiorably for any smaller
earn. Bu it was an emigration measure.

87

Stock WU8, that the jurtherance of the planta I Colonists here, who managed things, after all,
tion would necessiinly require a great and con- their own way. and panl.y in the destructiye

tinual cliaige, which could not, with conve-
nience, be defrayed out ot the Joint Stock
(trade stock) of the Company.

Certain undertakers seem to have been cho-
Ben to manage this common stock, perhaps the
same as wore to manage the trade or joint
stock. It is obvious, however, t^>at the Home
Company, did not part with their interest in
this stock, since at the same meeting (Feb. 10,
1630,) "if IS further agreed on and ordered,
that an order bee draicne vpp and publishfd vn-
der the seale of the Company, to sigmfie and
declare to what vsns all such monyes as are giu-
en to the common stock shal be employed, and
what land shal be allotted to each man that
giues therevnto, <!fC." The further facts that
ilr. John Winthrop waa chosen Governor of
the Colony by the Company in London, and
their comfirmation of (300 acres in the Colony
to Brewerton at the same meeting at which
they established the common stock of the Com
pany, prove that the Uome Company did not
part with any of their proprietary rights in the
Colony, when they agreed to transfer the Pa-
tent and Government hefe in 1030. Their
joint stock or trade stock had a limit of seven
yea's to run in the Colony, and at the risk of
the undertakers, but we are unable to find
that the common stock of the Company was ev-
er limited in any way. To dispose of it, was
to dispose of proprietorship, and we see no evi-
dence of such an intention any wljere. It was
natural and proper that the government of the
Colony should be transicrred to the Colony,
but tho Company in England would have sold
their proprietorship, if desirous of disposing of
it. We see no evidence of such a sale, or the
intention of selling. We see charly that the
trade of the Company was self-limited to seven
years, and was most probably defunct several
years before that period, but when did the pro-
prietor's right of the Home Company cease to
have any validity here ? The answer is per-
bap» to be found la the independeDce ol the

confusion produced by the civil troubles in
England. Cradcck evidently considered that
he had a proprietary right in the Colony, for
he left a claim upon it, amounting, in 1648, to
nearly £700.

We have devoted a short space to the investi-
gation of this matter, not only for the pnrpose
of arriving at the facts of hittory, but because
we are aware that some are of the belief that
the Home Company parted with all their inter-
ests, pecuniary and proprietary, in the Colony,
to Winthrop and tho.se coming over with himi
and to those already here. We see no evidence
of it. The Government and Patenr were trans-
ferred, and the general management, both of
government and trade ; but we cannot see that
right or interests in either wore disposea of to
the Colonists here. The trade of the company
was indeed to empire at a limited period, (neveh
vea''8),but their interest in the Patent and Gov-
ernment to continue. That it did not continue,
can only be explained, now. by a combination
of circumstances, permitted i)y a higher power;
in part to free the Colony from a landed mo-
nopoly, and give it a wide freedom aa the basis
of the more glorious Commonwealth.

Practically speaking, however, the Colonial
government managed affairs, either of Church
or State, from the start, to suit themselves.
Many of the early laws, either religious or
civil, are evidently the work of the Colonial au-
thorities, spiritual or temporal, and very prob-
ably entirely their own. The laws of trade
gvhich they passed, often b<ive strong local
characteristic), though they may have been for
the benefit of the joint stock of the home com-
pany and their partners id the Colony. la
1631, no corn, provision or merchantable com-
modity could be purchiu^ed from any ship with-
out the leave of the Governor or an Assistant.
In 1634-5 the penalty of confiscation, or tht
loss of value of the goods, hung over those wli*
hought any commodity, from any vessel coming
into the Colony, without a license from the
Governor. In 1635 this was repealed. la

88

1634-5 a committee of iiierohants are appointed
to purchase the cargoes of friendly vet-scls,
etore them, and any time within twenty days
after the landing of the cargo, and notice given
to the several towns, sell them to the inhabi-
tants of the Colony at £5 per cent, profit, and
not above. By the preceding section it would
seem that the cargo was prol)ahly not to he
purchased by the undertakers of the joint stock
of the Company, and if tiiis be so, then Salem
begins in 1G34-5 to enjiy a comparative free-
dom from the Home Company. This agrees
well with the fact of history th it in 1637 the
Colonists began to build vt'S^iels for trade and
fishing. In 1640 their independence was obvi-
ous, and the Home Company's trade has en-
tirely disappeared. It was probably dying or
extinct in 1635-6. Some of the early and re
strictive laws of trade in the Colony may have
been, and probably were passed as protective
measures, and without much reference to the
Home Company, as for instance that of 1634-5,
which puniched any person who should go on
board any sliip on arrival without leave of some
of the assistants, uiilevSg she had laid at anchor
twenty^four hours in some inhabited iiarbor,
(nor tlien unless a friend) wi!h the confiscation
of his estate, and such lurther punishment as
the General Court should think in(!et to in-
fli t ! Also that of 1635-6, wherein all persons
are forbidden to buy any commodity from any
ship before the invoice has been given to the
Governor or Deputy Governor, nor any provi-
sions without K-ave, nor to buy any provis^ions
or victuals from such ship to soil again, or f car-
ry from the Colony under pain of a punishment
at the discretion of the Court. Both these
laws were soon repealed, and were, therefore,
we presume, merely local law8 to suit some
local euiergoucy.

f Even as lato as 1C62 we see another of those pro-
hibitory laws, so common in the earlier day of Mas-
sachusetts. Corn then is so scarce, that its export
is forbidden on pain of Confiscation-f-the law to con-
tinue in force until Gen'l Court so order otherwise.
Here the alarming scarcity of corn in the Colony was
doubtless the controlling cause of the Law.

Tlio weekly Wednesday tuarkets permitted
in Salem, commencing in 1634, and the two
yearly Fairs granted her by Gen'l Court — the
one in May, and the other in September — com-
mencing in 1638, must have done their share in
8tin>ulatmg the internal, and perhaps external
trade of S. The Home Compiiny built a bark
here in 1629, but then only for their own fish-
ermen— yet evidently a largo decked boat —
large enough to visit Newfoundland. If the
Colony was practically free of the Home Com-
pany in 1637, then between tl at year and
1639 the fisheries and trade perhaps with them
took a good start, since in 1639, ship carpen-
ters, which follow their calling, are exempted
from training, as also were fishermen and
mjllers nnder similar c rcumstances ; though
they are still to be furnished with arms. These
peculiar privileges prove tlie impn tance of
their uncontined labor to the Colunv at that
time. In 1641 the Gen'l Court are fully a-
roused to the importance of perfecting ship-
building, which it calls "a business of great
importance tor the public good, and therefore
suitable care is to bi taken that it be well per-
formed.'' and makes it lawful for the owners
to appoint and put in some suitable workman,
as is usual in England, to survey the work
and workmen, givi.ig him such power and lib-
erty as belongs to his office, and, in else of
disagreement between him and the ship car-
penters, provides for the selection of two im-
partial ship carpenters as referees, who shall
decide the matter and have power to remedy
the complaint, and their charges or fees are to
be paid by the party at fault.

In 1642 Stlem is the second commercial
town of the Colony. She pays £75 taxes,
and Boston £120. The order of 1644 in ref-
erence to ship building evidently applies forci-
bly to her, as well as some other places — in
which order the Genl Court offer to incorpo-
rate a Company of ship builders to regulate
building of ships, and make such laws and
orders among themselvos as may conduce to
the public good ; — (and thus make a Guild or

89

Couipiiny reseiuhliiiij tliose in tl:e old world )
In 1615. a Cinary Ishind ship, the Gilbert, is
in Boston — with wines — and it is not unlikflv
that the Wine Liland vi;s8el,s may have visited
Salem a8 eirly. In 1646 wharfage reuulationt*
are ordered by Genl Court for wharves in
Boston and Charlestown ; and Saleta, as next

I :

IS against the UdIory, though in favor of
them. When Charles the 2d came in, howey-
i-r, his ministers weie detenn-ned. as well as
the Kin>; himself, that ^L:^sachu8etts should
he curtailed in her commercial freedom. The
Colonial Antlioriiie^ saw t!.is, and the Gen'l
Court in 1661 repeal the law a lowing friendly

in Commercial importance to Boston, may have j ships to trade freely in our harbors. As they
had wharves thus early. In 1645 or earlier,
there appear.-' to have been trouhle between
foreign vessels in our harbors (perhaps in Sa-
lem) and (S'^a ?) fights took place between
them. T/ie General Court dif<courage this by
ordering that no ships in our harbors shall
fight any other ships during the time ot their j ^^'^ t)*^" evaded, or were relaxed, and it was found
abode liere I ni'ces.«Hr5 to revise and confirm tbem. When the

Tii r-' I ■ 1 Ti M r 1. i Republicans triumphed in Enjfland, they past^ed a

ho fisheries and Home Manufactures were ^ ^ o j ^

be-ran prior to the rei^^n of Henry 7th. During his
reign (in 1485.) and the rei>rn of Elizabeth, (in loG2,
and again in 15^3,) acts were passed favoring En-
glish Com'nerce at the expense of foreign, and for
the benefit esp»cially of the Royal N.ivy — to build it
up. During the reign of Charles tiie Is , these laws

always carerully watched over hy the Colonial
authtirities. In order that raw-bides and un- '

suinewliac rough aot in 1650, prohibiting a}l ships of
foreign nations from trading with any English plan-

tations without license from the Council of State. —
wrought leather should not he exported, the i i„ i(;5i (hey passed a Navigation Act, levelhd in
General Court prohibited their transportation ' part ag.ainsr the sugar islands, which still adhered to
from the colony in 1646 on pain of confisca- the King, and paitly against the Dutch, who then
tion, or the value thereof, unle.ss first imporred
into tiio Colony as Merchandize. The Fisher-
men were early protected by law, and granted
Tarious privileges, and in 1663 were empow-
ered to use wood from any common lands for
fiali flakes and stages — the English fishermen
possessing still greater privileges — being al-
lowed to enter on to private lands for the pur-
pose, paying a reasonable sum, however, for
damages It was trespass in our Bshermen
to do this, but the English fishermen were con-
sidered to have their privileges under the char-
ter. The Colonists did not like such an exer-
ci^e of their claims, but from policy perhaps
forebore to deprive them of tbem.

were the principal carriers of Europe, and whose
ships were employed by Eaijlish merchants to bring
mercnandize from America and the West Indies into
England, in spite of former unrepealed laws, and at
a lower rate of Ireight than native ships. This law
enacted that no commodities (colonial or of any oth«
er description) should be imported into England, un-
less in vessels solely owned, and commanded, and
principally manned by English subjects, and wheie
the Commodities weie foreign, unje.-is entirely con-
veyed in such vessels from the place where the com-
modities grew, or to wbich they were usually in the
fir.*t instance transported by sea. By this the Dutch
were cut off from the carrying trade of the Colonies,
and their importation ot fish into England laid under
great restriction and heavy burdens.

This act, moreover, did not permit any but En-

In 1645, the whole Colony was in a prosper- gH-h subjects to be factors or agents in the English

ous state, and Salem of course wit.'t ir. When
the Navigation laws were passed, Salem, as
well as the Colony evaded their application for
a while, professing that they did not apply to
tbem. since they were under the Charter, and
Uot the Parliament. Cromwell seems never to
have urged the *Law8 of I'rade pertinaciously

*The laws of trade, or navigation laws of England,
23

Colonies. Before that time, the principal factors or
agents in those Colonies were Dutch.

At the restoration, Charles the 2d and bis Parlia-
ment sustained substantially tiiese laws by statute!
in 1660 and in 1662 — the first being known as the
famous Aavigntion Act. The Mass. Colonists had
not obeyed the laws of 1650-1, nor those of the ear-
lier date, whiab were not repealed, and struggled
against the Navi>;ati<m Act and kindred laws nntil
their final separation from England.

90

tend lit the same time n verj humhlu luyiil ad-
dress to the King, it is muHt lik ly that their
reason waa a denire to conciliate CharlcH.
yielding only what they were forced to yield,
and to save other privileges, or peihaps for
form's oake. The object of the Traiie and
Navigation lawH and policy of England was to
make England the Magazine of ColoniaS
Trade, drive off the Dutch, and compel her own
ehipjiing. especially the Coli>nial, to seek her
own markets, pay her the legal duties, and to
drive off all foreign Ireighting vessels whatso-
ever, when in competition with her own
shipping. The N E Colonists had enjoyed a
comparativb free trade under Charles the 1st,
and CromwHll, and had thriven greatly hy ir,
and saw and felt its advantages. They were
unwilling to come under the Laws of England
in matters of trade, and evaded them in every
■Way they could. When the Commissioners of
Charles the 2d came over here in 1665, backed
by three Frigates, as a hint of the power of
the Mother Country, the Colonists paid them
all ostensible de(< rcnce. and worked againpt
them in secret. The inde[)endence of Mas a-
chusetts was well known in England, and the
*King bated the name ot Commonwealtk even

♦The King (Charles the 2d,) was much incensed
agninst Masisacbunetts at the first, and told Sir Thos-
Temple, Gov. of Nova Scotia, (brother to Sir Wil-
liam,) that, among oth<«r things, the Colonist.s had
invaded the roval prerogative by coining money.
Temple, who hud retained f>-om America, and had
geun the urgent reasons which had induced the Col-
ony to t»ke that step— the scarcity of money here,
and the difficulty of procuring it from England dur-
ing the civil troubles there — stated these to the King
in extenuation, and showed him some of the Pine
Tree Money. "What is that," asked the King,
pointing to the Pine Tree, which the artist had made
bushy and broad like the Italian Pine. "That is
the Royal Oak,'" answered Temple; "the tree which
•heltered your Majesty." Charles being highly
pleased at this proof of loyalty, and in great and
eondt^scending good humor, exclaimed, "Honest
Dogs*" He appears in 1665 to have thought otber-
wi>e, but the date of Temple's virit is not given. It
may have been after the Commissioners' return. —

in the Law Book of the Colony, and her con-
tempt of Episcopacy ope*ily exfiressed therein.
Both these things he desired should be swept
away. They were a sore reminiscence to him,
lor ihey reminded him of the Commonwealth
at homw. liis Commissioners demanded also,
among other things, that alt Masters of ves-
sels and Captains of Companies should carry
the /rue f colors of England, by which they

Felt, however, in his History of Mass. Currency,
puts the date of Temple's visit to the King as in
l(Jt>2 Bifore Charles died, he evidently thought
tlip Colonists were a set of "dishonest dogs." The
mint was finally clo.'ed, about 1C86, say, though
stated by one authority to be in existence in 1706.
Felt evidently is the better authority on this point,
and he gives about 1686 as the date.

Massaciiusetts was early and long suspected in
England of aiming at Independence, but her pro-
gress thitherward seems to have been in the main a
reasonable and somewhat unconscious one. As ear-
ly lis 1639, 'ieorge Burdet, who had been an assis-
tant of Rev. Hugh Peters, privately tells Laud, and
others of Lord Comin'rs. thai the Col'^nifts were
aiming more at civil independence, than ri'formation
in ecclesiastical matters. S;e Felt's memoir of Hugh
Peters, in the 5th vol. Mass. Hist, and Gen. Regis-
ter.

It seems but fair to say that the civil independence
of Massachusetts was the natural result of the re-
ligious independence she assumed and maintained
trom the first.

-fin 1629 the English Ensign appears to be tho
flag of the Massachusetts Colony. In 1634, part of
the red cross had been taken out. la 1633 the Gen.
Court came to a reluctant conclusion to admonish
Eodecott for cutting it out, which, it appears, be
was somewhat instigated ta do, and in the belief
that it was an idolatrous sign — a belief then held by
not a few of the Colonists The English ensign
seems then to have been laid aside, and as in 1636
the national fiag was unfurled at the Castle in Bos-
ton Harbor, under the protestations of the magistrates,
gianting that libert; to various ship masters going
from that port, we can readily see that the English
ensign was no favorite in the Colony, The reason
then givtn by the magistrates tor their protest, was,
that they held the cross in the ensign to be idola-
trous.

From 1651 to the close of the Commonwealth in
England, Massachusetts may have adopted the "old

91

might be known tu bo hie* iuaj<»tj'8 Ifgiiiuiate
itit'jects. It was evident by tliin that the Cul-
onitttt* bad a fl.ig bj land aud S'ta, whicii was
not of the ro^al putifrn. They demanded
that the law which the Geni^ral C'<urt Imd
passed again»t the Act oi Navigation of En;;
laod should be repealt^d, and that the coinin^j;
of money shuuld ceane, as being a Koyal pre-
rogative. Tlie CoininissiunerH, moreover,
charge upon the colonists, as from the King
that ^'our subjects there doe not submit to our
Government, but look at th'mselces as independ-
ent on {of) MS." These Comlui8^iorleIs gave
much trouble, and failed in their efforts.

In 1667. the General Courtorder the Naviga-
tion Laws to be obeyed, but this legal and
formal submission was a hollow and really
profitless one, and so intended, for in 1673
Wayborne, and m 1676. Randolph, inioriu the
Englisti Government that the Laws of Trade
are not observed in Massachusetts, — in fact are
virtually inoperative — all nations trading here

English colurs," viz: tbe CroM of St. George, need
by tbe Parliamtnt, thuugb tbe General Court, wben
adopting tbein in 1(551, strongly desired an alteration
of tbem. As tbe King's Cuuiuiifsioners, in lb65 de-
sire tbe Culunists to raise the true flag of England,
botb on their ships and in tneir companies, it Would
appear that Alas$aoDusett:i had adopted another flag
than thai even of tbe Parliament; for our authorities
were too politic to have worn the colors of the late
Eni:lish Couiuionwealtb before tbe eyes of the King's
CouimiAsioners, especially while disputing with tbem;
and it is in evidence, that though they adopted tbe
Parliamentary flag in Ibol, yet they then much de-
sired an alteration in it, perhaps on some scruple of
conscience. Up to l(j86, and under the tyrannical
reign of Andros, the flag of New England only ap
proximates to the Flag of England. The ensi&;n
which Cromwell adopted, was, we believe, the simple
Crosci of St. George, and which appears on the coin of
the Commonwealth. The Colonists did not like the
Cross, but may have continued it, with additions of
their own. It is evident that they did not follow
Cromwell or tbe Commonwealth blindly in any mat-
ter. They were unwilling to war with their Dutch
neighbors at bis command, declined to obey his laws
of trade, kept aloof trom bis monied policy, and re-
fused bis offers either as to Jaioaica or Ireland.

without restraint. The Magistrates told VVaj-
borne, thai tiiey, as Viue-Admirals of Ilia
Majesty, in these seas, shuuld do as seemed
good to them. Still these laws munt have
troubled our merchants. In 1663 'he General
Court appointed, for appearance's sake, Uil-
liard Veren to be an officer for the ports of
6alem. Marblehead and Gloucester, to see that
the Navigation Act of Parliament be enforced.
He accepted the office, and avoided its ^dutiea.
The Koyal Commissioners had failei in their
attempts to practically enforce the act. Crom-
well himseK had not been more successful
though he in secret, perhaps, favored the Colo-
nists. Still his attempts to induce the New
Englanders to remove to Ireland and after-
wards to Jamaica, arc capable of two different
constructions. At all events, our Massachu-
setts people and rulers united in mistrusting
England, her Rukrs and her Laws, and obeyed
them only under compulsion.

f One of his duties wa.i to suite ships or vessels
pp iiib-ted by that act trom tradiug here. It evi-
dently was not done, tbougb Sulew, as the second
(or third) commercial town in the Colony, must
have violated the law. It was generally violated ia
Mas.■>achu^ett3. S'ill tbe Colonists were troubled by
the law, as putting them in a false commeroial posi-
tion.

To be Continued.

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS. INVENTORIES, Ac.,
ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF
COlJRTrf, SaLEM, MASS.

Copied by Ira J. Patch.
COKTINOED FROM PACK 52.

Andnw Creek. Sept., 1658.

Inventory of estate of Aiidnw Creek, ap-
prized by Francis Peabody and Robert An-
drews of Topt^field, the 17th Sept., 1658, a-
mounting to £17 17s 4d.

List of debts owed by said Creek when he
died, amounting to £19 16s 2d.

Returned by Dan*! Clark, 29th 7th mo.,
1658.

John Wnght. Mar., 1659.
AdministratioQ ol estate of Jubo Wright of

92

Newburv, frniiited to Edward Brafijf 30th 10th
mo., 1G58. and an inventory ruturned by
Ttiomas Bisljop and KuhertKiusuian.

Benfn Montjoy, 4th mo.. 1659.
Inventory of the est^ite ol H.nj'n Montjoy,
amounting to £19 2s 51, returned by Wai.
Clarke and Josepii DoUiver ; administration
gianted to hisj wile, 28th 4th mo., 1659.

Jno. Wondice, Ath mo., 1659.

Will o( John Wood is of 8al.Mn, dated 2kli
3d mo., 1659, mentions ;?am"l Very and Alice
his wife, dau of said VVoodis, Sim'l, Elizal)eth,
Sarah, Thomas and John Very, children of
Sam'l and Alice ; Eiuma Muse. Appts son in
law, S.im'l Very, ex'r, Thomas Antrum and
Thomas Flint, witnesses, proved 29th 4th mo.,
1G69.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to
£69 5-< Od. 'taken lOih 4th :na., 1659, by Ti.om-
as James, Thomas Flint aud Thomas Anthrum.

John Lraih, 4ih mo , 1659.

The testimony of Eliz'h Buxton and Mary
Felton, as to Mr. Jo'^n Leaeh. senior, speech
about the disposing of his estate. They say,
"we, whose namiisar vnderwritten, beinge both
in one roome, about half a yeare before the de-
cease of sd John L"ach, senior, the sayd John
Leach comming" in from worke he sayd vnto
V8, he was so sicke he thought he should haue
falln downe dead at iiis worke, and he did
feare tluit he might at one tyme or other dye
suddenly : therfore he did desire of vs i)oth
(that if in case it should so fall out.) to be
witnesses that all that he had he gaue vnto John
Leach ; and at another tyme, hauinge further
conference about the disposingeof his estate
vnto the sayd John Leich, we told him there
vrere seueral John Leeches ; be should doe
— — not to expresse wch of them, he sayd to
John Leach, the son ot Rich'd Leach, eayinge
further that he had was but litle ; if he should
deuide it it would come to but litle."

loventorj^ of above estate taken 20th lOtb

mo . 1658, by D.m 1 Ilea and Henry Cooke,
amouMtiuji tu £37 3^ 01.

Li«t of debts amount to £3 lOs 8d.

Wm Jiggles Alh mo.. 1659.

Inventory of estate of VVm Jijigles, taken
26th 3d mo,, 1659, by John Browne, John
Gardner, R Imund Bitter, amount £148
3 of the cliiiiiren mar'd in time lonjr since, the
otrier abroad at sea, tlie eldest son in England,
a master of sliip.

Returned by Eiiz'h, widow of dec'd, 28th
4th mo., '59.

Kxigh Laskins, 4th mo.. 1659.
Inventory of estate of Hugh Laskins nf Sa-
lem, taken 21st mar,, 1658-9. amounting to
£50 2-1 lOd, returned by John Marston and
Samuel Pick man.

Seeth. wife of Joshua Conard, 9th mo., 1659.
Inventory of esfateot Sieth Conant. wife of
the late (ieo^ased Joshua Conant. tiken 28th
3d mo., 1659, am Hinting; to £32 6-i Od, re-
turned by John Brown and Ricimrd Prince.

Geo. Norton. 9th mo., 1659.

Inventory o( drorgn Norton of Sih?m, taken
221 7th mo, 1659, amounting to £134 lla
6J. returned by Jolin Powlew, Jacob Birney.

FreegracH and John Norton, eldest sons of
abovesaid George Norton, oflf;r and petition to
the Court to allow and confirm the offjr to give
up their portion of their father, George Nor-
ton's estate to their mother. M<i''ia Norton,
for her sole use during her wi lowhtjod, and if
the Court will make division and see what the
shares of tlieir brothers and sisters are, they
will pay thorn their shares that their mother
may have the whole.

Ages of George Norton's children • — Free-
grace Norton, 24 years : John Norton, 22
years; Nithanell, 20 years; George Norton,
18 years ; Mary, 16; Mehitahle, 14; Sarah,
12; Hannah, 10; Abigail, 8 ; Elizabeth, 5.

James Moore. 9lh mo., 1659.
Will of James Moore of Hammersmith, dat-

93

ed ofh 5th mo., 1659. mentions littl« daujihter
Duni'-hj. wifti Ruth Moore appts Oliver
Piirchis and J-ihn Clarke to he overseers. Jo-
seph Jenks. sen'r and Joseph Jenke, junior,
wiine8si'8.

Inven orv of above estate, amounting to
£56 8s Od. returned by Joseph Jenks and
John liathorne.

Sam' I Porter, 9t/i mo , 1659.
Will of Siim'l Porter, dated lOih 12th mo.,

1658. being bound for the B.irhadoes.

Wife liiinnuh i of his farm, son John the
other half of his (arm at Wenham ; after the
death of his wife the other half to return to
bia son. Father Porter and father-in-law
Wm. Dodge, and Edmond Batter to be over-
seers W^itnesses, Edm"d Batter and Sara
Batter, proved 28th 4th mo., *G0.

Inventory of above estate, taken 22d 4th
mo.. 16t30, amounting to £331 19h Od. return-
ed by Koger Conant and John Rayment.

Edward Brown. Mar. 1660.

Will of Etiward Brown of Ipswich, dated
9th Feb., 1659, mentions 3 acres, a gift given
to his son Thomao by his aunt Watson in Okl
England, said Thomas being dead he account?
bia son Joseph to he his heir. Joseph to iiave
his 8 acres in the common land which he
bought of his brother Bartholomew ; wile.
Faith Browne, son John Browne, his wife sole
ex'tx. Witnesses. Rohert and Thomas Lord,
proved 27th Ist mo.. 1660.

Inventory of above estate, taken 20th Feb.,

1659. amounting to £225 5s 7d : debts due
from the estate, £24 8s Id ; returned by Mo-
ses Pingry and Robert Lord, 27ib Ist mo.,
1660.

John Clements, May 1660.
Consent of J.ib Ciemente that his Brother,
Robert Clements, shall be satisfied for his voy-
age to England on his Brother. John Clem-
ent's ac't out of the et-tatfof his brother John
Ist mo., 26th day, 1660.
24

Jane James, June, 1660.

Inventory of estate of Jane James, widow of
Erasmus James, dec'd, amounting to £86 Is
9d, returned by Francis Johnson and Mosea
Maverick. The land in Marhlehead. with the
house in wch the deceased lived and dw<!lt in
being in controversy between Erasmus Jamea
junior, and Richard Read, wch we know not
whose It is, but being desired by sd Erasmus
Jomes to apprise it, the appraisers valued it at
£40.

List of debts due by Erasmus James when
he died, £19 Us lOd, allowed 26th June,
1660.

Wm Golt. 4th mo., 1660.

Inventory of estiite of William Golt of Sa-
lem, tvken 21rtt April, 1660, amounting to
£49 Os Od. List of debts. £22 02s Od, return-
ed by Jf flFrey Massey and John K.itclien.

Chil iren : — Reliecca, 19 years ; Debora, 15
years; Sara. 13 years.

Ed. Norris, Ath mo., 1660.
Will of Edward Norris of Salem, minister,
and teacher of the Church of Christ, dated in
Silem. 9th 10th mo. (D.c.) 1657. Son Ed-
ward Norris; John Home and R>chiird Prince,
deacons of the cliurch in Salem. Witnesses,
Walter Price and Elias Stileman. Proved 27th
4th uio., 1660.

John Bradstreel, June. 1660.
An inventory of estate of John Bradstreet of
Mablehead. tak.-n 14th 4th mo , 1660, by John
Bartoll. Joseph Doliiver. amounting to £102
19ti Od, returned 26th 4th mo., '60.

Joshua Conant, ith mo., 1660.
List ol charges due to Mr. Joseph Gardner,
from the estate of Joshua C'nant, amounting
to £35 7s lid, and testimony of Hugh Junes
and Jane Coffin, wife of Robert, concerning it,
20th 4th mo., 1660.

Lawnnce Southtctck, 4th mo., 1660.
The testimony of Wm. Robinson and Thom-

94

as GardntT, that John and Dunjel South wick
havS uiiide a very fiiir iigreeinent about tho
dividi. g of their father's estate.

Wm. Paine, Nov., 1660.
Copy of iiiVHiitory of estjite ol Wm. Paine
of lJo>ton. merchant, *aken 22d 8th mo.,
1660. hy lien Shnmpton. Josliua Soottow,
and John Richards, amountinjr to £4239. lln
5d, reiurnud by John Paine, his son, ^Jov. 14,
1660.

Edm'd Nicholson, Nov., 1660.

Inventory ol ent-iie of Bduiond Nicholson of
Marhlehead, taken 22d 9th mo., 1660, by
MoNcs Maverick. Wm Nicke, John Lejrg,
amounting to £150 Os 6d. 28th Nov 1660.
Elizabeth, relict of the deceased, app'd, and
Bworne to tlie truth of the iciventory. List of
debts. £54, 4s Od

Cliildren : — Christopher, 22 yrs. ; Joseph.
20; S.imuel, 16; Joan, 14; Elizabeth, 11;
Thomas, 7.

Chris. Codnor, dth 7no., 1660.
Inventory ot Cliristopher Codnor, amount-
ing to £252 Os 9d. Children — Mary, 5 yrs.,
Christopher 3 yrs.

Lawrence Southwich, 9th mo., 1660.

Will ol " Lawrence Setbick, late ot 6alem,
in New England, now being at the house of
Natbaniell Sylvester, on Shelter Island," dat-
ed 10th 5th mo , 1659. son Daniel, John Hur-
nell, JoHiah Southwick, daughter Provided,
son John, iSamuel Burtai, Henry Traske, Ma-
ry bis dan., and wife of Henry Traske, Deho
rah Southwick and young Josiah. Ann Pot-
ter, Mary, Sarah and Hannah, daus. of Henry
Tratike, Sam'l and Sarah, John South wick's
children. Wm. Robinson and Thus. Gardi-
ner to be overseers of his vrill. Witness,
Nuth'l Sylvester, Thomas Harris and Wm.
DuranJ. proved 29th 9th mo , 1660.

Inventory of above estate, taken hy Wm
Jlobinson and Thomas Gardner, amounting to
£196 Os Od, returned 29th 9tb mo., '60.

Eran Thomas, Philip Kerlfand. 4th mo., 1661.

"A Inventory of the moveahle estate wch Ev-
an Tliomas hath and doth enjoy with and by
Alice his now wile ; taken before marriage,"
amounting to £160 148 Id. returned hy Alice
Thomas, late wile of Piulip Kertland, 26th
Juno. 1661.

THStimony of John Kertland, aged about 52
years, savs, "I often hard my brother, Phillip
Kyrtl.ind. say uftiuies that his wife shoulald
hauo all that hee had to dispose of, ^o long as
she Hue, and to my best remembranc, I.ee gaue
£15 lo his datter Miry, and ten pounds to his
difter Sara, and ten pounds to his dafter Su-
sanna, and ten pounds to his dal ter Hanna, —
this to bee giuen to them at ye day of marriag,
the land not to be sould so long as she liues."
I7th 5th mo., 16o9.

Williaio H ichor of Lvnn, aged 65 or there-
abouts, testified that when Piiilip Kertland
was going to see, he told him, in substance, as
above.

Roger Tucker, Alh mo., 1661.

Inventory of Roner Tucker taken 25th

June, 1661. by Francis Johnson and Moses

Maverick, retnrn^'d by Mr. George Corwin,

28th 4th mo., 1661, amounting to £9 14s Od.

Jas. Smith, 4th mo., 1661.

Will of James Smith of Marblehead. dated
9th 9her, 1660. Wife Mary, gives hor all that
my farm, called Castle Hill, with 10 acres in
the South field bought of Joseph Grafton, son
James Smith, son in law Richard Rowland,
James, eldest son of his son James, daughter
Kathren E^orne. grandchild, Mary Eborne,
and other 5 children of hia daughter Eborne,
daughter Mary Rowland, grandchild Sam'l
Rowland, and other 3 children ot his daugh-
ter Rowland, appoints hia wife sole ex'tx, ap-
pmnts Maj. VVm. Hathorne and his son, Sam-
ui'l Eborne, to be overseers.

Proved 27th 4th mo., '61.

Inventory of above estate, taken 25fh June,
1061, by Francis Johnson. Mosea Maverick,

95

anioiinring to £492 Ic Od, returned 27tb 4ib
mo , '61.

John Sib/ey. 4ih mo., 1661.

Inventory of estnte ot John Sibley, taken
24th June. 1061. by Win. Allen. P.ihco Foote
and Kob.rt LimcIi. aiuouhting to £69 lOa < d.
returntd by Ridiel. the widow, who in jippt'd
adin'x, and it is ordered that all the estate be
left with the widow for the bringing up of the
children, till further order of the Cuurt.

lie left a widow and 9 children. 4 b(»y8 and
5 girlw ; eldest daugliter, 19 years, next about
17, the third, 15. lourth ia a son about 12
years.

Benj. Bulflower, ^th mo., 1661.
Inventory of ei^tate of Benjainin Belflower,
deceased February 24th, I6G0, taken Mar. 16,
1661, bv Rob-rt M >ulton and Henry Phelps,
amounting tu £19 5s Od. debts, £13.

Rich'd Browne, 4ih mo., 1661.
Will of Rich'd Browne of Newbury, men.
8on Joshua a tuinor, sons Richard, Edmund,
under 21, daughters Elizabeth Sarah ana Ma-
ry, unmarried, and under ag«, vrile to be sole
ex tx. Son Joseph deceased. Brother George
deceased, appts Ric'd Kent, Nich'e Noyes
Robert Long and Joseph Noyes, overseers.
Witnesses. Tristram CoflSn, Joseph Noyes,
James Noyes, Mjses Noyes. proved June 24,
looi.

Thos. Seers, ith mo., 1661.
Inventory of estate of Thomas Seers of
Newbury, who deceased the 16th day of May,
1661, taken by Wm. Moody. Rob Coker and
Anthonv Somerby. amounting to £93 0s0d.
debts allowed, £13 48 26th 9th mo., 1660.

Isabel Babson, ^th mo., 1661.
Inventory of estate of Isabel Babson orGloe-
tor, taken April 9, 1661, by Sam'l DoUaber,
Philip Stamwood, amounting to £27 6d, re<-
turned by Jauiea Babson.

Wm V[iUer. 4lh mo , 1661.

Will of V\', a. Witter, dated 165 J. 5th 6th
mo., wife Annis. son Josiab, Robert Burdin
aflj Hannah his wife dan ol VVm Witter,
wife. exor. Witnesses, Robert Driver, Wm.
Hacker, proved.

Inventory of above estate taken 1659, 15th
9th mo., by Robert Driver, Wm iiacker and
Francis Ingalls, amounting to £132 11« Od^
returned by Anis Witter. 23d 4ih mu , 1661.

Wm. Lam^on, 9th mo , 1661.

Wm. Lamson of Ipawich dying intestate!,
admiuist'n g.-anteJ to his widovt', Sarah Lam-
son, and an Inventory is presented, amounting
to £111 10s 2d ; she is ordered by the Court
to pay to the present cliildren, 8 in nuiub^'r,
as follows, viz : to the eldest. £12. and the
rest £6 apiece. At a Court held at Ipswicbt
29th March, 1659.

Petition of John Ayres and VVm Fellows, in
relation to their brother's, Wm Lamson 's es-
tate, mentions tiieir slt^ter, Sarah Laiusjn, wid-
dow of Wm., and said Sarah being about to
change her estate to one Thomas Uartshorno
of Redoing, and said Thomas agreed to give
her the liberty to dispose of her share of her
husband, Wm. Lamson 's estate as she chose,
and now retuses it. They petition that the
Court take order in the premises.

Wm. Cockerell, 9lh mo., 1661.
Inventoy of estate of Wm. Cockrell, takes
6th Dec , 1661, by John Brown, Edmund
Baf^er, 11th 10th mo., 1661, amounting to
£81 los Od.

Jno. Humphries, 9th mo.. 1661.
Inventory of estate of John Humphrey, de-
ceased 13th 10th mo., 1661. taken by £dmond
Batter and Joseph Humphreys, amounting to
£60, allowed, and Mr. Batter and Jus. Hum-
phrey app'td adm'rs.

Husfh Burt, 9th mo., 1661.
WiU of Hugh Burt ot Lyun. dated 7th 0«-

96

tober, 1661. mentions son Wui Bassett, two
grand daughters, Mury and Sarah, chi'dren of
hia eon llu^jh Burt, deceased, son Edward
Burtt, appts his wifeextx. Nath'l Standf'orde
and Andrew Munsfi.jld to be overseers, gives
to hii« son Edward all interest he has in any
land &c. in London, that came to him by his
brother John Burt deceased, proved 26th 9ih
mo., 1661.

Huijh Burtt died 2d November, 1661 In-
ventory of abovo eftate ttiken 13tl) November,
1661. by Naih'l Standiord, John D-akin an<l
Andrew Mansfii.ld, amounting to £143 4s 9d,
returned 26tii 9th mo., '61.

Arzbell Anderson. 9th mo., 61.

"An Inventory ot ye estate of Arzbell An-
derson, ScDtsinan, whoe deceased at ye Iron-
works at Lvn ye thirteenth day of ye sixt
month, 1661," taken 15th 6th mu , 1661. by
Edward Baker, Jolm Divan, Oliver Purohin,
all of Lvnn, amountin;: to £54 IBs 5id. re-
turned 12th 10th mo., 1661.

Account of debts paid by Oliver Purchis,
which were due from above estate, amounting
to £11 38 9d, returned to C«iurt 25th 9th mo.,
1662

Deposition of AUifter Mackmallen, about
30 years, to prove that Allinter Graim was
near of kin to Arzbell Anderson above.

Sworne in Couit 12tb 12th mo., 1661.

Wm. Oderie, \Oth mo., 1661.
Inventory of estate of VVm. Odene deceased
the last of December. 1660. taken by Walter
Price and Eltas Mason, amounting to £41 5s
lid. returned by George Corwin and Edmund
Batter. 12th 10th mo., "61.

Wm. Hacker, l.st mo., 1662.
Inventory of estate of Wi.liam Hacker, ta-
ken 26tb December, 1661. by Thomas Mar
shall. Francis Ingalls and Henry Collins, a
mountin$; to £184 12s lid, returned 28th
Mar , 1662.

Rich'd Brown. \st mo.. 1662.
Inventory of estate of Kicb'd Brown of New-
^ury, who departed this life April. 26tb,
1661. taken June 5. 1661, by Richard Knight
Anthony Souierby and Stephen Greenlraf, a-
mouuiiiig to £634 '6f Oil. list of debts due
from the estate. £31 15s Od. returned by
Eliz'h, the widow and ex'tx., 25tb Mar.,
1662.

John Dorman. 1st mo.. 1662.
Inventory of estate of John Dorman of
Topsfield. taken 12th Feb. 1661. b Francia
Peabodv and Samuel Biooklebank, amounting
to £46 Is Od. returned 25th Mar . 1662.

Ann Lume, Apr., 1662.
Inventory of estate of Ann Lome, taken
16th April, 1662. by Maximilli(m Jewt-tt and
Sim'l Brooklehanks. amounting to £49 2s 6d,
returned 17th April, 1662.

DrmV Rea, Alh mo , 1662.

x\greement as to s-tjli-meni of estate of
Dan"! Rea of Salem, he son Joshua to have
his farm and when Dan'l son of Joshua is of
age he is to fiave halt of the farm, daughters
Rebecca and Sirah under sixteen years, son
Thomas Loth'-op and his wife, his wife living.

Allowed and con6rmed 26th 4th mo., 1662.

Inventory of ahove estate, taken by John
Ptirter .tnd Jacoh Barney, amounting to £239
19s 4d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1662.

John Stevens. 4/4 mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of John irtevens of An-
dover, taken Apr. 28, '62 bv George Abbott
Richard Barker Nathan Parker and Nicho-
las Noyes. amount £463 48 Od. returned by
Elizabeth the widow 24th 4mo 1662.

An inventory of what was given by John
Stevens to his eldest son John and his receipt
and acceptance of the same.

To be Continued.

97

Curious Bill Ladino of a. "Whightt Hors" —
1699. — Shipped by the grace of God, in good order
and well conditioned, by Wm. Pickering, in and upon
the good Ketch, called the Lam, whereof is master
nnder God, for this present voyage, George Cox, and
riding at Anchor in the harbour of Salem, and by
God's grace bound for Antege, in ye West India, to
say — One Whightt Hors & too new water
hopsetts. for ye proper Aooo'tt of ye above
sd Wm. Pickerinji — being marked and num
berod as in the Margent, and are to be de-
livered in the like good order and well con
ditioned at the aforesaid Port of Antege —
(the danger of the Seas only excepted) unto
Mr George Cox, maftor of ye above said
Ketch, or to his Assigns, he or they paying
freight for the said Goods, five pounds, at
ye landing of ye above sd borse att Antepe alive —
with Primage and Average accust^>med. In witness
whereof the master and Purser of said Ship hath af-
firmed t<i to Bills of Lading all of this tenor and
date; the one of which too Bills being accomplished
the other to stasd void And so God send the good
Ship to her destined Port in safety. Amen.

Dated in Salem, January ye 12, 1699-1700, mortal-
ity excepted.

pr George Cox, jun'r.

,e Oh

■-5:
JO •*

THE "OLD PLANTERS" OF SALEM, WHO WERE
SETTLED HERE BEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF
GOVERNOR EN DICOTT, IN 1628.

BT GEORGE D. PHIPPEN.

Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, March 26, 1858.

When we look backward from the present
hour, which bears upon its surface the multi-
tudinous burden of unfinir*hed purpuses, to the
sealed record of the past, all, at the first
glance, seems impenetrable, or shadowv and
unreal.

At such moments we should remember that
time is but one progressive present, — day suc-
ceeding dsiy ;— that from the beginning the
green earth has always been bathed in light —
rosy morning has always ushered in the day,
and the hill tops reflected the rays of ^.he set-
ting sun— children young and blooming, and
gray-haired sires have always walked hand in
band togeth.r— the bride has continually ar
rayed herself for the wedding, and the hearth-
25

etone has been cimtinually re-laid, and as con-
tinually the sighing and trusting have departed
in the way of their fathers. Strong hands
and willing hearts have ever responded to du-
ty— the rights of man have ever found cham-
pions, and the Lord, who divides the sun and
the rain with all his creatures, has ever found
worshippers. Thu^ at last, time with its un-
resisting progress has placed us for a brief pe-
riod upon the scene of action.

Notwithstanding the mutability of all things,
important facts and dat-^s, like guide-posts in
the traveller's path, direct us m the course of
investigation, which p.r3everance shall com-
bine into a consistent whole and imagination
illumine as with the sunlight of present reali-
ty ; thus may the old homes -if our primitive
f'atliers be pointed out and repropled with their
original inhabitants, and we become united
with them, as we truly are, and participate in
their perils and their joys — perils from the fear
of savages, the ruden'iss of the elements, and
the pressure of want : — ptrtake also of their
zeal in the pursuit of freedom and holiness-
rejoice in their hopeful success, which ulti-
mately conducts us to the abiding triumph of
their foresight and perseverance, a shadow of
which they could scarcely hrive anticipated:
and we hereby learn why we are gathering a
harvest we sowed not, and wliich ripens per-
petually above their graves.

We design to give an account of the first
permanent settlement upon the soil of Massa-
chusetts,— its very germ, that first struck its
feeble root into the scanty soil at Cape Anne,
and that was soon after transplanted to the
more prolific banks of the Naumkeag Kiver, —
and of the lew resolute spirits who resisted
the depression of disappointment, and the wa-
vering of their Companions, and remained the
small, but living nucleus, which soon received
powerful assistance from the mother country,
and wliicli has finally increased, and expanded
into a populous and influential commonwealth,
destined to last as long as her granite hills.
We will first devote a page to a few events ,

98

covering a wide period which preceded and led
to this settlement.

About one third of all the time that has e-
lapsed since the discovery of America, had
passed, before colonies became permanently es-
tablished upon cur coast. Let it suffice to
make but a passing allusion to the vuyages of
the CaV)0t8, and the illustrious Knights and
half broth'-rs Sir Walter Kaleigh and Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, who rank among the fath-
ers of the commerce of England ; and of their
abortive attempts at colonizing the Indias of
the West.

The first permanent settlement upon the A-
merican coast, then generally called Virginia,
resulted from the exertions o'' these maritime
brothers, and the kindred families of Sir John
Popham, and 8ir Fernando Gorges.

King James's Churier, under tlie rame of
•'The T-easurer and Company of Adventurers
and Planters of the city of London, for the first
colony of Virginia," was granted in 1606;
which provided for two councils of control,
one for Nortliern and tlie other for Southern
Virginia. Differences which it if unneeeosary
to explain here, soon arose between the two
boards, which was happily turned to the ad-
vantage of fheMorth Colony, by the exertions
of "Sir Ftrnan 'o Gorges, and certain of the
principal knights and gentlemen-adventurers,"'
wlio represented to the King that the region
lying between the 40th and 48th degrees of
North Latitude had been recently nearly de-
populated of its savage inhabitants by a won-
derful plague. (This occurred in 1617,) and
that no Christian power laid any claim to it.

The King "desirous of enlarging his domin-
ions, and extending the Christian name,"
granted Gorges and his party a patent to that
vast territory lying between these parallels,
and extending from sea to sea — from the At-
lantic on the east, to a sea on the west, the dis-
tance of which the King probably had not the
faintsst conception. This putent bore the ti-
tle of "The Council established at Plymouth
in the County of Devonshire, for the planting,
ruling, ordering and governing of New Eng-

land in America." It was p-issed on the 3d
of November. 1620, and scided with the great
seal of England, July 3d. 1621, — and this pa-
tent remained '-the civil basis of all the pa-
tents and plan rations that subsequently divid-
ed the country "

This wa- an age of prerogative and one of
the provisions ot the charter, contemplated
the division of the land into Counties, to be
apportioned among the Patentees, which might
be again divided by these Couuty Lords into
Baronies, Hundreds and Towng.

A map published in 1624, by Capt. John
Suiitli, drawn, as he sa\8, by himself, as he
passed along the shore in a little i>oat, gives a
plan of the territory, thus divided into twenty
parts, and apptntioned to the ^latentet-s as ap-
pears by lot. Tlie King favored this division,
whertby each one of the company became Lord
proprietor of his portion and vested with an
absolute title and powers of government. —
Under this { rerogative the Kight Hon. Ed-
mi>nd. Lord Shrffidd, Knight of the most no-
ble order of the garter, a leading statesman of
England, who held one of the twenty divisions
issued on the '"Throne part" on the 1st Janu-
ary, 1623-4, a charter to Robert Cushman and
Edward Winslow, [who will be recognised as
the agents of the Colony at London and New
Plymouth ] and their assistants and planters
at Plymouth in New England on the other
part of "a certain tract of land lyinj^ in 43d de-
gree of Niirth Latitude, in a known place
there commonly culled Cape Anne, with the
bay, islands, &c , in the neighborhood; with
lif)erty to fish, fowl, hawk, hunt, truck, trade
in the land thereabout, and all other places in
New England," — with liberty also to make
and establish Laws, Ordinances, -^nd Constitu-
tions, for their government, and with power
to resist encroachment by force of arms.

Five hundred acres of this land were to be
set apart for public uses,— such as the build-
ing of churches, schools, &c., and for the
maintenance of their ministers, and magie-
trates. Thiity acres of land were to be allow-

99

ed each individual upon certain conditions,
who should settle there.

This Charter has been recently found by J
Wingate Thon tm, Esq., and a fac simile of it
puba^hed in hU recent work, entitled "the
L-.inding at Cape Ann," to which we are much
indebted.

At the time of issuing this Charter, the Pil-
grims at Plymouth had been settled three
years As an ecclesiastic body they were
called Separatists, yet there had come among
them some persons, who. though equally desir-
ous of a reformation of the abu8> s of the es-
tablished Church, and who esteemed it no re-
proach t • be called Puritans, were not prepared
entirely to sever themselves from the English
Church, or relinquish the Episcopal form of
worship, to wiach they had been accustomed
from their childho>)d. And they could ex-
claim as did our i>wn Higginsim, a few years
later: — when passing Land's End, he called
his children and other passengers into the
stern ol the ship, and as bis eyes gazed lor the
last time upon his native land, he said : '* We
do not gi) to New England as Separatists from
the Church of England, though we cannot
but separate ourselves f-om the corruptions of
it ; but we go to practise the positive part of
church reformation, and propagate the go«[)el
in America,"- and so he concluded with a
fervent prayer for the King, and the Church,
and State in England, &c.

These persons, few in number, attached
thems' Ives to Kev John Lyford, an Episcopal
minister, who had probably arrived in the
spring of 1624, about the time of the return of
"Winslow, with the Cape Anne Charter, and
perhaps in the same ship. This minister, with
his Episcopal determinations, soon made him-
Belt 60 obnoxious to the Pilgrims, as to be ex-
pelled the Colony, together with John Old-
ham, an Indian trader. They fled to Nantas-
ket, ab ut twenty five miles up the bay, to the
westward, (now Hull,) near the entrance to
Boston Harbor, and were voluntarily fallowed
by a few other disaffected persons and their

families. Here they took up their abode at a
temporary habitation that Captain Standish
had erected there, a year or two before, for
purposes of Indian trade.

Prominent among these persons was Roger
Oonant, afterward ol Salem, "a pious, sober,
and prudent gentleman,"* as his character
for life shows him to have been.

Here for the present, we leave them in their
dreary abode, but in the enjoyment of their
favorite form of worship.

The fame of the success of the Colony at
New Plymouth, soon spread over England,
particul irly through the wi stern counties, oc-
' casioned by accounts b irtie thither by Captain
Smith and other navigators, the correspon-
[ dence of the Pilgrims, and largely by Edward
! Winslow, who returned to London in the fall
I of 1623. and the publication of his "Good
news from New England," the year follow-
ing.

Their success fired not only the zeal o*" the
champions of religion and liumanity, but fed
also the desire for gain in the brain of the
merchant, and wj rmed the breasts of the
young, the venturesome and the hopeful to-
wards further colonizing upon thephaspnt
bays and harborn of New Kngland ; which
spread out their herders enticingly before the
eyes of the laid loving Englishman. Illimi-
table forests that never rang with the blows of
the woodman's axe. — pastures large enough
for thousands of flocks, and a soil rich with
the accumulation of oges. awaited inhabitants,
Domains before which the princely grounds of
the English gentry sank into insignificance,
could be had for little else than a quit claim
of the woif and the bear.

One of the first points towards which this
spirit of enterprise wag directed, was Cape
Anne. He.e the merchants of Dorchester
and neighborhood, had for several years traded
and fished on the coast, and returned with car-
goes of codfish, beaver skinsj &c.f

♦Hubbard.

fPlanter'a Plea. Hubbard.

100

The English ships had increased rapidly for
the past three or four years, and were estimat-
ed at this time at forty or fifty ships yearly,
and it was thought that they could save much
time, and fish more months in the year, if a
plantation were established at the Cape, as a
depot for 8.ilt, trade, curing of fish. &c., and
by having a minister there, the fisliermen
could receive religious instruction.

Accordingly, these merchants, urged on by
the zeal of their townsmen, and probably
their pastor,* the Rev. John VVhite, who from
this time to his death, in 1648, took a deep in-
terest in the colonial enterprise, made an a-
greemenif with the Plymouth Colonists, and
organized u joint stock company, with a capi-
tal of £3000. 1 under the name of the "Dor-
chester C<»mpany," with John Humphrey as
Treasurer, re.-'uitina; in the patent aforesaid.
About one year helore the date of the char-
ter, viz, February 18, 1623, Wm. Darby of Dor
ches'er, had petitioned the Council for New
Enjiland that Robert Bushrode of Dorchester,
and associates, might begin a plantation at
Cape Anne

The Rev. John White, sometimes called the
Patriarch of Dorchester, was no doubt a mem-
ber of the Dorchester Company, as he after
Wards was of the Mass Company.

On Winslow's return, in March 1624, after
an absence of six months, he brought with
bim a few cattle, and abundant supplies fur the
Plymouth Colony, and materials for a Colony
at Cape Anno. After discharging supplies at
Plymouth, the ship crossed the Bay to the
Cape, taking with her a few of the Plymouth
planters, who erected there a great frame house,
ealtwurks, and stages for the fishing busi-
ness. |{

The year of 1624 was one of preparation,
husbandmen.^ cattle, farming implements,

♦Hubbard.

fMass. His. Coll. 28, 181.

^Planter's Plea.

II Prince.

ITPlanter's Pica.

and supplies were sent over, and all thingi
promised well. Their affairs were to he con-
ducted by two overseers. Thomas Gardner ov-
er the plantation, and John Tylly over tho
fishing business.*

This organization was not long satisfactory
to the adventurers, and it soon became neces-
sary to have a more judicious management of
affairs. About the end of the first year there-
fore, we find that Mr. White having heard
such favorable accounts of Mr Conant, that
the adventurers selected him '"f'T the manage-
ing and jrovenment" of their plantation, and
they instructed their Treasurer, Mr Hum-
phrey, to write him in their names on the sub-
ject, and inf.)rm him '■'that they had ihosen him
to be their (Governor in that place." They com-
mitted to him the entire "charge of their af-
fairs as well fishing as planting.' f Conant
resided at this time at Nantasket with Mr. Ly-
ford, John Oldham and others.

They also invited Lvford to be the minister
of the Colony, and Oldham to trade on theip
account with the In<iians, Conant and Lyford
accepted, hut Oluham preferred to remain and
trade on his own account, and he thus pursued
his enterprising but devious career for a dozen
years after, for most of the time at variance
with the Colonists, until he wac surprised and
slain by the Indians, while on a trading voy-
age at Block Island, in July, 1636.

Great hopes were entertained of the future
Success of the plantation, but this project ot
the Plymouth planters and scheme for pur-
poses of gain of the Dorchester merchants,
was destined to farther disaster.

The Colony consisted of men of various con-
ditions, and a degree of misconduct, if not in-
Huhordination, prevailed among them — their
fishing operafons turned out unfavorably, and
the Company at home, fin'^ing it a losing con-
cern, became disheartened and abandoned it
to its fate. Their return cargoes had not paid,

*Hubbard
I Hubbard.

101

their ssilt works had been destroyed bj fire, and
most of their Capiul Stock been sunk ; they
however paid off their servants, and to such as
chose to return, they gave a passage home to
England, but how many availed themselves of
the privilege, we do n>t know.

The Colony had now existed rather more
than two years, the latter year being under
Conart's administration. This abandonment
of the plantation was very unpleasant news to
Mr. White, but he found in Conant, and a few
of his resolute companions, a spirit not easily
subdued. These worthies continued to corres-
pond with each other, and thereby confirm
that high purpose which struggled at their
breasts of providing a refuge where non-con-
formists could enjoy their religion ; and which
at last p-oved abundantly successful.

At this primitive period, there could have
been no travel tlirough the forests, but the
track of the wild beast, or the no less fearful
trail of the Indian. The only highway of the
settlers was the ocean, or a devious route along
the sea shore. Explorations, which were un-
doubtedly made, would naturally tend to the
westward. On such occasions, or perhaps
when on fishing an i fowling excursions, they
had discovered land in that direction more
suitable lor cultivation than at the rocky
bluff where they then were, which is now call-
ed Stage Head, on the northwest side of the
outer harVior <)f Gloucester

It appears that, about this time, Conant must
have written the Rev. Mr. White, that he had
discovered this more suifcible location fur a
plantation, on the banks of a small river, call-
ed Naumkeag, four or five leagues to the south-
west,* where, as Mr. Hubbard says, he had
recently conceived in his mind a plantation
might be begun, which would prove a recepta-
cle for such as were persecuted on account of
their religion f Such a sentiment "could have
found harbour only in a great heart and a no-
ble mind.":}: Mr. VYhite replied as has been

♦Planter's Plea.

fHubbard.

:^Thornton.

stated, that he was "grieved in his spirit that
so good a w >rk should be suffered to fall to
the ground," and urged Conant not to desert
the business, and faithtuUy promised him that
if himself and John Woodbury, John Balch
and Peter Piilirey, whcm he knew to be hon-
est and prudent men, "would stay at Naum-
keag and give timely notice thereof, he would
provide a patent for thi-m, and send them
whatever they should write for, either men,
provisions or goods, to trade with the Indi-
ans."*

By this letter of Mr. White, we are not to
infer that only the^-e four men removed to
Naumkeag, but rather that these were promi-
nent men, perhaps personally known to Mr.
White, who may have been mentioned in one of
Conant's letters, as men he could depend upon ;
such men w<iuld naturally have others adhere
to them. Conant returned answer that they
would stay on these terms ; at the same time,
entreating that they might be encouraged ac-
cordingly. We will now endeavor to trace
the actions of Conant and his followers, and
see in what this agreement resulted.

The Colony at Cape Anne probably never
numbered above fifty persons, who had now
dispersed ; a part returned to England, the re-
mainder to the number of twenty-five or thir-
ty persons, as we have ••eason to believe, oi both
sexes, and all ages removed to Naumkeag. This
statement miiy surprise some who have adopt-
ed the erroneous idea tha. four lorlorn fisher-
men, the very extremity of this scattered fish-
ing colony, had sought at Naumkeag a tran-
sient abode, where they continued their pre-
carious occupation, without any fixed purpose
or design, ready at the first turn of fortune to
change their place of abode, or leave their
huts on the coast, to launch again upon the
restless waters of the ocean.

One of the most important witnesses of the
old planters, was Richard Brackenbury, who
came over with Gov. Endicott, in 1628, and
whose testimony appears in a deposition taken

•Hubbard.

26

102

in 1680, when an Hged man, and was called
forth thus.

The Mason family claimed a large portion
of New England, by virtue of a patent grant-
ed prior to that to the Ma^'8achu8ett8 Colitny,
and in 1680 all persons living within the claim-
ed limits were required by a letter from the
King to the Mas^^achusetts authorities, to
transmit proofs of their Real Estate.

The southern bounds of this claim terminat-
ed on the northern side of the North river. —
Eich»ird Braokenbury, then living in Beverly,
testified on the 16th uf 12th month, 1680, that
when he came ashore at Salem, titty-two years
before, "we found living there, Old Goodman
Norman and his sonn, Wm. Allen and Wal-
ter Knight and others,'" "alsoe John Wood-
burye. Mr. Conant, Peeter Palfery, John Balch
and others,''' and that they had sundry houses,
built at Salem, &c. He also mentions the
house at Cape Anne, which he says he assisted
in taking down, and re-constructing in Sulem,
for Governor Endicotts use, a portion of
which Btands to this day.

These persons appear to have been lands-
men,— planters as they were called, -cultiva-
tors of the Soil, — and some of them were me-
chanics, ao their subsequent career shows, and
not simply fishermen. It was undoubtedly a
part of their employment to cure fish, collect
beaver skins and furs, or perform any and ev-
ery service that the welfare of the Colony de-
manded.

We find that about 1631, Roger Conant,
Peter Palfray, Anthony Dike and Francis
Johnson formed themselves into a Company,
for ti affic in furs, with a truck house at the
eastward. Dike perished on Cape Cod. in
1638, as it seems, whun returning from Maine
•with a cargo for himself and partners.

With but little tax upon the imagination we
may say. that during the summer of 1626,
Conant, Woodbury, and others, of the promi-
nent men of the Cape Ann Plantation, might
have been seen occa.rionally sailing in their
shallop, up the northern shore of the Bay, to

its western bounds at Naumkeag passing by
the "hills and dales" covered with "'gay woods
and trees," as they made preparation for re-
moval thither.

Along the same shore that three years after-
ward filled the enthusiastic Higginson with
longings to know more of the new Paradise of
New England, whose signals of fertility painted
the sea with the storm-reft petals of its flowery
meadows, — the same shore whose fragrant
breezes revived the drooping spirits of Lady
Arabella, and the gentlewomen of the fleet of
1630, with that "sweet air from the shore like
the smell of a garden," and whose eyes and pal-
ates were greeted on landing there, "with ripe
strawberries, gooseberries, and sweet single
roses," the same shore that had a dozen years
before caused the gallant Captain Smith to call
it "the Paradise of all tiiose parts," and to
name its Cape after the fair Turkish maiden,
who had befriended him in former exile,* and
that caused the Prilgrims of that dreary win-
try welcome of 1020, to wish they hud settled
there. Even to the present time this shore re-
tains many of its primitive charms, which are
abundantly asserted by the wealth and taste
th.it there make their abode, and find therein
wholesome gratification and retirement.

In the full of 1620, after partial prepara-
tions had been made, this resolute band em-
barked with their houseboliis and effects, their
cattlef and implements of husbandry, making,
as they undoubtedly must, many passages in
their boats or shallops, for the purpose of such
removal, leaving behind them their large frame
house, with remnants of their thatched cotta-
ges, also their fishing improvements and har-
vested fields, and with a cold winter before
them, they began anew the work of settlement
under preat weakness, but stronger even in
diminished numbers, because purged of the
unruly, the weak and the vacillating.

Wood, in his New England Prospect, states
in August 1633, that corn had been raised in

♦Hilliard's Life •t Smith.
•j-Planter's Plea.

los

Siilem seven years together, thus corrobating
the date 1G26.

The services of such men as William Allen
and Kichurd Norman, munt have been pecu-
liarly in demand, (for they were carpenters,)
in felling trees and constructing places of a-
bode for themselvea, their wives and little oue-j
and in providing shelter for their cattle. —
Here Conant. as he says of himself, built the
first house erected in ISalem.

Near the exti'emity of North Point, or at
Cape Ann Ferry, or Ipswich Ferry, as it was
variously called, now a little west of the junc-
tion of Beverly Bridge, may be seen the out-
cropping of a Metamorpic Rock, as it slopes
its checkered surface into the sea, that with its
intersected dikes and veins, fills the mind of
the geologist with wondering interest, as he
counts the deeply graven record of eleven of
the old earth's eruptions.

Here on this spot thus scored by the hand
of Deity, we believe Conant and his followers,
the piljrrim band of Massachusetts, stayed
their wandering feet, and commenced their
permanent abode ; and here too, we believe,
they welcomed Endicott and his company to
their wilderness home ; thereby tallying a-
nother epoch in the world's history, for here it
was that freedom, long confined in the mother
country, burst the crust of tyranny and op-
pression that bound her, and began to over
flow the land with its blessings, and spread
out the solid foundations on which our Ke-
public rests.

On this peninsula the Colonists found a soil
of ea y cultivation, a light warm loam, which
they, in imitation of the Indian planters, man-
ured with fish, which frequented the shores in
great abundance ; and they were thus enabled
to rai8e large crops of Indian corn and other
products.

Hubbard says, "Here they took up their sta-
tion, upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land,
environed with an arm of the sea on each side,
in either of which vessels and ships of good
burthen might easily anchor/'

They settleo with the best understanding with
the Indians, with whom they "hud a field in
common fenced in together.' and to them the
natives sometimes fled for shelter and protec-
tion, "Baying they were afraid of their enemy
Indians in the country," meaning the Tarren-
tines who lived to the eastward.

Here the first houses were built, and their
cattle, which must have been regarded of great
value, brought over as they were with much
care and cost, were pastured.

The old Planters appear to have occupied
the larger part of the peninsula lying between
the North River and Collins Cove ; and they
may not have been strangers to that larger pe-
ninsula beyond, which afterward became the
centre of the town. This etrip of land they
appear to have divided into lots, of upland and
marsh, running (rom the river on wliieh they
fronted across the marsh to Collinfl Cove. —
With great application under theindefiniteness
of extant records, we think some of their lots
might even now be designated, — such as Pal-
frey's and Balch's and perhaps VVm. Allen's,
who in 1G38 was granted one acre of salt marsh
at the end of his lot, and who sold his estate
upon his removal to Manchester.

Not long alter Conant had removed to his
farm at the head of Bass River, the town or-
dered that his house be bought as a residence
for William Plaice, blacksmith, and his wife.

This region in the early deeds of land and
later was called "the Old Planters' Marsh," or
near or on "the way to the Ipswich Ferry."

Potter's field, where the Lady Arabella and
Mrs. Phillips* were buried in 1630, was near
the Planter s Marsh.

The venerable Dr. Holyoke was accustom-
ed to say that the grave of Arabella Johnson
was denoted by a brick monument within his
remembrance, but where that was is now un-
known, the nearest designation is, that it was
somewhere on the land bordering the west side
of Collins Cove. It was by some supposed
that her grave was discovered upon the open-

*Magnalia B. iii ch. lY, p. 82.

104

ing of the Essex Railroad, through the Pick-
man field, lying between Pleasant and Bridge
Btreets : the late Stephen Whitmore, Jr., when
digging a post hole near his rope factory, be-
low Osgood street, found a quantity of very
large bricks which he supposed were brought
from England, and which he thought were a
remnant of the lirick monument referred to.
This mattf^r has received much investigation
from the hands of antiquarians, and will per-
haps forever remain in doubt.

Aged persons state that the site on which
this ropewalk is built, was, before the filling
up of the marsh, for purposes of cultivation,
a sandy ridge that ran from the upland into
the marsh and might therefore have been an
appropriate place, away from their dwellings,
for a burial ground.

Governor Endicott and his party, when they
arrived, probably regarding the river instead
of the present harbor as the best entrance to
the country, located themselves beyond the old
planters, further up the stream. The Gover-
nor's bouse, which was at first set up at Cape
Anno, in 1G24, by the party who went over
from Plymouth with Edward Winslow, was
shaken and brought to Natunkeag, and re-erect-
ed here, a few rods from the water, upon the
elevated banks of the North River, now the
northeast corner of Washington and Church
Btreets, — the Newhail house there standing be-
ing in p.irt the same. This wito, with the old
arbor-fort, a defence from the Indians, erected a
few rods distant to the westward, was the
highest land in the body of the town.

From and after Endicoti's arrival, the set-
tlement radiated from this point toward the
harbor. Among the earliest allotijents of land,
then the chief interest of the country, were
grants of farms on the several branches of the
Naumkeag river, — and the old planters were
among the first to receive awards from the new
government.

We will now inquire who composed this lone-
ly band of Mascachu&etts pilgrims. But where
shall we look for their muster roll? With such

evidence as we are able to commarid, we have
traced out the following names, most of whom
are mentioned by Mr. Felt, in his History of
Salem.

1. Roger Conant, Governor.

2. John Lyford. Minister.

3. John Woodbury.

4. Humphrey Woodbury,

5. John Balch.

6. Peter Pal fray.

7. Walter Knight.

8. William Allen.

9. Thomas Gray.

10. John Tvlly.

11. Thomas Gardner.
12 Richard Norman.

13. Richard Norman, "hissonne."
14 Capt. William Trask.
15. William Jeffrey.

These mun were ail in the prime of life.^
Conant in 1626, was 33 years of age. Enight
was 39, Woodbury's son Humphrey was 20
in 1628. Norinan's son was perhaps younger.
The others, with the exception of "old Nor-
man," were probably all under 40 years of
age. These are the names of the men only,
upon whom the burden of the Colonr chiefly
rested; several of them had their families with
them. Jeffrey appears to have been somewhat
unstable in settlement ; he probably at this
time resided at Jeffrey's Creek, now Manches-
ter. We feel confident that be was then living
within the extensive bounds of what was then
and long afterward known as Salem proper.

A writer in the Genealogical Register, in an
article on the Lindall family, claims Philip
Veren as one of Con.int's cou^pany ; but Mr.
Savage, in his '"Gleanings for New England
History,' gives an extract from the Records of
Salisbury, which shows that the Colony had
existed nine years before Veren came over, and
that Philip Veren, with his brother Joshua,
were about sailing for New England from New
Sarum, in April 1635.

In regard to the number of the old planters,
perhaps a comparison with the Plymouth Col-

105

ony will ^ugJ^e(^t pro^aMlities. Ot 101 pa>-
eengfM I'j the Mayflower, in 1620, 40 only
were men, 17 of these were single, the rest o(
thecoiupiiny was cunposed of their wives and
children. The average nieiubers of fnuiilies,
additional to each of the 40 men, are about
one and a half persons

Now if we reckon the men at Naurakeag,
fifteen only, this family average would add a-
bout twenty more, swelling the total of both
sexes and all ages, to thirtv-fivf individuals,
which is about the same as Mr. Felt's compu-
tation, but how he came to this conclusion, we
know not.

It is not at all probable that we have the
names of all rhe men, as Brackenbury states,
twice over, after giving the names of some,
•'fln</ others " When a portion of these men
left the Plymouth Colmy ftir Nantasbet, it is
said that they were followed by their families.
Kogt-r Conant, in his petition of 1671, says ex-
pre-sly, that he settled in Massachusetts with
his lamily. His wife, ^rah, we know was
here, and his eldest son, Lot, was born about
1624, p rhaps at Nantasket, and may have
been daptiz d by Lyiord, of whose ministra-
tions no record remains His son, Koger, was
born at Naumkeag, in 1626, the year of set-
tlement, being the first white child born in
Salem. Conant's family alone adds four indi-
viduals to the list.

John VVoodhury, when be returned from
England in 1628, six months perhaps before
the arrival of Endicott, brought with him
his son Humphrey, a youth of about 20 years
of age, who had pr.bahly been left at home
to complete his education, a comm->n custom
with the elderly children of the first settler.-* ;
other members of his family may also have
been settled here. His brother William, we
know, wag living here a few years after, and is
supposed to have located in Beverly, certainly
as early as 1630.

There is some probability that Palfray had
children, older than those whose baptioms are
found recorded in the First Church Kecords.
27

Kiehard Norman had a son, of an age, as
we should infer f.om Brack en bury's account,
at nearthat of manh(K)d. Mr Felt calls him
Richard Jr., but we are inclined to think hia
son Jolm WHS referred to by Brackenbury,
as he was then a lad about 15 ye.iri* old.

His son Richard, whom we find livine; in
Marhlehead a few years lat<ir, with his father,
' was born in 1623. and eould cons quen'ly have
been but three years of age, which would be
presumptive proof that iiis mother came with
him, which would make out four in this fami-
ly. And in this manner, other members of the
old planters' families, known to have been liv-
ing at this time, and who, in all probability,
accompanied their father or parents to this
country, could be added to the number, which
would individualize or materially increase the
list.

We have thus shown, we think, with scarcely
a doubt, that there were at least thirty or for-
ty people here, previous to the arrival of Gov.
Endicott and followers, forming a Colony of
sufficient numher» and strength to bear that
name, and which secured and maintained the
most persevering exertions in their behalf, of
the Rev. John Wlite, and other friends about
Dorchester,* which resulted at last in stirring
up such an interest, th.it a new company was
formed in Eng'and. composed of the remnant
of the old company, united with these friends,
and who subsequently bought all the < Sects of
the Dorchester Company, both at Cape Anne
and Naumkeag, and procured a charter as had
been promised.

They sent over Capt, John Endicott, one of
their own number, "to strengthen the Colony
and administer its gvernment,'' — "to erect a
new Colony upon the old foiindati(m,"f — "to
begin a plantation, and to strengthen such as he
t-hould find there which were sent thither from
Dorchestir,'J "to cirry on the plantation of
the Dorchester merchants at Naumkeag or

•Hubbard.

t White's brief relation.

f Dadley's Letter.

106

Salem, and make way for the settling of a-
nuther Colony in Massachusetts."* Such are
the nearly parallel statements of White, Dud-
ley, and Hubbard.

The constancy of the Colony wai severely
tried, when their minister, Mr. Lyford, re-
ceived "a loving invitation"' to settle in Vir-
ginia Lyford decided to embark for his new
abode, and us^d such persuasions to induce the
entire Colony to accompany him, that some
openly expressed their desire to depart, while
Others, discouraged by privation and the con-
tinual fear of attack from the Northern Indi-
ans, who were warlike and powerful, were
ready to abandon the enterprise, and go home
to England. ThisdisaflFection is not to be won-
dered at, when we reflect that this little band
were, on account of difference in religion,
more or less despiaed and neglected by the
Plymouth people, and being doubtful of assis-
tance from home, their loneliness became op-
pressive to them.

Lyford departed, probably accompanied by
a few of the Colony. It is at tuis point that
the character of Conant stands forth in heroic
grandeur. The resolute purpose so dear to his
heart, of founding an Asylum for his perse-
cuted countrymen, who still clung to the
skirts of the mother church, was not to be
lightly relinquished. All the inducements of
the designing Lyford, and all the arguments
that privation and dread of invasion forced
from his companions, fell powerless beside
him, like arrows against a rock, and he told
them at last that they might go if they wish-
ed, and though all of them should forsake
him, he should "wait the providence of
God in that place where they now were,
not doubting that if they departed, he
should soon have more company. f Where
shall we look t<> find a "more sublime heroism,
a purer self-devotion, loftier faith and trust,"
than was here displayed. |

*IIubbard.
tHubbard.
iJiThornton.

In after years Conant says of himself, "I
•was a means through grace assisting nie to
stop the flight of those few that were beere
with me, and that by my utter deniall to goe
away with them who would have gone either
for England or mostly to Virginia have there-
fore stayed to the hassard of our lives."* —
They remained and subsisted partly upon the
products of the field and upon fish ard game,
with which the country abounded. After
this they must have redoubled their exertions
in husbandry, — cultivating indinn corn, tobac-
co and vegetables, and collecting beaver skine
and furs, for purposes of trade and remittance
homeward.

Now that their resolution was taken, they
wisely thought that they could hasten assis-
tance by sending a messeng r to England. Ao-
cordingly, in the winter of 1627, they dis-
patched on this mission, John Woodbury,
whose residence in the country for three years
had made him familiar with its resources.

Mr. White must have greeted him with a
cordial welcome, from whom he learned that
there were others interested in the success of
the struggling colony, and who stood ready to
become its pa rons.

Under the Dorchester influence and the ex-
ertions of Thomas Dudley and others, he
found a company already formed, by the name
of "the New England Company."

A charter of the region called Massachusetts
Bay, was granted by the Council for New Eng-
land, March 19, 1628, to Sir Henry Rosewell,
Sir John Young, Knight, Thomas Southcoat,
John Humphrey, Jonn Endicott, and Simon
Whitcombe, Genilemen,f which superseded
the Cape Ann Charter, and Woodbury had
the satisfaction of returning to Naumkeag,
after an absence of six months, with assuran-
ces of both men and supplies. He brought
with him bis son Humphrey as before men-
tioned, and arrived here in the spring of 1628,
and cheered the hearts of the anxious colonists

•Mass. His. Coll. 27, 252.
tHubbard.

10?

with a recital of the interest that their fidelity
had inspired.

The ni!W company set themselties to the
vroik with a zeiil worthy of their noble cause.
They purchased all the rights and improvements
made under the Dorchester Compiiny in New
England, and prepared to furnish substantial
assistance to the Colony in men, provisions,
&c. And although they had every commen-
dation in favor of retaining Mr. Conant in
office, they preferred to make choice of one of
their own number, to be Governor of the Col-
ony here. Capt. John Endicott, a "worthy
gentleman," and a man well known to persons
of note,* he was cousin by marriage to Mat-
thew Craddock, the Governor of the Compa-
ny's afiairs in London. The following lan-
guage IS used in the Company's letter to En-
dicott, of April 17, 1629, alter he had come
over. "Sinae your departure we have ior the
further strengthening of our grant from the
Councell Sit Plymouth, obtained a confirma-
tion of it from his Majesty by his letters pa-
tent, and confirmed you Governor, of our
Plantation," with a Councell "styled the
Councell of the Massachusetts Bay ;" and a-
gain April 30, 1629. they "thought fit to set-
tle an absolute government in our plantation
in the said Massachusetts Bay,'' and they
"chose and elected Japt. John Endicott to the
place of present Governor, in our said Planta-
tion.

The judiciousness of this choice, though
bearing severely upon Conant, was all impor-
tant to the Colony. The struggling culonists
had now been two lonely years at Naumkeag,
nearly as long as their abode at Cape Anne,
and had supported and protected themselves
thrt)Ugh two long, cold New England winters.
Their second crop of corn was nearly ready
for harvest, when the *' Abigail" hove in sight,
as she approached along the Cape Anne shore,
and at last cast anchor at the mouth of the
river. That succor so long prayed for had

♦Planter's Plea.

at last arrived, and their drooping spirits
liounded with renewed vigor.

Un the other hand, to the passengers on
board the Abigail, everything must have ap-
peared cheering and delightlul,— the forests in
their most expansive suit of green, untarnish-
ed as yet by the frosts of Autumn, studded
the islands upon their track, — crested ever^
hilltop and bordered every cove, and seemed to
welcome the weary voyagers as they swayed in
the fitful breeze* of the departing summer.

As they neared the shore, balsamic odors
borne down from pine-clad slopes, refreshed
them; — here and there the parting forests reveal-
ed fair fields and meadows, where waved hun-
dreds of un«horn acres, mottled wiih patches of
golden rod, trumpet weed, and the Michael-
mas daisy. The rose and the barberry from
rounded copses, hung over the waters their
ripened fruits in clusters of the richest scar*
let.

With eager eyes the pilgrims discern in the
thicket, the rude wigwams of the natives,
and a few erect forms of a recently numerous
tribe return their gaze ; but the most cheering
sight to the emigrants were the abodes of Co-
nant and his companions, but just visible in
their little clearings in the forest.

The Colonists in expectation of their arrival
had made such preparation for them as was in
their power. Their dependance upon each
other was mutual. Succor on one hand, and
hobpitali^y on the other, sealed a hearty wel-
come and filled their cup of joy. The Colony
was cared for, the prayers and zeal of Mr.
White were answered ; but the mild and Self-
sacrificing Conant had yet other trials to en-
dure; he bad accomplished much for the
Colony thus far, but the consciousney^s of bis
well-doing was to be bis nnly reward. He was
deposed ,^-all his schemes for its adtrancemect
must now be abandoned to others, — all the ef-
fects and improvements of the Colony had
been sold.

It was not long before Gov. Endicott showed
Conant his letter of instructions from the Com-

108

pany, which informed him of the new aspect of
affiiirf. and ihat he had come with full autltor-
itj to take pos^^ebsion of their houses, boats,
eervanta and impruvementa, and assume the
reins of governui^nt. ihis information could
not have Ven welcome either to Conant or hia
companionn, and we can readily sympathise
with them when they afterward complain that
they have been accounted but little better than
slaves .

There arrived in the Abigail, fifty or sixty
passengers, wluch united with the old plan-
ters, swelled the numher to about one hun-
dred persons, and much greater preparations
were making at home to place the Colony in
a far more substantial poNition. Any careful
reader of history cannot fail to see that the
old Planters were of suflSoient influence and
importance to give the new government much
uneaciness under the di8iiflFcCti(»n which follow
ed, and it nqniced all the prudence and public
virtue of Conant. the firmness of Endicott.
and the influence ot Rev Mr. White, with
Craddock, at home to restore harm(>ny of ac
tion, so that by the third of June of the next
year, the Colony then consisting of ahout
three hundred persons, at a General Court con-
vened by Gov. Endicott for the purpose, they
a^l by common consent combined together in-
to one body politic under the same Governor ;
therefore up to tnis time, a period of nine
months, Conant's party probably kept up a
more or less independent organization, both of
Church and State. Hubbard* says of this,
''The late controversy that had been agitaied
with too much animosity betwixt the foremen-
tioned Dorchester planters, and their new A-
gent and his Company, being by the prudent
moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for
the Dorchester merchants, quietly composed,
that so meurn and tuum, which divide the
world, should not disturb the peace of good
christians, who came go far to provide a place
where to live together in christian amity and
concord."

•Mass. His. Coll. 15, 113.

The very name of our city. Salem. {City of
Peace,) adopted at the same General Court, and
eugtrested by this occasion shall ever remain a
witness of thisdisafl^ection and controversy, and
a lasting memorial of its happy t.-nnination and
a ijustment, and which is ech-ed by her sixty
nunesakes, scattered over the United States.

White, in his Planter's Plea, says of this
controversy, the change of name from Naum-
keik to Salem, was done "upcm a fair ground,
in remembrance of a peace settled upon a con-
ference at a general meeting between them
and their neighbors after expectance of some
dangerous jar.'' It is supposed that the sug-
gestion of tnis name was made I'y Francia
Hinginson.

Still the wound was not entirely healed, and
its irritation can beoccanionally seen throug'a-
out that generation. It i« plainly apparent
upwards of forty years afterward, in Conant's
petitiim to General Court, in 1671. when he
speaks of the hazard of life and the sacrifices
he had made lor the public good without per-
sonal reward.

The compromise adopted was brought a-
boat chi. fly hy the caretul and judicious in-
structions of the Company to Gov. Endicott,
a policy dictated both by a sense of justice,
and a reasonable apprehension that Mr.
Oldham, of the Church partv, might draw the
old planters into his plan of maintaining in-
dependent jurisdiction over the territory of
Macsa(;husetts, according to a conveyance he
held from John the brother of Robert Gorges.

Under date of April 17, 1629, Mr. Crad-
dock in his oiEoial letter to Gov. Endicott, uses
thi.-) language, "and that it may appear as
well to all the world as to the old planters
themselves, that wee seke not to make them
slaves, (as it seems by your letter some of
them think themselves to bee become by means
of our patent.) wee are content they shall be
partakers of such privileges as wee, from his
.Mijesty's esp 'tial grace, with great cost, favor
of personages of note, and much labor, have
obtained, and that they shall be incorporated

109

into this soci'-ty, and enjuy not only tlieir
lands which formerly tliey have manured, J>ut
such a further proportion as by the advice and
judgment of yourself and the rest of the
ouncil. sliall be thoiijiht fit for them tr any of
them. And bej»idj8 it is still our purpose that
they should have «orae l»enefit by the common
stock as by your first commission directed and
appointed ; with this addition, that if it be
held too much to take thirty per cent, and the
freight of the goods for and in consideration
of an adventure and disbursement of your
moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shillings
per p'lund, that you modtrate the 8;iid rate,
as you, with the rest of the Council, shall
think to be agreeable to equity and good con-
science."

They also granted the old planters the ex-
clusive privilege of raising tobacco from which
they expected great remuneration, and in the
Government they were to have the privilege of
choosing two of the twelve Councilmen from
their own number. (Is it not absurd then to
suppo.'je that there were buf four settlers here,
when Endicott came ?) The followers of Co-
nant had undoubtedly been increased by the
arrival of the fishing and trading vessels, that
frequented the coast from the time he took his
firm determination to remain at Naumkeag.
Mr. Thornton says : — "If, under such condi--
tions, and such a fulfilment of the agreement,
Conant and his associates are desirous to live
amongst us, and cimform themselves to good or.
der and government, said those who had taken
summary possession of the territory and of
the improvements thereon, we will permit them
to remain.'"

"The legal title was now in the new Com-
pany, who, strong in wealth and influence,
were decidedly aggressive in spirit, and the
only alternative for these leaders in the forlorn
hope was di-ipersion and an abandonment of
the now ripening fruits of their labors. —
They euhraitted to the lesser evil ; but historic
impartiality, upon a survey uf the tacts, will

23

yield a verdict of exact justice, unvitiated by
superior int' rests and prejudices."*

It would be extraneous to my plan to enter
into an ecclesiastical review of the afiairs of
the Colony, and to show the development of
the simple congregational form of worship a-
dopted by the government, and of the influ-
ence of Dr Fuller, of Plymouth, in bringing
it about, and of the accommodation of Uig-
ginson and Shelton t<» it, who had not made
up their minds to any particular form of
church government belore leaving England, —
resulting in the simple ordination of August
6, 1G29, and the establishment of the Salem
Ohurch.

Suffice it to say, that Prelacy could not ex-
ist in such a community, which was soon
manifested in the expulsion of the two
Browns, and so universally was this feeling im-
pnsssed that no Episcopal minister was settled
in Salem, for upward of one hundred years af-
terward. Under this state of things, we see
another instance of the self-sacrificing spirit of
Conant, who again yield! up his private wish-
es to the majority, and joins in communion
with a Separati.->t Church, and at its altar his
children were baptized. His name stands en-
rolled the filth upon the extant list of its mem-
bers.

The church party consisting chiefly of the
old planters, are supposed to have relinquished
their Episcopacy, and joined the Congregation-
al Church, about the time the Browns were
sent home,f and but a few weeks after the
organization of the church. The old planters
were allowed to retain the lands they had al-
ready improved and cultivated, and to be al-
lowed an equitable portion in other lands to
be subsequently grjinted. Accordingly we
find by the town Book of Grants, on the "25th
of 11th mon, 1635, that Captain Trask, John
Woodbury, Mr. Conant, Peter Palfrey, and
John Balch, a'-e to have five farms, viz : each
two hundred acres apiece, to form in all, a

•Thornton.
fFelt.

no

thousand acres of land together Ijing, and be-
ing at the head of Bass river, one hundred and
twenty-four poles in breadth, and soe runin
northerly to the river by the great pond side,*
and soe in breadth making up the full quanti-
ty of a thousand acres, those limits laid out
and surveyed by vs.

John Woodbury,
John Balch."

This locality is afterward in the Records,
often called "The Old Planters' Farms."

Again there were granted to John Woodbury,
John Balch, and Mr. Conantj five acres of
meadow apiece, in some convenient place.
Conant 80(m after removed to his grant, and
was followed by some of the others. Palfrey
never settled upon his, but removed to Reading.

The fir>t grants of land we find record-
ed, were made on 1st of 8 month, 1634. The
grant above mentioned, was recorded on the
third page of the book of Grants, and there
appear to have been but two large lots granted
prior to the one thousand acre lot to the old
planters, and these were granted but one week
previous, viz : three hundred acres to Robert
Cole, where his cattle are, by Brooksby, and a
farm of two hundred ao.es to Lieut. Johnson,
also at Brooksby, (8 mth Danvers )

The question may arise here, why were not
more of the names of the old planters men-
tioned in this griint. The answer to this may
be, that under the Company instructions,
planters were to have land granted them in
proportion to their interest in the common
stock, perhaps for improvements they had
made, in advance of their comrades. Distinc-
tion of merit seems implied in Craddock's let-
ter, as appears by the above quotation in my
italics. Other of the old planters receiv-
ed separate grants of land as can be seen
by the Book of Grants, such as Richard and
John Norman, who were granted twenty acres
of land each.

The exertions of Rev. Mr. White did not

«Wenham Lake.

cease with the obtaining of the charter and
despatching the ship Abigail ; it was t^'rough
his means that the original patentees "were
brouglit into acquaintance with other religious
persons of like quality in and about London,
such as Mr. Wintrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dud-
ley, Mr. Craddock, Mr. Goffe, and ISir Richard
Saltonstall."

The emigration of Endicott was followed by
that of Rev. Francis Higginson, with two
hundred more passengers, and planters, who
arrived early the next summer.

The year alter, (lt53U,) was signalised by the
arrival of Gov. Winthrop, with the home Com-
pany, original charter,* and a large number
of passengers, in a fleet of seventeen t-hips ;
and emigrants continued to pour in rapidly,
so tha; in 1637, nine years after the return of
Woodbury, and arrival of Endioott, the Mas-
sachusetts Colony numbered not less than
eight thousand souls, nine hundred of whom
were inhabitants of Salem. f

The acts of the old planters soon became no
longer distinctly visible, as Hutchinson says of
Conant : — "The superior condition of those
who came over with the charter, cast a shade
upon ihem.'^ Suffice it to say that they co-
tinued to bear a fair share in town and colo-
nial afiairs, and spent lives of great usefulness
and honor. Partial accounts (which might be
greatly enlarged,) of these men and their
families are here appended. Several of their
grand-children, mere youths, perished in that
memorable battle with the lodi vns, at Bloody
Brook, under Capt. Lathrop, of Beverly, Sep-
tember 18, 1675.

[to be continukd.]

*The Charter provided in itself for an "exempli-
fication," or duplicate of precisely the same legal
authority : this duplicate charter Gov. Endicott
brought with him in 1 6'28j and under it he ruled the
Colony; it is preserved in the Archives of the Salem
Athenaeum, and may be seen at Plummer Hall.—
Winthrop, a succeeding Governor of the Colony,
with whom the Company — the Governor making pow-
er— came, brought with him the other, or original
charter, as it has usually been called; this also it
preserved in the State House at Boston.

fFelt's Am. Stat. Ass'n., vol. 1, 138.

Ill

LETTER OF HON. BENJAMIN GOODHUE,
MEAlbEK OF CONGRESS, TO ELIAS HAS-
KETT DERBY, OF SALEM— CITY OF NEW
YORK IN 1787.

I send you for puhlicution a copy of a letter
from Hon Benj. Good.^ue to Elias Haskett
Dorhy, ofS.xleiu, wliich, Itbink, may interest
Booie of your readers :

WhatadiflFiTeat aspect New Yoik City must
Lave presented at tlie date of this letter, from
her present appearance ! Sam Breck, in his
Hiat'jrical Sketch of the Continental Paper
Money, says, — 'In the month of June, of the
year 1787. on my return from a residence of a
few years in France. I arrived at that city, and
found it a neglected place, built chieSy of
wood, and in a state of prostration and decay.
A dozen vessels in port. Broadway, from
Trinity Churcii inolusivo down to the Battery,
in ruins, owing to a fire tliat had occurred
when the city was occupied by the enemy,
during the latter end of the war. The ruined
walls of the burnt houses standing on both
sides of the way, testifying to the poverty of
the place, five years after the conQagration ;
for although the war Lad ceased during that
period, and the enemy had departed, no at-
tempt had been made to rebuild them. In
short, there was silence and inactivity every-
where ; and the whole population was very
little over twenty thousand."

This is in striking contrast with the new
York of the present day — the leading commer-
cial city of the world. b.
New York. April 5, 1789.

The people of the United States, I think,
are peculiarly unfortunate, after manifesting
80 laudable an avidity for the adoption of the
new government to have the exercise of it so
long delayed through the inexcusable, and I
may add reproachful inattention of several of
the peisuns whom they have elected for its ad-
ministration. Congress have not yet a suffi-
cient number of members of both Houses in
Town to enable them to proceed upon bu.-^iness.
The Senate wants one to form their body, and
from tlie accounts of a Senator from Virgiuia
being near at hand, that desirable event is mo-
mentarily expected. I pray we may not again
bo mortified with a disappointmeDt, for I am

pereuaded if the doctrine be true that it's good
for us to be afflicted, we have had so bounti-
ful a portion as leaves no reason to doubt of
its salutary operation. 1 inclose you the names
of the pentleiiien present :

New Hampshire — Honorable Nicholas Gil-
man.

Maspachusetts — Fisher Ames, Geo. Leonard,
Geo. Thatcher, Benj. Goodhue, £lb. Gerry,
Geo. Partridge.

Maryland— Wm. Smith, Geo. Gale, — Car-
rol

Connecticut — Jona. Sturges, Jere'h Wads-
worth. Benj Huntington, Jona. Trumbul,
Roger Sherman.

New Jersey — Lambert Cadwallader, EliaS
Buudinot, James S^hurcman.

Pennsylvania — Fred'k A. Mublenburg,
Spk., Thomas Hartley, Henry Wynkoop. Pe-
ter Muhlenburg, Daniel Heister, Thomas
Scott. Geo. Cijmer.

Virginia — James Madison, Rich. B Lee^
John Page, Alex'r White, Andrew Moore,
Sam'l Griffin, Josiah Parker, Theoderick
Bland.

South Carolina — Thomas T. Tuker.

Senators, which ought to have preceded the
Representatives :

N. H. — Mesfcrs, Langdon, Wingate.

M. — Strong.

C. — Dr. Johnson, Ellsworth.

N. J. — Patterson* Elmore.

P. — Morris, Macclay.

D. — Bassett.

G. — Few.

I am. with sentiments df esteem, Yoair
Friend andServ't,

B. GOODHUE.

P. S. I have just this moment heard of the
arrival of Mr. Lee. the Senator from Virginia,
who I have mentioned as being expected. We
shall therefore, after so long a time^ have the
pleasure of forming both houses, to morrow,
and after opening the votes of the Electors for
a President and V. President, immediately dis-
patch a messenger to Mount Vernon, and an-
other to Braintree, to notify those great per-
sonages of their resnective appointments.

E.H. Derbt. Esq.

PRIVATBEK JUNIUS BRUTUS.

I find among the papers of my late grand-
father, Jonathan Andrew, (deceased 1781,)
who was an ardent patriot dtiring the revola-

112

tionary war, and an agent for Privateer?, ti.e
following list of the officers and crew of the
Ship Jiiniua Brutna. She was a ship carry-
ing 20 guna. and 110 men, and was captured
in Oct.. 1782 and ai^nt to Ne^vfoundland. Felt
says, 17H2. Feb'y 19, "A ship arrives, taken
by the Junius Brutus ; had 1 killed, 2
wounded, and the prize 2 killed and 5 wound-
ed."' 1 find by a memo, on the paper from
which I copy, tliat the J. B. was in Virginia
S^lst October, 1780, where several men de-
serted her. Thinking this list may possess
Bouie interest at this day, I have transcribed
it for publication in your paper. b. f. b.

List of Names, Stations and Shares, Junius
Brutus.

John Brooks,

Captain,

9 shares |

Wm. Pattbrpon,

1st Lieut.,

6

do

Hugh Smith,

2d do.

5

do

Chas. Hamilton,

Master,

6

do

Martin Luvett,

Surgeon,

6

do

Robt . Fairservice,

Clerk,

n

do

Jonath Glover,

Ship Mate,

34 do {

Jno. Sinclair,

2d do.

3

do

Jonath. Mayson,

Prize Master,

3

do

Tbos. Webb,

do.

3

do

Benj'n Thompson,

do.

3

do

Joseph Trask,

do.

3

do

Jno. Ad'len,

do.

3

do

Joseph Salter,

do.

3

do

Stephen Archer,

do.

3

do

John Siiiiit,

Boatswain,

3

do

And'w Trpwlove

Miite,

2

do

Ciiarles Peterson,

do.

2

do

David liicktord,

Stuard,

3

do

Jho. Hcivey,

Cooper,

2

do

Edwa-d balton,

Gunner,

3

do

Andrew Morgan,

Mate,

2

do

Neii'iah Cushman,

do.

n

do

Jno. Noofin,

Carpenter,

3

do

Sam'l Moliitire,

Mate,

li

do

Peter Smothers,

Jr. Master,

2

do

John JacktiOQ

do.

2

do

John Hall,

Sail Maker,

2

do

Sam'l Knap,

Cook,

2

do

Jonatti Newell,

Cabin Cook

>

14

do

Gibson Clouj;h,

Cipt. Marines,

n

do

Jno. Wakefield,

Armourer,

H

do

Seamen.

Shares. Seamen.

Shares-

Jno. Watts,

1 Jacob Newell,

James Elliot,

1 iienj

'n Butler,

Joseph lloman,

1 Edward Perlans,

Jno. Peeters,

1 Jno.

Still,

James Uynds,

1 Jona

. Teaguo,

Jno Ale. Niel,

1 Jno.

Allen,

Thos Wilburn,

1 Jno.

McKenney,

Isaac Lofty,

1 Edw

1 Tucker,

Jamos Hamelton,

1 Nic'k Wallace,

Jaiues Kobertson,

1 Mm.

Saucefield,

Seamen.

Shares. Seamen.

Shares.

Tho. Traverse,

L Thos. Norris,

1

Leander Smith,

Jno. Orrick,

1

Martin Wtiitforth, ]

TIkm. Rij;sloy,

I

Duncan MePherson,

[ Wm Drardson,

1

Oliver Wellman,

Aaron Crowell,

i

Robt. Hazel ton.

Jona. Brown,

h

Daniel Mehaney,

Joseph Allen,

1

Wm. Burbank,

David Whipple,

1

Benj'n Felt,

Sam'l Russell

1

Th.is. Smith,

Peter Fol.soin,

1

John Hooton,

Georj;e' Herculeous,

1

James Turner,

David Roach,

1

Joshua Grant,

James Mc.Veil,

i

John Cuin,

Anthony Knap,

h

Jno. Oakman,

I Wtu. Hutler,

i

Thos. Ri)bertson,

i Wm Pve.

i

Thos. Jone.s,

Siiin'l Pickworth,

I

Rob't Remmons,

[ Benj'n White,

i

Rob't Cloutinan,

I Win Adams,

1

Thos. Driver, j

Joh 1 Leach,

1

Ebenez. Whitfoot,

Nehem Gould,

i

James Bean,

John Wait,

1

John Meach,

Benj'n Woolbridge,

i

Jno. Pitman,

Joseph Severy,

4

John Codley,

John Archer,

1

Amos Dolliver,

Jaiue.« Black,

James Wood,

Jno. EdiUMnds,

Jona. Thompson,

Samiel Towns,

Otho Beal,

Abrah'm Woollett,

John Fannnck,

Amos Newell,

Clement Severy,

Edward Still,

John Dennis,

Thos. Powell,

Wm. Bradish,

French Deacons,

Jno. Fenley,

David Leach,

1

Rob't Gover,

L Charles Wood,

1

Robt. Orrick, 1

Christ'r Wallburt was missed on the 3d day of
September; was supposed to have fallen overboard.

EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND IN 1778.

In the summer of that year, the Island was in the
occupation of a body of British troop.'', under the com*
mand of Major General Sir Robert Pigot; and it was
determined that an attempt to recover porfsossioa
should be made by an American army under Maj. Gen.
Sullivan, in conjunction with the French fleet com-
manded by the Count D'E.^tiiing. The British force
was estimated at about 0500 men; the American, at
9000 or 10000, consisting of 2200 continental soldiers
and 7000 or 8000 militia. Of the latter a large por-
tion were voluntcrs from New England. Owing to
disasters to the French ships, occasioned by a tem-
pest, and to jealousies subsisting between D'Estaing
and bis captains, the fleet failed to cooperate, and
the Americans, who had landed upon the Isiland, and
had taken a position near to Newport, were under
the necessity of retreating. The quota required of
Salem «raa 52 men; 4)ut the following list, oopieJ

118

from an ancient original supposed to be correct, con-
tains the names of 81 volunteers. Some contempo-
rary Utters say that nearly or quite 100 men march-
ed t rum Salem; but unless tbey mean to include
about 25 boatmen for landing the Americans, there
is of course an error, eiihex in the list or in the let-
ters. It will be seen that many of the prominent
men of Salem were in the ranks. The company left
Salem about the 4tb of August, and landed on
Kbode Island on the 16tb. On the evening of the
29tb, the American army retired to the north part
of the island. The next day they repulsed the Brit-
ish, and in the night e£fected their retreat to the
main land without the loss of men or stores.

The I'st is presumed to be correct, from the fact
that it is headed "List of the Volunteer Company
from Salem," in the hand-wiiting of Mr. G orge
"Williams, brother-in-law of Col. Timothy Picker-
ing, and is indorsed in Col. Pickering's handwrit-
ing, "List of Volunteers Iroir. Salem, for the Rhode
Island Expedition, August, 1778."
Sam'l Flagg', Captain, Sam'l Phippen,

Miles Greenwood, 1st Lt., Jona. Tucker,
Robt. Fo.-iter, 2d do., Daniel Cheever,

Benjamin Ropes, Jr., Beiij'n Peters,

George Smith, Sam'l Tucker,

David Biiyse, Ezt^kiel NVellman,

Oil leb Smith, Robt. Peele,

Wm. Gerald, EHis Mansfield,

Simon Giirdner, Nathan Peirce,

Jno. Cniimberlain, Aaron Waitt,

Benj'n Hathorne, Robt. Cook,

Joseph Young, Nath'l Ropes, Jr,,

George Williams, Sam'l Ropes,

Jona. Peele, Jr., Wm. Osborne,

Jo la. Ga dner, Jr., Asa Ptirce,

Jacob A.-hton, Jno. Uarr,

Barlbo. Putnam, Josiah Austin,

Samuel Ward, Jno Page,

George Dodge. Jr., Benj'n Cloutman,

Beiij II boodiiue, Jr., Jeratb'el Peirce,

Francis Cabot, Jr., James Ea'on,

Mm. Orne, James iSott.

Edv«aid Norris, Benj'n Frye,

Benj'n Dalanil, Isaac Needham,

Abijnb Nortuey, Thos. JTeedham, Jr.,

Sam'l Grnnt, Zach'y Burchmore,

Jno. Fisk, Samuel Webb,

Simun Forrester, Eben Peirce,

Fraocis Dennis, Benj'n Warren,

Saiii'l liljth, James Walker,

Jusbua Dodge, Ju'^epb Manstield,

Jona. Har.den, Eben Porter,

David Ropes, Daniel Peirce,

Joseph Oliipman, Henry Uigginson,

Jona. Waldo, Win. Lan;;,

Geo. Abbot, Francis Claike,

Josiiua Ward, Jr., Jno. Felt,

Beiij'u Moses, Jos. Lambert,

Jo^iub Dewing, Jona. Mansfield, Jr.,

Jno. Andrew, Joseph Hillor.

James Wood Gould,

29

EXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF
BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS, OF
THE CITY OF SALEM.

Copied by Ira J. Patch.

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 36.

Henfy Bragg & Elizabeth Machtnallen were
marryed the 17th 10th mo., 1677, iheire daugh-
ter Elizabeth, borne 7th 7tti ano., '78. Mary,
borne 24th March, 1680 Henry, borne 12th
April, 1682. VViIliiim, borne 17th Octob'r,
1684. Sarah, borne 26th March, 1687. Sono
Alexand'r, born 6th March, 1689

John Buxton & Elizabeth Ilolton were mar-
ryed the 7th 8th uio., 1677. their son Joseph,
borne the 24th 9th mo.. 1678. their daughter
Sarah, borne the 9th 12th mo., 1680. their
eon Anthony, home the 24th 12th mo., 1682.
Hannah, borne 20ih January, 1685. Rachell,
born 6th May, 1688. Amos Buxton, born
Feb'y 12th, 1700-1, Jonathan, born 25th Ju-
ly, 1706.

Christopher, son of Christopher Babbadge,
borne by Han na his wife the 11th 9th mo.,
1678. son Kichurd. borne ye Ist 8th mo.,
1680 ; the said Richard, deceased Ist mo '81 ;
thoirc second son Richard, borne ye 14th July,
1682; his son Nehemiah, born 25ch March,
'84.

Tho's Bell & Rehecka Ebborne, marryed 10th
10th mo , 1680 ; tlieire son Thomas, borne
the 26th August, 1681 ; George, borne 10th
June, 1684."

Samut'U Beadle, his daughter Mary, borne
by Hanna his wife the 2l8t of May, 1678 ;
theire sou Lemon home the 30th July, 1680 ;
ye daughter Hnnnah, borne 18th 10th mo.,
'82 : ye son Koh't horn 14th 9th mo., '84 ;
son Jonathan, horn 24th July, 1687, and dyed
16th May, 1688 ; Kaleh. born 24th Feb. 1688.

Thomas Beadle & Elizaheth Drake were
marryed ye 18tti 7th mo., 1679 : theire daugh-
ter Eliz.tbrtth, home July the 9tb, 1681 ; Ma-
ry, borne 5th 2ii mo.. 1683 ; Thomas, born
March, 1685-6. and dyed '86 ; Benj'n, born
7th 7th mo , '87 ; Thomas, born 10th 12th
mo., '89-90 ; John, burn 14th Feby, 1691-2.

114

Jno Butolph. his son John, borne by Sarah,
bis wife, 1st July, 1688. Hannah, born 9th
10th mo., 1689.

Jno Biyly. son of Jno Bayly, borne last
Maje, 1681 ; Tliomaa, borne 16th Maye, '82 ;
Eliza, borne 16th July, 1684 ; Nicolas, borne
26th Sept., 1686.

William Bartoll & Susanna Woodbury were
marryed ye ; their son Andrew Bar-
toll, borne the 20th of August, 1680 : there
Bon William, borne the 4th Auj>;u8t. 1682.

Mathew Barton, his daughter Susana, borne
by Sarah, his wife, the 10th of May, 1680 ;
their son Mathew, borne the 6th 9th mo.,
1682 ; their daught'r Sarah, borne Ist Aprill,
1685 ; their daughfr Elizabeth, borne 20th
Aprill, 1687.

John Bullock & Mary Maverick were mBryed
the 3d day of August, 1681 ; their daught'r
Elizabeth, borne the 22d of June, 1683 ; their
Bone John, borne 5th Apriil, 1686.

Edward Bush & Elizabeth Pitman widdow
were marryed the first of August 1678, theire
daughter Elizabeth borne the 30th of April
1679 : Son Edward born 1st of March 1681-2;
daughter Ann borne the 25th of February,
1682-3 ; Benjamin, borne 7th Maye. 1685;
Edw'd Bush born 2d August, 1687 ; son East-
ick, born 22d of March, "88-9 : son Eastick,
borne 14th Maye, 1693.

Jno. Bachelor, dyed August 6th, '84 ; his
wife Mary, dyed 19th of August '84.

Robert Braye, Jun'r, married the 5th No-
vember, 1685, their sone John, borno 4th
Sept'r. 1686 ; son Robert, borne 22d Decem-
ber, 1688; Prissillah, borne 11th March,
1689-90 ; sone Benj'n, borne 27th Sept'r 1692;
Christian, borne 19th March '94.

Hannah BuflBngton, daughter of Thomas
Buffington. Jun'r <& Hannah bis wife, born
May 11. 1701.

Hana. daughter of Sam'l Cutler, by Eliza
his wife December 1655, their daughter Abi-
gail borne 11th mo. '56 ; daughter Sarah , born
23d 10th mo. '58
Anna, daughter of Willim Curtis, hj Alice

his wife, born 30th August, 1658 : their
daughter Sarah, born 13th 8th mo.. 60 and
dyed 25th 8th mo.. '60; son Will'm, borne
ye 26th lOino. "62 ; son Jo'n, borna 14th
May, 1666. Abigaile borne about the 15 Au-
gust, 1G64.

Christopher Croe (or Cro<) and Deliverance
Bennet were mai-ried by Maj. Hiithorne the
8th October, 1657 ; their dau. Ilanna bo 10th
7th mo 165-.

Jon Collens & Mahetahell Giles were maried
by Major llathorne ye 9th lat mo., 1658-59.

Humphrey Coomes maried to Bathsheaba
Rayment by Capt. Marshall, ye 29th 5th mo.,
1659.

Henry Cooke maried to Judith Birdsale,
June, 1639 ; their son Isaack borne ye 3d 2d
mo., 1640; son Samuell bo 30th 7th mo.,
1641 ; dar Judith bo loth 7th mo., '43 : Ra-
ohell bo 25th 7th mo., 1645 ; John bo 6th 7th
mo., 1647 ; Mary & Martha bo 15th 7th mo.,
'50 ; Henry home 30th 10th mo.., 1652 ; Eli-
za bo September '54. & deceasi'd. Hana bo
Sept'r, 1658 ; Henry Cooke deceased 25th
December, 1661. (viz the father.)

Frances Collens his dar Sarah bo by Hana
his wife, 13th 3d mo., '60 ; da'r Christian
hor m Aprill, 1665 ; son John borne August,
'67.

Richard Curtise his son Caleb bo by Sara
his wife ye 24th 7th mo., '46 . their son Sam-
uell 1st 2.1 mo., '51 ; son Richard bo 14th 12
mo,, '52; da'r Sara bo 19th Ist mo., '5- ;
da'r Hanna ye 16th 7th mo., -56 ; son John
2d 12th mo., "58, & dyed ye 28th 5th mo.,
'59 ; their son John bo 4th 4th mo., '60, Sf
dyed 4th 7tb mo,, '60 ; dau'i-Mary borne 11th
i2th mo., "62.

Humphrey Coomes his da'r Hana bo by
Barsheba his wife, ye 26th 3d -jao , '60

Sam'l Cutler, eon of Sam'l Cutler & Eliza-
hoth his wife, borne at Salem, 1661 ; Ebene-
zer, son of ye aforesd S. . borne at Salem, 1664.
John Croad & Elizabeth Price were mar-
ryed by Maj. Hathorne, 17th Ist mo., '58;
theire da'r Eliza bo 2l8t 8th ma., '61; theire
SOD Jou boroe 14th 4ihmo., '63; Da Hanna

115

borne 14th July, "65 ; son Jonathan borne je
17th 11th mo., 1667.

Giles Coree his da'r Deliverance borne hj
Margaret his wife ve 5th 6th mo., '58.

Joshua Connant his son Joshua bo by Seeth
his wife je 15th 4th mo., '57.

William Cantleburj deceased ye l8t4thmo.,
'63.

Deborah Clearke deceased 16th March, '60,
da'r of VVill'm Clearke, vintner.

Richard Cauiplin dyed ye 23d April, '62.

Nath 1 Carrell his Da'r Mary by Mary his
wife, bo 20th 5th mo., '62.

To be Continued.

A GENEALOGICAL RAMBLE.

Several days since, in company with a friend who
has spent uucb time in genealogical research per-
tuining to his own family, we spent a very pleasant
afternoon in the vicinity of the Dauvers Alms House,
always proluse in charming summer sijibts. This
neighborhood affurds a pleasant rambling place for
those who occasionally stroll away from the city,
and yet who feel no particular interest in ihe locality
from any ancestral associations. Those who are
averse to walking the lull distance to this place, can
find exactly the ac-ommodatiun they need in the
South Reading Branch Railroad train, which leaves
the depot in Sulem at fifteen minutes before three in
the alternoon, and which stops at the signal station
near the mill of Mr. Buffum, about half a mile this
side of the Alms-house.

The famous boulder, known as "Ship Rock," is
very near to this station, and is attainable over a
somewhat hilly and uneven foot-path extending a
short distance to the right. This huge rock, which
must weigh many tons, is visible to travellers upon
the railroad, lilting iu> top above the trees, though
in such a manner as perhap.-i would fail to convey a
true idea of its size. Like most of the natural won-
ders which are named for real things, its resem-
blance to a £hip can be perceived only by a compro -
mise of facts with the imagination, which, having
been duly accomplished, the visitor can easily dis-
tinguish the bow from the stern, and perhaps trace
out, to his own satisfaction, a tolerably fair model
of a hull. The rock rests upon a very small base, a
large part of it extending along parallel with the

ground, yet a few inches above it; in one place the
space being sufficient to admit of the passage of a
small child. Tiiis boulder is the property of the
Essex Institute, which society has taken the steps
necessary to make this natural curiosity an attrac-
tive point of interest, and to exhibit its large dimen-
sions in the most advantageous manner. An iron
ladder has been constructed upon it, with chains to
serve the purpose of maintaining the equilibrium in
the labor of ascending. The top commands a good
view, over the trees, of distant scenery, including
Salem and South Danvers, the prominent structures
of which stand forth to the vision vpry conspicuously.
The familiar mill, on the opposite side of the rail-
road track, now owned by Mr. James N. BuQum,
stands upon or near the spot where the first saw-
mill in Danvers (owned by a man named Very,) was
erected. TLe meadow from whence the water which
furnishes the power for this mill is derived, is flowed
by a brook which runs from Cedar Pond, which is
about half a mile above the alms-house. It is near
this pond and the alms-house, where the original
ancestor, in this country, of those who bear the name
of Very, once lived and owned a considerable tract of
land. The identity of the locality is indicated by
extracts from old wills, which mention "Ceader
Pond'' with some frequency. The will of Bridget
(Very) Giles, made in 1668, mentions "a ten acre
lot, also meadow land btth sides of the brook; also
house and land," <tc. In 1675, Bridget Giles, wid-
ow, grants unto Eleazer Giles, her son, husbandman,
"all the upland and meadow for:iier!y owned by Ed-
ward Giles of Sulem, my husband, twenty acres as
far as the corner of my son, John Giles." In 1679
Elieazer Giles sold J. King ten acres bounded with
land of Samuel Very; and, in 1681, the same person
sold Wm. Lord two acres of meadvw "on Ceader
Pond," bounded on Samuel Very's farm. Samuel
Very, son of Bridget Very, in his will in 1683, gives
to Alice (Woodis,) his wife, his dwelling bouse ia
Salem, with outhousing, orchards, &c.; also speak-
ing of two pieces of meadow next the river (or pond,)
before his bouse on the south side, and likewise of
other land bordering on other parts of the river, or
pond.

The lands here indicated are all in this vicinity;
and the original house where Bridget Very, — who
came from England with her two sons, and after-
wards married a Giles, — lived, was on a road which
extended from the rear of the almshouse to the
Kings' estate. This road has long been closed and
merged in a common lot of wood and shiubbery;

116

but the indications of the cellar of the old Very
boufe still remain, and was pointed out to us bv an
elderly man connected with the alms-house, who
well r»'merabered the land as the "Very lot." Tlie
subjoined brief account of this family may prove in-
teresting to the genealogical readers as well as to
those who are directly or indirectly connected. It
was prepared by a descendant, (Rev. Jones Vflry,)
who has a full record of the family from the original
emigrant, which will probably soon be printed in
the Historical Collections. n. a. h.

THE VERY FAMILY.
This family may be traced back to Bridget Very,
who came from England with her two sons, Samuel
and Thomas, and a daughter Mary. They probably
came from Salisbury. The name of Very, together
with that of Verin, (which is also an early Salem
name,) is olten mentioned on the Salisbury records.
See Mas,". His Col., vol. X., 3d series.) Bridget Very
was born about 1600. She was a suember of the first
Church in Salem in 1G48. She lived, together with
her son, Samuel Very, on the north side of Cedar
Pond, and of the brook running from it, about sixty
rods from the Danvers Alms House, where they
owned a large tract of land. She was married a
second time to Edward Giles of Salem, a member of
the first Church in 163C; who also resided here, as
did their children, Mehitable, Remember, Eleazer
and John Giles. On this spot her descendants re-
sided for a century perhaps, as her own and her son's
will, and the deeds ot the land, as well as local tia-
dition show. Some of those who bear the name of
Very, still live in different parts of the town of iJan-
vers. Most of them, however, moved to Salem,
leaving the pursuits of husbandry to become seamen.
Many of that name have been shipmasters in Salem.
Those who bear the name of Giles have lived mostly
in Beverly and Gloucester. The oldest stone in the
South Danvers Burying Ground is that which bears
the name of James Giles, — a grandson of Bridget
Giles- It is probably the oldest in the State erected
to one so young. It contains the following inscrip-
tion upon the headstone: —

Here lyeth ye body of .James Gyles, aged about 10
years. Deceased ye 20 of May, 1689.

On the footstone is this beautiful epitaph:

Mind not the grave, where his dear dust is laid;

But bliss above, whither his soul's conveyed.

I have found no other memorials to mark the re-
mains of any of that early date. The above men-
tioned stones were probably procured from England.
It was the custom in Danyers, at that early period,

for families to bury on their own farms, with only a
rough stone at the head and at the foot of the grave.
One of these ancient burial places is still to be seen
on the Putney farm, at Brookdale, about three miles?
from where the Verys lived, Thrse two familie^
were related to one another. The following lines,
written by the Rev. Washington Very, after a visit
to the former place, are so applicable also to the lat-
ter, that I here tran.=cribe them.

Lines on the Old Putney Burial Place, in Danvers.

Sleep on, sleep on, beneath the sod
Which oft your weary feet have pressed;
Forgot by man. but not by God,
Ye lie unknown, though not unblest.

Sleep on — though high above your gravo
No soulptnred marble meets the eye;
Here the green birch trees rustling wave,
And vines in tangled mazes lie.

Sleep on among these wooded hills —
Beholder? of your joys and woes;
Another's thirst now slake these rills.
Another's voice this echo knows.

Sleep on — though lands ard wealth are left.
And all that earthly sense could give;
Of nothing have ye been bereft,
If but your souls have learued to live.

Sleep— till the mornine sunbeams play
All lovely round t!ii- smiling height.
Then wake to that e'erlasting day,
That knows no sorrow, darkness, night.
August. 1847.

Samuel Very, the oldest son of Bridget Very, was
one of the Narragansett soldiers, and received a
g'antof lard on the Sowhegin River. Jonathan
Marsh, who married his daughter Mary, and John
Giles, the grandson of Bridget Giles, were wounded
in the celebrated battle with the Indians at Haver-
hill, Aug. 29th. 1708. A number also of this family
were revolutionary soldiers.

In visiting the spot where Bridget Very and her
descendants so early located themselves, and so long
resided, I found that it still bore the name of the
"Very lot." And I was shown by an aged man the
cellar where the first house had stood. No house
bad been there since his recollection, but the stones

were still there, overrun with blackberry vines.

There, too, was the well, closed now by a stone. A
few old moss-eovtred apple trees, in the midst of a
new growth of oaks and pines, showed where, two
centuries ago, the strong hands and brave hearts of
the early settlers bad cleared the land, and made
them a home.

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.

Vol. I.

September, 1859.

No. 4:.

SOME REMARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SA-
LEM FKOVI ltJ26 TO 1740— WITH A SKETCH
OF PHILIP ENGLISH — A MEHCHANT IN
SALEM FKOM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4.

Br GEORGB F. CBEVER.

Continutd JT>m page 91.

From 1661 to 1684 the colonial government
struggled agninst the application of the laws
of trade, particularly between 1G78 and '83 —
Tlie indefatigable, niischief-inaking Randolph,
who was selected in 1677 or 8. by the Commis-
sioners of Customs to act as Ins^pector (of cus-
toms) in the colony, and make seizures and
bring information for breaches of the acts of
trade, kept the colony in a ferment during the
latter period ; and made, according to bis own
statement, ei<;ht voyages from Old England to
New England in nine years, in furtherance of
his watch upon the colony. B-iing generally
condemned in costs in the colonial courts upon
the actions lie brougiit. and being thereby, as
he represents, a great sufferer, ho no doubt
clearly paw, and as faithfully reported, that
unless Massachusetts was deprived of her char-
ter, and with it her power of choosing her Gov-
ernor and Admiralty oflBcers, it would be in
vain to hope for obedience to the laws of trade
from the colony. The way he was treated
in 1681 when he came over with a commission
from the Crown for Collector and Surveyor
and Searcher of Customs — the worse than silent
80

contempt which greeted him on arrival at Bos-
ton, doubtless had their weight in the final
proceedings against the charter. In 1689,
however, all (his came back upon his head,
and be narrowly escaped with his life for the
mischief he had done.

Perhaps to him, more than any other man,
Massachusetts was indebted for the subsequent
loss of her charter and other liberties. A
shrewd observer of men and passing events —
keen, indefatigable, and perhaps unscrupulous
— he knew when, where, and how to strike the
colony, and was well understood in turn by
the colonial authorities, who excepted him
from bail in 1689, as a capital offender, and
would have executed him probably, but for
the order of Nottingham for his removal with
others to England for an examination there. —
During this long struggle for the charter lib-
erties, civil as well as commercial, th9 clergy
nobly led the van in opposition to royal tyran-
ny, and when Massachusetts fell, she fell with
the sword of the spirit in her grasp, and her
face resolutely towards the foe. The ancient
Puritanism of the colony seemed to die in this
struggle — but merely in seeming, for it was on-
ly asleep — pleasant, moreover, with dreams of
Freedom, and it finally aroso as the giant re-
freshed with slumber, and as the strong man
prepared to run his race.

In 1668 "a maritime code" is promulgated
by the GenU Court, containing 27 sections,

118

comprehending the rij^hts of owners, masters
and mariners, their duties to and contracts
with each other, and various provisions relat-
ing to pilots, marine losses, accidents, neglects
and wrecks. As a preamble, the Gen'l Court
acknowledge that the navigation and maritime
affiirs of Mass. have grown to be a considera-
ble interest, and the well management thereof
of great concernment to the public weal. In
1682. Marblehead, Beverly. Gloucester, Ipswich.
Rowley, Newbury and Siilisbury were *annex-
ed by Gen'l Court to Salem, as the Port of
Entry, and no native vessels from foreign parts
are to break bulk before entry with the Naval
Officer, on penalty of confiscation of ship and
goods ; and vessels passing from port to port
in the colony are to take permits from the Na-
val Officer. Any vessel taking plantation
commodities to give bonds, or show certificate
of bond under penalty of confiscation. The na
val office was to be open for entry and clearing
from 10 to 12 A. M., and from 2 to 4 P. M.

In 1684 Benj'n Gerrish is appointed to be
naval officer of Salem, and annexed ports, in-
stead of the late Ililliard Veren, and to demand
and receive the powder money of all masters
of ships and other vessels according to their re-
spective burdens, giving an account to the sur-
veyor General yearly, or oftener, as the law
directs. At this time Boston, Charlestown, and
Salem are the three commercial ports of t'fie
State. Salem as late as 1736 was evidently
second in importance after Boston in (commer-
cial) wealth, as she pays the second highest
sum of the £9000 fund and security tax then
levied on the State — Boston paying £1620, and
Salem the next largest sum £258 — 15—0, or
between a sixth and seventh of that of Boston^

The Customs levied by the Colonial Govern-
ment from 1635 to 1740, are a curious study.
In a former note in this article, an abstract of
several of these customs has been given. More
yet remain on the Colony Records, but some
of them are somewhat obscure, and some ap-

♦Salisbury was shortly afterwards taken out of
this Ii:jt.

pear to be local. The general principle run-
ning through them, appears to be, that the
articles needed in the Colony — of prime ne-
cessity— shall be favored or free, — such arti-
cles as salt, sheep's wool, cotton wool, fish,
gunpowder, money, plate, and bullion. These
are particularly favored by law in 1668-9. —
The customs on wine and liquors seem to be a
double one ; ist, the regular import duty, and
2dly, the privih^ge of retailing them, which
privilege or license was hir^d of the State by
retailers, for longer or shorter periods, the
State nut permittinir the importers or whole-
sale dealers to sell by retail less than a quarter
cask, in order that those purchafing the privi-
lege to retail, might have no competition from
any other quarter. This is one explanation of
the phrase "farming out the customs," which
one meets with in the old History of Mass.—
It was simply a sale of the exclusive privilege
of selling wines ai^d liquors by retail, in cer-
tain districts or places. Occasionally other
privileges were also farmed out, as in 1668 we
see (in tlie Colony Records.) that the Treasurer
of the country, witli three assistants, is au-
thorized "to farme let" for the use of Massa-
chusetts for one or more years, not exceeding
three: 1st, the import of wine, brandy and
rum ; 2d, the benefit of beaver, furs, and pel-
try with the Indi^vns ; Bd, ihe rates of draw-
ing wine from the vintners ; 4th, rates upon
beer, cider, ale and mum from public sellers;
5th, the benefit of selling ammunition to the
Indians.

This farming out of the customs began as
carlyj certainly, as 1644. Mr. Edward Rau-
son then paid lor "ye rent due for wine draw-
en In ye countrey, £107 lOs, for a yeare." In
1645 an act is passed, imposing certain duties
on sack, French wines, &c , in which it is or-
dered that the duty shall be paid "'in money,
good merchantable beaver, or ye best of ye
same wine at ye merchants' price." The Au-
ditor General then had the care of the custom
of wine, and perhaps all liquors. In 1648
and 9, wo see the cudcoms again let out to eer-

119

tain parties in Boston and elsewhere. In 1649
cert.lin duties are levied on goods imported
from Plymouth, Connecticut and New IluTen,
and they are to be entered with the Auditor-
General, who is to act aa Collector. It was
probablv a Deputy under him, who was Col-
lector of the '-French House"' Custom House
in S.ilnm, mentioned by Felt as having been
located on the South JRiver, in 164:5. When
Hilliard Veren was appointed Collector in Sa-
lem, in 1G'J3, he prob.vbly reported to the Au-
ditor-General as Elead Quarters. In 1(584.
Benj. Gerrish is to report to the Surveyor-
General.

Down to 1675 a committee are appointed to
iarm out the customs, but how much lunger
this plan continued, we know not. It appears
to have been abandoned before 1700. About
that *time our commerce and Custom House

*In 1700, Mr. John Higginson of Salem reoom-
mends to his brother, the direct trade from Barba-
does, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places to Eng
land, rather than Salem as the place to make returns
to England; ar.d Bilboa, Cadiz, Oporto and the
streights in Europe as placns to make direct returns
to England. According to Mr. H. the Navigation
laws were obeyed in Salem, in 1700, as he says "we
trade with all parts, where the law dolh not prohib-
it." These facts indicate that the trade from Salem,
direct to England, was then unprofitable, and profit
could alonu be made by carrying Sugar, Molasses,
Cotton, Tobacco, Ac. from Barbadoes, Jamaica, and
Virginia, to England, or Fish to Spain and the
streights. The English Laws had already begun to
cramp and injure our trade. They were felt very
seriously when the go!d and silver, which should
have returned from Spain, Portugal and tiie Streights
for our fish, went to England to pay for goods. The
same policy prevented the Colonists from bringing
into Mass the coin from their West India trade;
and as a natural consequence, specie became alarm-
ingly scarce in Mass. Tbe trade and the coin cen-
tred in England to our prejudice.

In 16\)tj, the affairs of the English Plantation
•were entrusted permanently to Commissioners, who
formed the Board of Trade, and thereafter Massa-
chusetts was rapidly subjected to the Laws of Trade
of England. The Governor, being appointed by the
King, was sworn to see those laws obeyed, and am-

seem to have come under the direct control of
the Eng1i)ih autiiorities, thus ending for the
time the long struggle against the Navigation
Liw8,— a not very satisfactory change, how-
ever, for the Colonists.

In 1668 two per cent, is levied, as duty on
g'^neral merchandize. In 1G6S) one penny
on every 20 sliillings worth. This latter ia
the same duty, we presume, as Bradstreet
siys was levied in 1680, and continued in
force until 1726, (excepting English goods at
that time.) and even later. The duties seem
to be heaviest throught)Ut on liquors of various
kinds, sugar, spices, tobacco, molasses and dye
stufiFs. Though the Colonists seem not to
have exported manufactured goods, except
wooden warn and kindred materials, down to
1720 or 30 say ; yet they manufactured do-
mestic goods for their own use, and most prob-
ably paid but a small tax to the English man-
ufacturers, who complain about it.

Some of the early Mass. laws concerning
ships and shipping are perhaps lost. Some
of those which yet remain, referring to the
discipline on board ships, are quaint, and sug-
gestive of the early days of New England —
having sometimes a reason in them, which,
though dimly seen by us, was yet acknowl-
edged to be important then. In 1663 a law

pie powers were conferred on the officers of the rev-
enue to the same end. From that date to 1740,
Massachusetts was made tbe victim of the Trade
Monopoly of England, which sought by various laws
to destroy her industry, impair her Colonial trade,
render her interests subordinate to the Sugar Colo-
nies and Slave labor, and herself dependent on and
indebted to England. Massachusetts was in conse-
quence much crippled in her Colonial Commerce, and
an attempt was made to cut her off also from the
French and Dutch West Indies, to which she had
traded (says Bancrofii) in an bumble way after the
peace of Utrecht in 1713. The English manufactur-
ers and merchants united in suppressing her com-
mercial freedom, and her manufactures — excepting
of course the freedom which was taken as against
law, and tbe domestic manufactures persisted in by
the prudence and economy and independence of the
people.

120

passed, Ijy which no gun was to be fired off
on board ship after sunset, or on the S ibbatb,
under 20«> penalty. This may have hud refer
euce to false alarms.* By the same law no
healthsf were to be drunken, by day or night,
on board ships in harbor, under penalty of
20s. This law seems to have been the one in
force in 1663, according to Felt's Annals. —
The laws in regard to runaway nailors were
stringent. A glance at the "Maritime Code''
of 1668, will show this. (See Colony Records,
1668.) Between 1680 and '93 an Act was pass-
ed for the regulation of seamen, which was un-
repealed in 1737, wherein seamen are exempted
from arrest for debt, while belonging to any
ship, and both they and the masters of vessels
are punished, if such masters entice them from
any ship upon which they have agreed to go a
voyage — the master by a penalty of £5, and
the seamen by a lorfeiture of a month's pay.
Seamen deserting were to be imprisoned. Bv
this law it appears that a book was sometimes
used by the masters of vessels, as the shipping
paper, and was called the "Master's Book."
It seems the law exempted sailors from arrest,
because ti)ey were often taken off from voyages
"bj arrest or restraint of debt, or -pretence
thereof"'

We find but little information in regard to

*The reason of this law does not distinctly appear,
except so far as the Sabbath is concerned. It cannot
have any reference to a etate of aflfaira existing, like
that of 1644-3, when the autboiities had to prevent
the ships of the opposing English factions from fight-
ing in our harbors. It may, however, have reference
to the excitement and alarm preceding the visit of
the Royal Commissioners.

fThe law against drinking "healths" may refer to
drinking the King\ beakb. The Colonists were
then dreading the incroaobments of the King upon
their charter and liberties, and may have thus shown
their independence. They were staunch Republi-
cans, and did not wish perhaps to hear even the
name of the King, always fearing the loss of their
liberties by aionarcb'cal bands.

In 1650, (as appears by the Colony Records,) sail-
ors could not be sued for drink'ng debts unless guar-
anteed by their owners.

the rate of the Jwages of seamen in the early
days of Mass. The rate of wages paid farm
laborers in England from 1625 to 1740, varied
from 6i pence per day (in 1625.) to 10 pence
per day in 1740, and did not amount to a shil-
ling or upwards until between 1760 and '80.
So Ruding calculates in his annals of the Coin-
age of Great Britain. In Massachusetts, the
rates of labor in 1630 were for various master
traders, 16d per day ; commcm workmen and
laborers 12d per day, with 6d for meat and
drink. This was soon repealed, — perhaps aa
being too high a value tor labor. In 1633,
however, master carpenters, sawyers, masons,
clapboards ryvers, bricklayers, tylars, joyners,
wheelewrighte, mowers, &c.,ure not to have
above 2s per day, "findeing themselves dyett,"
and not above 14d per day jf boarded. Tha
penalty for every day's violation of this order
on either side, was 5s. All inferior workmen
of such occupations were to he paid such wages
as the Constable of the place, and two other
inliabitants ho shall choose, shall appoint. —
The best sort of laborers shall have 18d, if
without diet, and 8d with — the same penalty
to attach to a violation of the law. Tlie wag-
es of inferior laborers, were likewise to be re-
ferred to the Constable and his chosen two.
Master tailors were to have 1 2d, and inferior
sort 8d, if dieted. ( iee Colony Records, Oct,
Term of Gen'l Court, 1633 ) By such laws it

% It appears from old Letters of Instructions from
ship owners, that seamen on foreign voyages had
then certain privileges — that is some t^pace allotted
them in vessels fur their own adventures, perhaps
half a ton, less or more. This custom was somewhat
similar to the joint interest that Fishermen held
with the owners of the Fi-'hing craft, in the catch of
fish. We believe that until within a few years this
privilege of sailors continued. Perhaps owing to this
privilege, the rate of sailors wages may not have
been as high in old times as it otberwiso would hare
been. According to Sam'l Browne's Instructions to
Touzell, 1727, (Hist. Coll. Essex Institute, 1st vol.,
No. 2d, page 66) it appears that the sailors were to
pay their proportions of all foreign permissions to
trade, according to their privileges.

121

would Reem that the wages of labor in Mass.
were generally higher than those paid in the old
country from 1629 to 1740 ; though the N,
£. fahilling after 1652, (where this shilling is
used as indicating the value of labor.) must
be considered as at a discount (when compared
with tbn then English shilling,) of about 25
per cent. It may be, however, that the colo-
nial coin, thougii at this discount, would buy
more of the products of the field or sea than
the English coin (of the same nominal value]
in England. The rates of wages paid common
laborers in Mass. can thus be reasonably esti-
mated, and perhaps those paid seamen also,
though but little evidence in regard to the
latter seems to remain.

In 1677 (according to an old paper in the
Hollingworth family,) a Hugh Woodbury
charges W'm. Hollingworth £3 033 Od, as
wages for a voyage to Virginia. Whether
this is for the whole voyage (out and return,)
does not appear, nor whether it was fur total
wages, or simply a balance of account. From
the pages of an old memorandum book of Capt.
Samuell IngersoU's, (found among the English
papers.) and under date of 1694:, (March 19,)
we learn that the wages paid on board the
"slupe [sloop] Prudent Marah" [Mary] (be-
longing most probably to Philip English.) were
as follows: — Saiu'll Ingersoll, Captain £4 lOs
Od '"per munth ;" Will Woods, mate, £3 Ss
Od, do. : Abram Gale, £2 15s Od. do. ; Rich-
ard Ingersoll, £2 05s Od, do. ; John Rese, or
Rose. £1 05s Od, do ; the boy. £1 lOs Od. do.
This would give the captain $15 per mo., the
mate $10.84 do., Gale $9 17 do., Richard In-
gersoll $7.50 do., Rese or Rose $4 16 do., the
boy $5 00 do. This calculation is based upon
the value of the Pine Tree shilling, as assayed
at the U. S. mint, and kindly furnished us by
Matthew A. Stickney, Esq. We reduced these
wages to shillings of the specie currency of
Mass., which, by the U. S. assay, have an in-
trinsic value ol about 16| cents. As there is
DO evidence that these wages were to be paid
but in specie, we have calculated them as to

31

be paid in specie, and the Colonial pound to
contain 20 shillings, at 16| cents the shilling.

In 1713 we find Capt. Wm. English, in bia
account, being on a voyage to Connecticut,
credits his owner with payment of several pay-
ments of monthly wages to seamen. The low-
est is £2 02s Od; the highest £2 158 Od;
while the larger number receive £2 10s Od.
Whether these sums were paid in the silver or
paper currency of Mass, at that time, does
not appear, nor is it of much consequence, as
the paper money of the Province was then at
a very slight discount. In 1714. according to
the Portlidge Bill of the sloop Sa'ly, of Salem,
Peter Henderson, master, the captain received
£4 lOs per mo., tlie mate £3 5d, and the two
men £2 10s each do.; to be paid perhaps in
paper currency. In *1728, according to the
receipts of several sailors of the Briganteen
Edeavor, bound for Bilboa, it af-pears that 87
shillings was their month's advance pay. —
Whether paid in silver or bills, does not ap-
pear. If in bills, it must have been at over
fifty per cent loss, the bills then standing
in the ratio of 17 shillings paper to the oz. of
silver, which latter, in 1710 to 1713, was equal
to only 8 shillings of paper.

The wages ot those serving on board of the
country sloop of Massachusetts, (perhaps a
Revenue Boat.) from 1730 to 1734, were : —
for the captain £6 per month : fur the mate
£4 per month ; and three sailors each £3 per
month. As thor^e were very probably picked
men, they commanded a higher rate ot wages
than ordinary officers or seamen, we may pre-
sume. If paid in paper money, th^sy must
have taken it at a great discount, for in 1734
16 shillings in bills would not purchase 5

* In a deed bearing date of 1728, and kindly loaned
us by Dr. Ben j. F. Browne of Salem, one of the Parties
(Sam'l Browne) agrees upon a certain contingency
to pay to his sister (Alary King) "Fifty pounds la
good Bills of Credit of the Province, or Silver money
at eighteen sbillicgs per ounce."

We presume the above must be understood as at
18 shillings of paper currency per oz. of silver.

122

Bbillingfl in silver, and from 1730 to 1734,
nineteen shillings in paper, were considered
equivalent to about 8 shillings in coin.

Fish being the great staple of Salem, as of
the colony, vras of course the early obj^aot
of the care and attention of the legislature. —
Laws were passed protecting it as well as the
fishermen. The curing of it seems to have be
come at last a. distinct business, left to those
called shoremen, who received the fish on re-
turn of the fishers and cured and dried it. Ic
then passed under the review of the cullers,
•who were sworn officers, certainly after 1700,
and was divided into merchantable, middling,
and refuse — also scale fish. The first two
■went to Spanish and the first class markets -
the refuse to the slaves in the West Indies, and
perhaps the poorer classes of Europe. The
fish from Acadia (Nova Scotia) (Cape Sable
fish) was in great demand in Bilboa, Spain,
as being a superior fish, and was largely ship-
ped there. Marblehead sent this description
of fish to Spain even after our American Revo-
lution. In 1070 the legislature denounce the
use of Tortuga (West India) salt on account
of its impurity, and fish cured by it was made
unmerchantable by law.

"Winter Island and the adjoining Neck seem
to have been especially devoted in Salem to
the fisheries — Winter Island being in 1695,
and yet later, the head quarters, to judge by
history, tradition and old papers. How far
Salem may have been engaged m the whale
fishery is dubious. Some of her sons may have
gone down to Cape Cod on such an errand, for
the Cape as late as 1714 was so largely visited
by cod and whale fishers, that the General Court
that year made all the province lands there a
precinct, and the visitors to it (fishermen) sup-
port a settled minister at £60 per annum, by
a tax of four pence a week levied on each sea-
man, to be paid by the master of the boat for
the whole company. This was in the days
when no man was permitted to be absent from
church a month, if in health, without presen-
tation before the Grand Jury, and punishment
by fine of twenty bbilliDga !

In order to protect herself and commerce,
Salem early erected a *Fortre88. Felt says
the company (in London) bad ono built
in 1629, and that it was erected on Naugus'
Head. This was Darby Fort, and was well
provided by the company witli large cannon
and a cannoneer, ha siys. In 1G34 the Gene-
ral Court grant S.ilem "the use of two olde
^sakers" landed from the ship Neptune, for
which they are to provide carriages. This
may be for their fort, or land' service. In 1646
Salem had "divers great pieces'* mounted, and
one mounted mortar, and perhaps had in 1648
one of the "■ Leather guns'' ^ which our General
Court ordered the "major general" in 1647 to
procure from England, which "j/" found good
and fTofitahle, may gioe light and encourage-
ment for ye ■procuring or making of rnore.^^

Tliis well illustrates the prudence of our fa-
thers, who knew that the Indians dreaded ar-
tillery, and that leather guns being very light,
could be transported through the woods,
swamps, morasses, and over the rocky hills of
a new country with great celerity, and would
produce amsng the i^rnorunt Indians a panic
equal to that of regular artillery. It was a
Napoleonic strategy based on the known effects

*In 1628-9 among the articles to be provided and
apparently for our fort, were 8 pieces of land ord-
nance, with 5 mere already provided, namely, two
demi culverins, weighing 3000 pounds and three
sackers (sacres) weighing 2500 — with one whole cul-
verin and two small pieces — iron drakes.

:j:The Saktr (or Sacre) was a piece of ordnance de-
riving its name from Sacre (French) a hawk of the
Falcon kind. It appears to have been a peculiar
cannon. Dampier in his voyages, 1688, says, — "Of
guns the long sacre is most esteemed." To jadge by
some old accounts of spoils taken or lost in war, the
aaker or sacre was often used as field ordnance — a spe-
cies of field artillery.

The loan of these guns to Salem suggests, though
it may not refer to, an arming of the sea-ports on
account of the requisition of the colonial charter \yy
the authorities in England. The infant colt>ny was
in trouble in 1633-4 through the maliee of its ene-
mies in England. — (Bancroft Hist. U. S. vol. 1 pp.
405-6.)

12^

of genuine artillery upon the oatives — real
giiits first, and sham ones afterwardp.

In 1653 Salem is granted out of the nest
country levy (colony tax) £100 towards their
fortiiie^itions. Felt thinks a lort was com-
menced on Winter Island in 1643 — says that
Salem is granted a *'barrell of powder" m 1652
for saluting ships on necessary occasions — and
that ill 1655 Winter Island is appropriated for
the use ot the fort, and that, as thi6 was not
finished, every man refusing to work there was
to be fined three shilUngi a day. The grant of
£100 to Salem out of the next country levy in
1653, was perhaps made on account of the pan-
ic then prevalent, that there was a conspiracy
of the Indians throughout the country to cut
off the English, which afterwards proved to be
unfounded. Salem at that time had very prob-^
ably another fort, if not t>»o, as well as pali-
sades to keep out Indians on the land side, or
if not regular forts, yet block-houses.

In 1664 the whole colony was in a state of
alarm, not only from civil causes and mi^for^
tunes, but also from the visitation of comets,
both that year and the year before, which were
regarded as the harbingers of change and wo,
and the monitors of a Divine wrath to human
guilt. The General Court seemed to share
the panic produced by these mysterious celes-
tial visitants, and, being oppressed with many
misfortunes, appointed the 22d of June as a
day of humiliation, stating, among other rea-
sons for so doing, that they were'*not unmind-
ful of the alarum sent from Heaven given us
by the awful appearance of comets, both this
and the last year, warning us to be watchful
and quickened unto the discharge of the seve-
ral duties incumbent upon us respectively."*-
Acting upon her ^misfortunes, including ths

*ODe of these misfortunes, probably, was the ex-
pected visit and troublesome efforts of the royal com-
missioners. They arrived in July 1664, and by their
intrigues with disaffected people in the colonies, and
even with Indians, did what was in their power to
unsettle the authority of the General Court, and that
in addition to their positive unjust demands upon

Dutch war, whose injustice was generally felt
and acknowledged, Massachusetts begins to
look after her fortifications, and in 1666 Sa-
lem is ordered, as one of her ports, to erect a
battery on some convenient place upon its har-
bor, as it is too open and exposed. Tbo
work is to be done under the advice and di-
rection of the major general, and Salem is to
have an abatement of the country rate for the
purpose. Capt. George Corwin is to improve
all means to speedily effect this work, and the
committee of the militia of Salem are desired
to ascist him. felt says that each male above
16 was required to labor in his turn at the work
under penalty of 3s a day ; and that in 1667
the great guns are ordered to be carried to the
fort with speed. They have heard in Salem
perhaps of the threatened visit of the Dutch
fleet which ravaged Virginia.

In 1673 our lort is to be refitted, and "the
great artillery" prepared, and all be done as
•'this juncture of time requires." So says
Felt. This ''juncture" in all probability, was

the colony. The authorities treated them with in^
dependent deference, though the people seem to have
abominated them. Various stories were set in circu'
latioii as to their motives in coming to Mass., the ef-
fect of which was to cast ricicule and odium upon
them and their pretensions, and which the people,
perhaps, believed. Their manner of acting, moreo-
ver, justified grave suspicions.

The authorities at that time treated the commis''
sioners boldly as well as wisely, resisting, disputing
and gaining time by a wearisome correspondence,
hoping, perhaps, for a change or revolution in Eng-
land. Tbe commissioners were an illegal, unwar-
ranted body, according to Bancroft.

The fleet which bore the commissioners to Boston
had undoubtedly a double duty to perform — first, to
impress the colon'sts with the power of England,
and secondly, to reduce the Dutch settlements on the
Hudson. The Colonial Authorities expected vio-
lence from this fleet — the armed seizure of their
Charter — and thus were placed in the suspense be-
tween Civil injustice on the one hand, and armed
wrong on the other — a misfortune indeed, and one of
tbe causes, most probably, of the appointed " day of
bumiliatioB."

124

the fear of a Dutch fleet, as BngUnd had de-
clared a second and 8till more unjustifi^ihle war
against Holland on the 17th March. 1672. —
Bad it not been for the great naval engage-
ments near home during this war, and which
prevented the Dutch from using their fleets
extensively abroad. New England might, and
probably would have received a warlike visit
from De Ruyter, Brankert, or Van Tromp.

In 1682 oar fortifications are reported bj
the Gen'l Court to be ''very defective and un-
eerviceable if occasion should require."' This
shows that King Philip's war. though so dead-
ly a one for New England generally — about
every eleventh himily having been burned out,
and an eleventh part of the militia throughout
New England (according to Trumbull) having
been slain in it, — did not alarm the commercial
towns much, or the fortifications therein would
have been in better repair, especially as Phil-
ip's war closed practically in 1676. The
Gen'l Court, moreover, further order in 1682
that the Committees of Militias and Selectmen
of Salem with the advice of the Major General,
are empowered to repair their fortifications, or
build a new fort or forts, and the said Com-
mittees and Selectmen are empowered to levy
on the town and inhabitants the sum needed
to effect this. This committee seem to have
made their report to the Gen'l Court, where
upon Salem is ordeied to mount its great guns,
and upon good serviceable carriages, and pro-
vide a competent number of good common bas-
kets, to be tilled, to secure those who stand by
said great guns if occasion requires them to be
used.

The closing reign of Charles 2d exhibited
80 many strides towards absolute power —
80 many fears for the safety of Protestant-
ism— and involved so many losses ot pow-
er and privileges to the colony, that the col-
onists may have felt themselves called up-
on to prepare for any change. The Repub-
lican spirit was rising again with resistless
strength in England, not to clothe itself to be
sure in Republican forms, but in constitutiou-

ai monarchy, a modification of Republicanism,
but of lower degree, with a king for protector,
instead of a civilian. The colonists may have
been on the alert, with an expectant iaith ia
better days, and our Salem fort may have been
repaired anew, and its great guns mounted in
anticipation thereof. The 11 great guns and
ammunition bought in 1690 by a committee
seem to indicate a hope of their future need
for freedom. In the same year (1690), the
fort on Winter Island is repaired, and a breast-
work thrown up in another place, according
to Felt. In 1699 Wint'^r Island fort was ca'l-
ed fort William. In 1714 we have in Salem a
20 gun fort which is most probably the Win-
ter Island fort, and in 17-12 a new fort with a
platform for 16 guns, which Felt thinks was
most probably erected on the heights of the
Neck.

The early currency of Mass. colony— an im-
portant matrer in its commerce and trade-
seems during its first few years to have con-
sisted of English coin, wampum (white, black
and blue), Dutch coin, and Indian corn, wheat,
rye, barley and peas, at certain stated rates
per bushel. Live stock, beaver, bullets, (and
still later gunpowder) were also currency. Up
to 1652 taxes were often paid in such a cur-
rency. English coin, bullion and Spanish
coin seem to have circulated in Mass. between
1640 and "52. also some Western Island mo-
ney (Portuguese?). It seems some of the
Spanish coin from the West Indies was of
light weight Money being scarce in Mass.
the colony, desiring ana needing a stan-
dard currency, and that too without calling
on England for it, in 1652 set up a *mint, and

*There eeems to be some division of opinion among
various writers as to tlie cause of the origin and rea-
sons for a continuanoe of the Mass. Mint. Ran'
dolph (who wa8 a l^een investigator, but no friend to
the Colonists,) states in 1676, that Massachusetts
struck off ber coin as of 1652, to eouiinemorate the
eia of her independence — the year in which she
erected herself into a Commonwealth — subjected the
adjacent Colonies to herself, and called the deputies

125

gave liberty to any who had bullion, plate or
Spanish silver to bring it in, and have it coin
ed into colonial currency.

To judge by the order of the Gen'l Court in
1652, the 12d, Gd and 3d silver pieces then
coined were to be of the same alloy (purity^
as the sterling currency ] ieces of the same cla8>
in England, but were to be about a quarter
less in value, so that they should not be ship-
ped out of the country, as the foreign coin
was, which had been brought into Massachu-
eetts. Foreign debtors, ot course, wanted to
be paid in money, and not the colonial pro-
duce, and tliis drained the color^y of money,
though it had supplies of other articles. In
order to make the currency of 1652 the stan-
dard currency, it was declared to be the cur-
rent money of the colony, and none other was
to pass, except English, unless by the consent
of those receiving it.

The current shilling of England was worth
about 22 cents — the Coluniai *8hilling about

into her Couocils. An Eaglish authority states that
the aet of coina;ce by Mass. was not very oflFensive
to England, and though mentioned as one ground of
complaint in the action to vacate the Colonial Char
ter, was not by any means the principal coinplaint.
Hutchinson, however, says that Charles 2d forbid
Massachusetts from coining, and the Colony Records
show that the commissioners certainly complained of
it in 1665. It is reasonably certain that Massachu-
setts was compelled to supply herself with a curren-
cy, even if it originated in a spirit of independence,
ai'd the cuiupulsion was also spiced with some inde-
pendence, as she continued to coin as long as sbe
bad the power, and in spice of warnings and threats.
Her money, however, mainly went to pay the debts
of English merchants — to satisfy their monopolizing
avarice, and even at this day the Pine Tree money
is said to be much more easily obtained, as a curios-
ity, in Enj;land, than in Massachusetts.

*Tnrough the kindness of Matthew A. Stickney,
Esq., whose research into oar Colonial currency is
well known, as well as bis splendid collection of ei^r-
ly New England and American currencies, we are
enabled to state the value of the old Pine Tree Shil-
ling. As assayed at the U. S. mint, it was found
to weigh from ti5 to 67 grains, proved to be 926 one-
tboasaadlhs fine, and its intrinsic value about lt>|

32

17 — the leaser pieces proportional>ly. The dif-
ference in value between our coin and that of
the same class in England, was ordered for the
purpose of retaining our own money at home.
The difference of exchange between England
and the colony soon amounted to 25 per cent,
against Massachusetts, — a quarter part. The
coinage of these moneys was continued as of
the same dute for many years, (Elutchinson
savs) and therefore it is very difficult to tell
their real dates. This viras done perhaps to
conceal from the authori'ies in England the
fact that they (the Colonists) were iHsuing
their money year after year, when repeatedly
ordered to stop coining. So there got finally
to be as many shillings of the date of 11652

cents. It will be easy, therefore, for any readers of
this article to reduce for themselves the Colonial
pounds and shillings mentioned therein to the mod-
ern currency — also to find the value of the old
oz. of ailver.

fit seems, according to a writer in the Mass. Hist.
Coll., that coin was also issued by the State, as of
the date of 1662. A late writer in the "Hist. Mag.,
and Note? and Queries," Vol. 3, No. 7. pages 197 to
202, discusses the subject of the Massachusetts Pine
Tre* money with great acumen, and judging from
hi." remarks, which seem entirely reasonable, the
original i.'sue of that money was a step towards in-
dependence, and so intended. The original order of
the General Court for coinage, orders simply the is-
sue of coin, (as a sovereign State Would,) with pre-
cautions only against fraud. It is well known that
the Colonists desired of Cromwell to beset apart, as
a separate kingdom. The royal Comsiissioners in
1665 charge this upon tbem, and Randolph in 1676
(whom Hiillis calls a court spy on the Colony,) states
that Massachusetts struck off her coin as of the date
of 1652, as being the era of fier independence. He
does not mention the coinage of 1662, which coin-
age, however, the writer in the Hist. Magazine, and
Notes and Queries, thus attempts to explain.

When Charles the Ist came in, (1660) he was in-
censed against the Colonists — among other things,
on account of the'r coining money. They, seeing
this, passed an order in 1662, which, while author-
izing the re-issue of coins, gave a reason therefor*
viz., to answer the purpose of exchange. This the
order of 1652 did noj;, but was a more imperative or-
der. It therefore is most probable that the order of

126

as there are relics of the eainld among Catho-
lic collectiona.

In order to iseep their coin at home, a quar-

1662 was intondtid to concilitate Charles 8u far, at
least, as being a defence oi their previous coinaifu.
Moreover, the Pine Tree of this latter coinage is
luade bushy and broad, to resemble the famous Oak
of Boscobel, in which Charles had hid himself from
his enemies, and which had been topped but a year
or two before his concealment therein. These cir-
ouuistances induce the writer above mentioned to
suppose that the coinage of 1662 was only a ruse on
the part of the Colonial authorities to conciliate or
blind Charles. The order of 16G2 in regard to this
coinage is said never to have been printed.

This writer further states that the device on the
Pine Tree Money, viz. the double ring and Pine
(Cedar) Tree, were taken, in all probability, from
the prophet Ezekiel, and signified both independence
and gtowth, and were a declaration of the indepen-
dence of God's chosen people by the General Court.
The Pine Tree was used, as being the nearest resem-
blance at hand to the Scriptural Cedar. They (the
General Court) allowed the money to be usually call-
ed Pine Tree money, but it bore a deeper meaning
to the initiated, and was the symbol of an indepen-
dence, which, however, came not until about a hun-
dred years later. It, however, shows what the aspi-
ration" and intentioDS of the colonial authorities
were at that day.

We have given a brief sketch of some of the views
of this writer — whose whole article is well worth at
tention from the keen philosophy of its research and
spirit. We make Ihe further suggestion that Sir
Thomas Temple, when he told Charles the 2d that
the flat and broad Pine Tree on the Colonial curren-
cy was the "Boscobel" Oak, may really have believed
it to be so, for this, the Colonial authorities may
have told him was the case, concealing, however
their motives for so doing. They would hardly have
trusted Temple, as a Royal Governor, with their
whole secret, and it is evident that Temple points to
the coin of 1662 as illustrative of the loyalty of the
Colonists, which coin waa struck off to conciliate
Charles, and lull his jealousy to sleep. It appears
as if Temple was somewhat used by the Colonial au-
thorities, who were deep and wise enough to eircum-
vent Macebiarelli himself, though for wiser and bet-
ter purposes.

In further confirmation of the views of this writer,
we may add that it is evident Massachusetts was re-

ter pUrt loss on it — the differerjce in exchange,
— was adopted, so that foreign returns should
not be made in Colonial coin, and in addition
to t'is. no person was to take out more than
20 shillings of it from the colony, on pain of
the confiscation of his whole estate, and search-
ers were appointed in everj port of entry, to
see that this latter order was obeyed. The
coin, however, naturally gravitated towards
Enijland as the centre of trade.

Massachusetts still suflFdred from a scarcity
of coin. The merchants, perhaps, did not
lack, and held their coin all the more closely,
on account of its general scarcity, and the
power which the possession of ready monej
gave them. Contracts for money, corn, cat-
tle or fish, were by law m 1654 to be paid in
kind or a kindred variety. This law, howev-
er, was repealed in *1670, and in 1672 our

garded by her enemies as seeking independence after
she hud apparently submitted on her coin in 1662 to
the King, for J. Curwine, in his letter on affairs of
New England, 1603 or 4, (Coll. Maine Hist. Soc,
Vol 1, page 301,) says, that at a meeting of the
New Englanders at the E.xchange, in London,
(where Curwine then was) "Mr. Mavericke said be-
fore all the company, that New England were all
rebels, and he would prove them so, and that he had
given in to the Council so, <fco." This was said in
the presence of Col. Temple, who had been endeav-
oring to enlist the King in favor of the Colonists,
and, to judge from Curwine's letter, in the presence
also of Jeremiah Dummer, then the agent of Massa-
chusetts in England. Mavericke understood the Col-
onists thoroughly. He was not deceived by their
professions, or their assumed innocency in continu-
ing their coinage in 1662; but his wisdom availed
little against the Colonists, for the Power which pro-
tected them was not the King, but the King of
Kings.

*The General Court, in order to favor debtors,
and perhaps as against foreign creditors, passed a
law in 1669, which "shutt up Booke debts" in 3
years — that is, outlawed them tffter that period. It
was so strongly remonstrated against, and by native
creditors, perhaps, that the time was extended three
years more in 1672. Such laws show, however, the
sufiferings of the times. Mas'achusetts could not
keep her own ooia at home, nor the foreign coin

127

Geni'ial Court give a CtTlain value to loreigo
coin, as compared with their own standard, so
as to increase their specie circuiatioD ; first
affixidg a peculiar stamp upon khem, to show
they were of the right alloy and value. In
1680 a free mint was proposed in Massachu-
eetts— one in which no cliarge should be made
to those sending bullion to be coined. It was
not, however, adopted. It seems that at that
time Mas^auliusetts was coining but little mon-
ey, and much of that was circulating in the
other Colonies.

In 1685 our coin is said by the ofBcerdot the
English mint to be 22^ per cent lighter than
that of England. Ttiey ask the King, if the
Boston mint is continued, to compel its issues
to he made of the standard (English) value. —
They notice the fact that there was no altera-
tion of date upon the issues of colonial coin —
all appearing as the coinage of 1652 — a ruseoi
the authorities, perhaps, to blind the llome
Government as to the fact of their still contio-
uing to coin money after the date of 1652.

As late as 1694 corn, wheat, rye, barley,
malt, oats and peas were appointed by General
Court as currency, and taken at certain pri-
ces. Under the reign of Sir Edmund Andros
the town of llingham paid her country rate
in milkpails. In 1688, January Ist, the
treasury report states the treasury funds

brought into the Colony. It went to pay foreign
cre'^itors, who would only of course take money.
This drove the Colony into adopting produce a? cur-
rency. Massachusetts was much straitened by this
policy — a policy which was gratifying however to
the English merchants and manufacturers, as it
kept the Colony poor, and therefore unable to com
peie with the mother country in commerce or trade.
This policy became still worse in its evil fruits after
the loss of the charter, and the accession of William
to the throne — for the English manufacturers and
merchants had then far greater power than before
over the Colony — in the first place indirectly through
the new charter, and then directly through the
English laws of trade. In regard to the causes and
effects of the depreciated currency of Massachusetts,
•ee Bancroft's Riat. of U. S., Vol. 3, pp. 103-4.

to be '^Corn remaining unsold £938-11-
1. Money £1340-10-3." In 1672 shoes as well
af grain passed in payment of debts in certaia
places. When grain, shoes, manufactures,
&c., passed as currency, it seems to have been
at times, with an abatement (in 1690 a third)
and this shows the relative value of money in
the old currency as a circulating medium.—
In 1723 the products of the land and the sea,
which had been renewedly current at the treas-
ury for taxes, had ceased to be so received
there, though again received some years a-ter-
wardsi

Our currency was divided in 1693 into "pay
— money, pay as money, and trusting. Pay
was grain, pork, beet, &c., at the prices set by
General Court. Money was pieces of eight,
ryals. (Spanish coin) Boston or Bay shillings
or good hard money, as sometimes silver coin ia
called; also wampum, viz: Indian beads which
serves as change. Pay as monay is provision
aforesaid, one third ciieaper than the Assem-
bly set it, and trust, as they agree for the
time." As an example of this the author
gives the following : — '* When the buyer cornea
to ask fur a commodity, sometimes befoie the
merchant answers that he has it, he says, 'la
your pay ready ?' " Perhaps the chap replies
•yes.' 'What do you pay in ?' says the mer-
chant. The buyer having answered, then tho
price is set ; as suppose he wants a 6d knife —
in pay it is 12d ; in pay as money 8d, and hard
money its own value 6 i.'' By this it would ap-
pear that purchasers in those days, paying
with produce, paid a third more than even the
legal rate of the currency.

The Massachusetts mint ceased its operations
about 1686 say, and was never permitted again
to issue its money Our currency was then in
a very poor state, nor was England herself ve-
ry much better off in this respect. In 1695
England established the Bank of Jjingland to
regulate ber monetary aff.iirs, which before that
had been very distracted at times. Cromwell
indeed bad, with his customary energy, set
about a reformation of the English currency,
with a zeal kindred to that with which he had

128

entered into civil reforms, and had introduced
a skilful overseer from France to attend to the
coinini^ at the English mint ; but from various
causes his plans were not altogether successful.
nor was it until William was seated on the
throne, that the English currency began to be
systematized, and a sense of security in mone-
tary aif iirs felt. In lO'JO the General Court
ordered an emission of £7000 in bills from S-^
to £5. partly for the purpose of defence againi^t
the French and Indians, and partly as 'an ad-
equate measure of commerce' owing to the
'Bcaroity of money.' Here commenced the pa-
per currency of Massachusetts, which was con-
tinued until about 1750. It was issued by the
Btate, and regulated by law, under the charge
of a committee.' From this date (1G90) to
1740 our currency seems to have been a mixture
of tiie new with the old currency, viz. Pine
tree money, foreign coin, old charter bills, prov
ince bills and province productions. Gunpow-
der was one item to b& received at the treasu-
ry-

As Massachusetts was obliged to pay her
quota of troops in the Canadian wars, she
emitted so much paper money through that
cajse, and her desire to affi)rd a circulatiny;
medium lor her trade, that her paper money
depreciated greatly, and caused much suffer-
ing, as debts were legally paid in the deprecia-
ted currency, instead of silver. Like the con-
tinental money of the Revolution, only on not
so fatal a scale, the province bills kept on sink-
ing. In 1700 the colonial pound is said by
one authority to have been worth $2 96 of our
money— in 1727, $1.48 ; 1734, 91 cents ; 1738.
78 cents, and depreciated finally to 'old tenor'
money, worth only a tenth of the pound ster-
ling. In 1700 two shillings in money (coin)
was worth three shillings in pay (produce) .

The paper money of Massachusetts was di-
vided after 1737 into *01d and *New Tenor.

*rhe names Old Tenor and New Teno' were not
given with referenca to their dates but the conditions
contained in them. The old tenor bills were origi-
nally intended to be received la payment of all taxes

The old tenor dates from and includes the
emission of £9000 in 1737, because the condi-
tions of that omission were different from pre-
ceding bills, inasmuch as they were to be re-
ceived in all payments (import and tonnage
dues and Light House incomes only excepted)
the object being to supply the treasury with
hard money by compelling cash to be paid
for these excepted duties. As the old tenor bills
by the same law ordering this £9000 new ten-
or were not to be received at the treasury in
payment of the excepted du'ies, though origi-
nally issued and ordered to be taken for all
tuxes, they fell in value even below the dis-
count standard that government appointed for
them. Though the government's standard of
the new tenor was at one for three of the old
tenor, they were really valued as one for four,
and only passed at that.

The emission of paper money in Massaoha-
setts sometimes without certain provision for
its redemption — the drains upon her for her
troops in the Canada wars — the scarcity of
coin — the influx of the paper of neighboring

— the new for all taxes exceptins; certain treasury
dues, the objaor, being t) CDllsot m^ney in the treasu-
ry to rerleoiu the bills issued by the government. —
The old tenor bills prior to 1737 were m this respect
placed that year on the same footing as the new ten-
or of 1737, though originally issued to be taken in
payment of any and all tax'is. At this the mer-
chants bitterly complained, ani with justice.

The new tenor bills of 1757 — the first — were after-
wards called middle tenor, because In 1740 there was
a fresh issue of old tenor as well as now tonor bills,
[n 1742, by law, £4 old tenor, or 20s 81 middle tenor
was equal to 20s, and so pro rata of the last form
and tenor (the is.sue of 1740, we presume.) In 1740
£5 4 Massachusetts paper currency were only equiva-
lent to one pound sterling of England. The condi-
tion of things then was, as a consequence, "an emp-
ty tr>.'asury, a defonoeless c ountry, and embarrassed
trade." This continued until coin was introduced in-
to Massaohu.-'etts more abundantly, and a stricter at-
tention also pai d to the public credit. In 1750, the
i)ld piper curr ency seems to have been swept away,
:is well as nu!nerou3 schemes also for swindling the
public by fraudulent or irresponsible issues of paper
money.

129

colonies — some of it private and entirely irre-
sponsible— all served to add to the monetary
contusion in Massiichuseits. In 1735 colonial
taxes vrere permuted to be paid in *hemp,
•flax and bar iron. The emissiooB and re-emis-

*In a note to page 72. No. 2, Vol. 1, of this mag
azine, it was stated that Hemp and Flax were native
products of Massachusetts, and this may induce some
to inter that the Hemp and Flax cultivated in Mas-
sachusetts were the natural products of that name.
The present mention of these articles enables us :o
correct such inferences, as also a mistake concerning
Flax, which does not, on closer examination, appear
to have been a native product of the State, though
there was a native plant called Hemp, which the
Legislature in 1641 describe as "growing all over
the Country," and which they require masters to in-
struct their children and servants to work on. The
subjoined valuable note from Prof. John Lewis Rus-
sell, throws much light upon these topics, as well as
on the subjects mentione'd in the various notes on
pages VI and 72, and the concluding note on page 76
of the same No. We are happy to give the whole
note, first stating that we have corrected the error
concerning the Flax, to which our attention was ear-
ly called by the Professor. On asking him his opin-
ion on all these topics, he kindly gent us the follow-
ing note:

22 Lafayette Street, Aug. 15, 1S59.

Mr. Chever. — What I deemed an error was in
calling flax and hemp "tintive product; of New Eng
land," and in jour sayiug in note "hemp grevi wild
in Mass;ichusftts.''

I cannot conjectum what "flax" could have been
at so early a permd as 1029. It could scarcely have
been raised as a field crop, at l^ast sufficieiit tor ex-
port. "VIax." { Linutn usitatissimum) is an European
plant, and we have no "native" spe<5ies fit for flax
thread. Some of our species of Asclepias or milk-
weeds, have tough, soft fibres, and 7/i(iy have been
called flax on that account.

The hemp now cultivated for cordage Ac, is of
Asiatic origin. It is the Cannabis sativa We have
however, another quite different plant in Apocynum
cannabinum, whicli affords a very tough fibre, and
probably was the Indian hemp (so called now,) from
which the "Indians made fishing lines,'' aocordinjr
to Lewis. And perhaps the same plant was then
both the "flax and hemp," after all.

In regard to Yucca filamentosa being the silk
grass, 1 merely wished to state, that the name silk-
grasx is< applied to the Yucca by Elliott in his Sketch
of the Botany of South Carolina and Georgia; but
the Yucca is a Southern and Western plant, growing
no nearer New England than Kentucky at the lea-^i.

"Jamaica Sarsaparilla" is the veritable root of
medicine, and is identical with that from the Span-

33

85on8 of Massachusetts from 1702 to 1740 are
said to have amounted to £1,132,500 on funds
of taxes, and £310.000 on loans, and that
£230.000 were still out^tandlns: in 1740. The
g;rievance8 of this period in commprce and
trade — the various echemee for remedying
these evils — the frauds, hardships, distresses of
such a state of things, are minutely detailed
in Felt's account of the Massachusetts currency
— a work of much original research, and
which we have freely used in this rough sketch
of our old currency, and have also con-
sulted the Colony Rec. & Laws to some extent,
ilammatt's account of the revenues of the
Ipswich Grammar School (5 vol. N. E. Hist.
& Gen. Register,) Humphrey's Coin Collec-
tor's Manual, one or two Encyclopedias, and
various valuable English and American works
in the possession of Matthew A Stickney.Esq.,
of Silem, whose information in this matter ia
widely known, and whose kindness to us we
are very hajipy to acknowledge.

In the days when our Fathers began their
commercial career in this New World, the
geographical knowledge of the age, like its
srit'ntific, was not free from various errors
and absurdities. Not a little that went forth,
from grave authorities on geography and sci-
ence, was based on fancy, rather than fact. Phi-
losophy, at that period, was not altogether free
from the astrology and alchemy of the middle
ages ; and some of their quaint terms yet lin-
gered, like the shades of departing Night, in
the vales and sequestered haunts of contempla-
tive Science. It was then commonly believed
even by the savans, that the magnet held "ia
its dusky entrails'* an attractive power, by

i.'h Main. It is a Smilax, such as is found only in
tropical regions. We have in Aralia medicinalis of
our Woods the New England .Sarsaparilla, considered
by native simplers an>l root-doctors as valuable, but
really of very little efiicacy; its long, fibrous roots
possess a very pleasant flavor, but that is all; though
Dr. Darlington says of both kinds that hey are "in-
nocrnt medicines, provided the di.«ease be not serious."
{Flora Ceatrica, 2d Ed., p. 109.) Tne European
practitioners attribute much virtue to the products
of the true sorts, notwithstanding.

Yours, 4o. JOUN L. KU3SELL.

130

whicii the veins of all kinds of mines (saving
perhaps iron) could be traced. It was still
regarded as a "mirror of Philosophy," and it
yt&a a general belief among the unlearned that
to rub it vfith onion or garlic would destroy
its efBciency. These and kindred fantasies
befogged the visions ot men, who were explor-
ing the unknown in space, nor were they dis-
sipated, until men began to observe the facts
of nature and science, and deduce theories from
facts — not facts from theories.

In Geography, even as late as 1719, amusing
and strange were the errors gravely promulga-
ted in learned works and treatises. We have
before us a work called "Geography Anato-
mis'd or, The Geographical Grammar ; being
a Short and Exact Analysis of the whole Body
of modern Geography ,&c." — "By Pat Gordon,
M. A. F. R. S.'' In this treatise, published
in London, 1719, and which was "The Eighth
edition, corrected, and somewhat enlarged,''
Gordon gravely tells us (when speaking of the
rarities of Newfoundland.) that upon the Bank
of that name, "So thick do these Fishes {Cod
and Poor 7oArt)f' sometimes swarm upon this
Bank, that they retard the Passage of ships
Bailing over the same." Speaking of the rari-
ties of New England, (which he gets perhaps
from Josselyn) he thus discourses — "of many
rare Birds in New England, the most remark-
able are the Troculus, and that called the
Humming Bird. The former of these (being
about the bigness of a swallow) is observable
for three things : First, Having very short
Legs, and hardly able to support himself, Na-
ture hath provided him with sharp-pointed
Feathers in his wings: by darting of which
into the wall of a house, he sticks fast and
rests securely. Secondly, the manner of his
nest, which he useth to build (as swallows) in
the Tops of Chimneys, but of such a Fashion,
that it hangs down about a yard long. Last-
ly, Such Birds are remarkable for their Cere-
mony at departing; it being always observed,
that when they remove, they never fail to
leave one of their Young behind in the Room
■where they have nested, making thereby (as

t'were) a grateful Acknowledgment to the
Landlord for their Summer's Lodging.''

According to the same authority, one of the
commodities exported from New Jersey, is
"Monkey-skins,'' and from Carolina, "Leop-
ard-skins," though in justice to Gordon, we
cannot believe that he actually meant the skins
of animals exactly similar to those of the same
name found in the East Indies.

California, he makes out to be an island, a
fact settled by late discoveries. As he evi-
dently has in his vision the Gulf of California
as a Sound, his error is not so important. In
describing Florida, however, he takes a tale of
horror from Purchas, who describes a certain
tree as growing in that country about the size
of an ordinary apple tree, with so strong a
poison in it, "that if a few handfulls of its
leaves are bruised and thrown into a large
pond of standing-water, all sorts of Beasts
that happen to come and drink thereof, do
suddenly swell and burst asunder." Marvel-
lous as this story is, he tells one far more mar-
vellous concerning the Desert of Punas in
Peru, and as it would appear on the authori-
ty of one J. Acosta, who wrote a work on the
natural and moral llistoi-y of the Indies. Says
Gordon — "Many Travellers endeavoring to
pass over the Dasart of Punas, have been be-
numb'd on a sudden, and fall'n down dead ;
which makes that way wholly neglected of
late.'' in CAi/e, he speaks of another "Rari-
ty" called, in Peruvian dialect, Cunter, (Con-
dor) a "very remarkable bird," "of a prodigi-
ous size, and extremely ravenous. He fre-
quently sets upon a sheep or calf" — "and not
only kills, but is also able to eat up one of 'em
entirely. Two of 'em will dare to assault a
Cow or Bull, and usually master them. The
Inhabitants of this country are not free from
such attempts ; but Nature hath so ordered,
that this destructive creature is very rare, the
whole Country affording only a very small
number, otherwise not to be inhabited." This
marvellous story he gets too from Acosta.

In Gordon's descriptions of the West Indies,
and adjoining Terra Firma, are some rare sto-

131

ties, but time will not peruit us to dwell
upon them. We will mention only that truly
wonderful fish found in thb rivers of (Dutch)
Guiiina, which be describes aa "a certain lit-
tle fish about the bignesa of a smelt, and re-
markable for having four eyes, two on each
Bide, one above the other ; and in swimming
'tis oljserved to keep the uppermost two above,
and the other two under water.'' — Such won-
derful stories greeted our Fathers in print as
late as 1719, in a work published by a learned
man, not desirous of deceiving, and who dedi-
cated his work to no less a functionary than
Thomas, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. —
And if such stories as these were believed by
the learned — what imaginations, fantasies,
credulities and exaggerations may not have
haunted the minds of the more ignorant mari-
ners, who, with a bold timidity, explored the
shores and islands of a new world then actual'
ly teeming with novelties, and yet still more
abounding with imaginative mysteries?

There remain unfortunately too few accounts
of the voyages of our earliest commercial fath-
ers. What they saw, what they heard, mainly
died with them, or were left to papers or tra-
ditions, which are now mostly extinct. We
can believe that they too shared the errors that
then existed, and were haunted, too, by those
mysteries which brooded over the new world,
then so lately discovered. The fertility, the
luxury, the beauty of the more southern shores
of North America, and particularly of those
islands which lie scattered between Florida
and the northern shore of South America,
were then almost in their original freshness
and virgin prime. The mariner, wandering
along the southern shores of the continent, or
through the charming maze of those tropical
isles, saw strange sights by the lonely shores,
anil scented strange and yet fragrant odors
gently wafted from out the forests oppressed
with perfume — the invisible essence and spirit
ol the flowers, gently forced by the almost as
gentle wind to come forth, and tell the mod-
est tale of their fragrant wor^h. Some fair
native, bathing by some lonely cave or rock

by these lonely seas, and, in the simplicity and
purity of nature, became perchance to theaa
imaginative voyagers the veritable mermaid of
old. who, half filth and half Woman, disported
in the depths of the seaj and combed her yel-
low locks on the scattered rocks amid thd
foaming and ever restless sea ; and who, like!
the syren of eld, was of Wondrous and yet fa-
tal beauty, and like that charmer, too, lured
the mariner, who was beguiled by her, to a
certain though pleasing destruction.

Those mariners, too, had seen perhaps thd
veritable Merman, who was so accustomed tot
sun himself on Diamond Ruck, off the coast of
Martinico, and had been approached so near;
that he had actually been heard to blow bis
nose ! Mermen and Mermaids had been
caught in Europe and off the coast of Mada-
gascar, and their existence and identity had
been solemnly established by credible witness*
es ; and why should not our fathers have seen
them among the beautiful Isles of the West
Indian Archipelago? Were they not fitting
haunts fur the men and women of the sea?
They faw, too, perhaps, the troubled ghosts of
the mariners, who in those seas, so soft and so
azure, had perished by the piratical Bucca-
neer, and so haunted the sea and shore which
their life blood had dyed. They had seed,
too, perchance, and with the horrid chill of
fear, that mysterious ship, seen in so many
oceans, and by so many generations of mari-
ners,— wrapt in perpetual flames — a burning
yet phantom ship — and wondered why, for
what cause, that craft should drive before ev-
ery wind in every sea, given over to the unen-'
durable yet eternal agony of fire. What aw-
ful crime had been committed upon her decks,
or by the lost mariners who sailed within her,
that nevermore shou'd she seek a haven or a
harbor ; but, lit up by fires kindled not by
earthly bands, and not of earthly kind, she
should drive forth upon the sea, now blazing
dim and lurid amid the storm and the dark-
ness, and now, as in a sheeted auroral flame
under the light of the wan and ghastly moon ?
No human being could board her decks ; no

132

Iinman hands relieve tlie pouls, if aught there
were, who sailed in that ship of fire. Cut off
from the world be]o\y, as from the heaven
above, they were to drift — drift on — until the
world itself should roar and melt in final flame.
Was this sliip an imagination — looming up,
n )t on the horizon of the visible sense, but on
that of tlie invitiible spirit — a spectral shape
projected forth and painted on the imagina-
tion bv the creative fear of man — or a spiritual
verity, floating as a solemn and awful warning
over the sea of time, with its flaming doom of
guilt, to awe into virtue each sinning, sea-far-
ing soul ? On the broad and all but illimita-
ble ocean, crime had a fearful power and lim-
itless sway. The deeds of darkness, and wick-
edness, and blood, which could be done on the
ever silent and solitary sea — seen by no eye
save that of Omniscience — heard by no ear save
that of Oninijresence— under no judge save
the Omnipotent, — these deeds, we say, could
only receive their punishment at the hands of
God himself — the Great InvisiMe,— and these
crimes, so vast, so solitary, so free of human
jurisdiction and control, could alone be reach
ed by spiritual means, and by spiritual tor-
ments : and hence the great criminals of the
eea, in the belief of the seamen of all ages, are
to expiate their crimes on the spot of their ori
gin, by those torments which alone can reach
them, and in the terrible isolation and loneli-
ness of the wastes of ocean, cut ofi^ too hope-
lessly from all human sympathy, with no com
panionship but the dreary unsocial sea, lone-
ly even in the brightest sunshine, and desolate
and awful indeed when the terror of the storm
and night is upon it.

What more terrible fate indeed could be
given the wicked, who have roamed over it,
and how awful the real or fancied sight of
their tormunts upon it — so fitting too with the
time and the place — the realities and the mys-
teries of the lonely and mysterious sea — whicii
has bidden in the impenetrable reserve of its
depths those tales — to which the creations of
fancy are but as the merest imaginations be-
side eternal verities — and whose very winds

at timss lireatho tales of terror and mystery
t) the keen and watchful ear ?

Some of these mariners of Now England, in
their adventurous search may have traded too
with those outlaws of mankind, the Bucca-
neers, perhaps ventured into their very dens, at
Tortuga and St. Domingo, and heard from
them rare stories of the Spanish Miin, or des-
perate adventure against the wealthy Spanish
galleons. They may have eaten with them
their roasted ox, the peculiar cooking of which
is said to have given them their name, and
then departed in friendly peace. Ttiey saw
too porliaps the fast fiding remnants of the
inoffensive Indians of Cuba, or the savage and
cannibal Carrib of the Leeward Group. Where-
ever they travelled or gazed among desolate
keys, or cloudy green isles, they saw many
strange verities, and perhaps yet more strange
creations of the plotting brain, all magnified
and of marvellous guise as seen through the
half luminous ignorance of the age.

Those adventurous yet simple mariners of
ol i had some f'aitlis and also some credulities,
and the latter took a sea-turn, ami made them
sea-bigots, at times, instead of land ones.
Those, too, who, in those days, innovated upon
the beliefs of the sea, fared but little better
than those who assailed the ancient beliefs of
the land. He, who scouted the existence ot
the Flying Dutchman, was akin to him who
disbelieved the Flying Witches, broomsticks
and ail. The sea had its mysteries as had the
land, and the Phantom Ship filled with its
awful shadows — the spiritual forms of those
dospiiring and lost mariners, bound like the
sea everywhere and yet nowhere, in an eternal
unquiet and restlessness for their sins and crimes
— that ship — those forms were as real, as visi-
ble, as those unearthly and mysterious visitants
who tormented our fathers, with every spirit-
ual and temp-)ral tormnnt. in the awful days of
1092. It took, indeed, a more fatal turn upon
the land, for the living had to bear the odium
and hatred of the Demoniac sin and shame ;
i>ut it was the same belief under a different
form, passing, however, upon land into a ter^

133

rible revenge upon the living. Still the land
belief was akin to that very belief of the sea,
which saw at times in horror, and" with every
particular hair on end, that Phantom Ship —
spectral and shadowy — that seemed indeed to
Lave been

^ "Built in the Eclipse and rigged with curses dark,"
and which, perhaps ominous of evil, could be
83en at times sailing in the dim twilight to-
wards the midst of the lowering tempest clouds,
and after the sunken moon ; or passing in
dangerous proximity, and unearthly speed, and
under a press of canvass even before the ver^
strength and fury of the gale, while from her
deck peered out those faces, which once seen,
could never be forgotten.

It was not often that the mysteries of the sea
clothed themselves in pleasing and mirth pro-
voking merry forms. Even the pleasing Mer-
maid lured to destruction. The mariner, who
became fatally beguiled by her beauty, jump-
ed into the sea, not to be received into her
arms, but to sink into the dark depths, lost,
forever lost, without even the reward of his
folly and crime. The sea — so solemn, so vast,
80 sad, so treacherous in calms, so fearful and
destructive in storms, so full of dangers and
deceits, so suggestive of the infinite, the lonely,
desolate, grand and sublime— -gave birth main-
ly to imaginations kindred to its own solitary
sublimity — and hence the visions, the tales —
the mysteries of the sea were often shrouded
in the drapery of gloom — were sad as is the
wail of the tempest, mysterious as is the vast
heaving ocean itself — suggestive of the wild
license, untamable power, fierce passions, and
remorseless deeds of the sea around — which
knew no compassion for human misfortunes,
and under all moods and at all times was deaf,
and blind, and reckless, and merciless as
Fate. So the imaginations of the sea became
earnest, and serious, and sad, as if reflected
from the great verity itself, whose waters
washed the shores of all climes, and with
equal indifference to all, and kept in its dark
bosom the crimes of all the people, which,
from the birth of man, have been by or upon
34

it, and which have stained the salt purity of
its waves.

These, and kindred mysteries of the sea,
were in full force in the early day, and tinged
the mariner's life with their sombre, yet un-
real romance. Indeed, they linger yet — for
the unrealities of time are the most real and
enduring, whether they be for good or evil.
What the spiritual in man (whether that spir-
ituality be good or evil) can see, is in no man's
province to say. What may be the great
mysteries around us. who, indeed, can tell ?
The good and the evil alike see the invisible ;
the good, that which is good, tho' heavenly and
unseen, and the evil, the spectral and unearth-
ly, though shrouded from other eyes in merci-
ful darkness. The excited, the morbid, the
fearful vision of man sees, at all events, what
it creates, and may see even those terrible un-
realities which are but too real. Fear sees
strange sights and hears strange sounds. So
does despair, and so does faith. So indeed
does credulity, into which fear enters with
large license, and both fear and faith see with
telescopic vision, resolving the far off nebula
of mystery into the distinctness of shape and
reality.

But those mariners of old saw too not alone
the rajsteries which haunt the sea, but the
beautiful and sensuous realities of tropic lands.
Trading, as was their wont, amid the West In-
dian Archipelago, with its various star-like
clustf^rs of islands, floating on the almost ethe-
rial azure of that sea, and clad with eternal
green, with flowering vines of exquisite beauty,
even upon their very brinks; and cedars, and
lofty and graceful palms waving far above,
and bright hued birds flitting from bough to
bough, in colors no art could equal or imitate ;
those mariners of old saw these with almost a
child'like wonder, and in vivid contrast with
the sober sternness and temperate hues of the
northern clime. The lands of the orange,
the lime, the pomegranate, the papaya,
the mamey, the zapote, the mango, the
pine apple, the citron, the banana, the
p^-tree, lay before ^hem. The cedar, the

134

palm, the calihfish, the manchineel, and cab-
bage tree, waved over them. The giant ma-
hogany, the lignum vitae, the iron wood,
stood in almost imperishable strtngth, and
towered in the tropical airs. The gigantic
Quiehra Hacha, with its ambitious and
giant parasite, the Bejuco, that Anaconda of
Tines, the l()ftj cotton tree, with its enormous
shaft, covered with vinos, and filled with colo-
nies of birds, insects, and animals — the odorif-
erous gum trees and shrubs, the splendid. va-
rieties of parasites, the flowering vines, rich in
all the colors of the tropics, — these met their
eyes and excited their curiosity as they have
those 01 the generations since. Beneath the
vraters played the parrot fish, snappers, gray
cavallos, tertunes, crawfish and mullet, and
above them the turtle, dear to appetite and
luxury. By the reefs they saw those planta-
tions and fields of the coral, filled with the
living plants and flowers of the sea— yellow,
and crimson, and scarlet and purple — among
whose bending boughs and sea-lifted leaves,
green, and red, and grey fish were darting, and
where

"The purple mullet and gold fish rove."
Our fathers saw, as we see, the *poetry of
the sea in these gardens of the deep — for the
sea hath its gardens, as hath the land — and
many a New England home could show boughs
and branches of coral, plucked from the wide,
beautiful and abundant gardens of the deep,
and suggestive, even in their silent and frag-
mentary fate, of the beauties, the wonders, the
mysteries of the sea. With them, too, came
strange tales of mermen and mermaids disport-
ing in those gardens;

"Where the sea-6ower spreads its leaves of blue,
That never are wet with tbe falling dew,
But iu biighi and changeful beauty shine,
Far down in the green and glassy brine.

* The Salem mariners bad a prose and practical, a?
vrell as poetical side to their character, since, in the
earlier days of tbeir comnaerce, they brought Coral
from the West Indies both as ballast, and to burn for
lime — then much needed and only obtained from
burning sea-shells found on our coasts — before lime-
stone had been disoovered ia these parts.

The floor is of sand, like the mountain drift,

And the pearl shells spangle tiio fliuly snow;

From coral rocks the sea-plants lilt

Their buughs where the tides and billows flow;

The water i.s calm and still below,

For the winds and waves are absent there.

And the sands are bi iglit as the stars ',hat glow

In the motionless fields ot upper air;

There with its waving blade of green,

The sea-flag streams through ihe silent water,

And the crimson leaf of the dulse is seen

To blush like a banner bitbed in slaughter;

There — with a light and easy motion —

The Fan-Coral sweeps through the clear, deep sea,

And the scarlet and crimson tutts of ocean

Are bending like corn on tbe upland lea!"

The land, too, had its sights. The grim
alligator, the scarlet flamingo, the host of
beautiful parrots, the glittering humming
bird, the brilliant yet changeal)lo gobemouche,
the nimble monkey, with numberless troops
of brilliant birds, bright colored serpents,
beautiful sea and land crabs, and strange
quadrupeds, met there their eyes, as they may
have ours, only perchance as greater wonders.
They had felt the fury of the tropical hurri-
canes, and revelled in the glory of the tropi-
cal summer. Wafted in and througli these gen-
tie summer seas, they, too, saw and lelt the
surpassing beauty of the tropic il nights, when
the moon is as a silver sun, and though she be
absent, yet the Milky Way, or Venus, in all
her glory, sheds a kindred lustre, unknown in
Northern skies. They, too, wondered at those
brilliant meteors of the air, the liglitning Can-
tharides or the Cayouyous (Flies) and Cucul-
los, which at night flitted over the savannahs
of these isles, and which good honest Gordon
speaks of ag giving ''a mighty lustre in the
night-time while they fly."' They had visited
old Port Royal, Jamaica, and seen its unri-
valled luxury and crime, and some of them
perchance were there at its fearful doom —
that city by the sea, which was tbe haunt of
the Buccaneer, and every unlawful, unhal-
lowed trader, and which, as in an instant, was
swallowed up forever in tbe angry waves— and
over whose very houses and streets the mari-
ner now floats into modern Kingston. Some
of them, too, may have found in these lands, so
luxuriant, yet at times bo deadly, their lust

135

rest, smitten b)' the pestilence, which walketh
in diirkness and waateth at nuon day through
these heautiful isles, tlioujjh they be fanofd by
airs of batio, thuugh fragrant with orange and
citron blooms, and shaded with the soli sway-
ing pilm into luxurious quiet and repose.

And these scijnes. — which must be seen to
be known, — with all their indescribable de
li^lhts, were doubtless doubly delicious to our
fathers, alter having traversed the sea, not as
with our certainty and t-peed, but with many
an imperfect rule and chart, and under risks,
whicli will never more be run. Well content-
ed, perhaps, to be not more than a hundred
miles out of their true longitude, and not al-
ways exact in their latitude, they must have
felt, when the harbor was won, a sense of re-
lief, more keen perhaps than the modern mari-
ner is ever wont to feel. I«iot alone for them had
the sea its ordinary dangers, but the licensie of
the sea was greater then than now, and the
Pirates under the guise of law were then far
more to be dieaded than the open defiant out-
law of more modern days. Oppressed with ig-
norance, beset with dangers, and in craft that
would now be scouted irom our commer-
cial enterprise, they still ploughed the ocean
with adventurous keels, and have left us many
a brave example of what the mind may plan
and the heart may dare in the pursuit of hon-
est gain. Honor to them is honor to all the
brave commercial spirits whether of the Past
or Present, and even a welcome and encourage-
ment to those of the Future.

We ought not to omit, in closing this gene-
ral sketch of the commerce of Salem from 1626
to 1740, some more particular notice of the
dangers and difficulties which were attendant
on our early navigation. These we gather
mainly from old nautical works. When our fa-
thers ran their little sloops, ketches and brig-
antinea (of from 20 to 40 or 60 tons burthen)
to England, Euiope and the West Indies, they
had to compute their longitude by the run of
the ship— or by lunar observations with the

imperfect ♦oooks, methods and tables then ex-
tant, or by charts marked with the variations
of the needle — all imperfect, and practicably
unreliable. The loss of Sir Cloude.sly Shovel
and his fleet, through ignorance of the true
longitude, roused the Engli.-h government to
attempt to improve and perfect navigation by
the discovery of some reliable method of deter-
mining longitude at sea, and in 1714 a reward
of £20,000 was offered for its certain determi-
nation within 30 miles— £15,000 for 40 and
£10,000 for 60 miLs — the government being
willing to offer a partial reward even for its
determination within 80 geographical miles of
dangerous coasts. It was not until 1764 and
1774 that Harrison convinced the English gov-
ernment that his chronometer watch was a re-
liable time keeper, though in 1761 it had only
made an error of 28 miles in a voyage to Ja-
maica and back to England. It was not until
the close of the last century, to judge hy nau-
tical works, that the discovery of longitude by
lunar observations al*o became of practical
use. An old sea captain, now in his 90th year,
and who commenced his sea life in 1788, in-
forms us that longitude was obtained by our
New England craft from then, up to the time
Dr. Bowditch introduced the lunar method,
(about 1800) by dead reckoning — that is the
measured run of the ship ; and mistakes of
half a degree, or a whole degree, and even
more, were common. No certainty within a
hundred miles could be obtained on long voya-
ges. The chronometer, he informs us is compar-
atively a modern instrument, so far as a prac-

*As a specimen of the old works of navigation,
there can be found in the Essex Institute a volume
of Sellers' (John) Practical Navigation, printed in
1676. Seller was Hjdrographer to the King. This
was first the property of Philip English, and then
was used successively by his suns William and John.
In it can be found descriptions for the use of and di«
agrams of the ancient Meridian Compass — Fore Staff
Quadrant — Plough— Nocturnal, &o , and it ia well
worth the passing attention of the modern navigator,
80 much more blessed by later and superior means of
navigation.

136

tical use of it ia concerned— not having been
in general use more than these last thirty
or forty years. The dang«^rs attendant up )n
approaching coasts were thus vastly greater in
old times than now, when any error in longi-
tude would not ordinarily excei-d probably ten
miles. He informs us that a schooner he sail-
ed in (1788) from Bilboa to Marblehead, and
when near Marblehead, was only saved by one
of the crew first seeing the rock named Satan,
close to the bows, (there being a snow storm at
t'le time) and shouting out that fact lustily
to the crew. The captain was thus for the
first time aware of his true longitude on the
coast !

Our fathers used for obtaining their latitude
the instruments known as the cross-staff, and
Davis's Quadrant — the latter the best instru-
ment then extant, and yet not reliable itself
when there was much motion to the vessel —
In 1731 Hadley brings forward a very superi-
or Quairant (which was, however, invontjd
before him both by Sir Isaac Nowton and God-
frey of Philadelphia,) but this improvement
probably did not come into general use before
1750, if even as early as that. Take into the
account, niDreover, the absence of correct
charts in the early day,— the presence of *pi-

* From the settlement of the country to 1724 oer-
ta'tily, our early commerce was subject to piracy.
Tiie Algerine and Tunisian pirates troubled cpur com-
merce in the Eiglish channel for several yeart', be-
ginning from 1640, As early as 1632 English pirates
oame upon our coast. French privateers or pirates
gwe us trouble occasionally, from 1645, onv^ards.
The Indians to the southward, and northward espec-
ially, gave us trouble until 1724, and even afterwards.
French and Spanish vessels being or assuming to be
privateers troubled our commerce from 1687 to 1725,
and drove some of our vessels ashore. From 1084
to 1725, particularly from 1684 to 1700, our com-
merce was preyed upon by £n>:lish pirates, and that
too near our very shores. In 1722 our Salem Fort
maintained a watch on account of a rumor of pirates
being near the coast. In 1670 the General Court
publish in Boston by beat of drum (27th May) a
proclamation against a ship at the Isle of Shoals, sus-
peoted of being a pirate, which ship dues oot come

rates and freebooters on the ocean, and even

under command and submit to the laws and harbor
rules of the Colony, and prohibits her, her goods or
her company from coming into nur jurisdiction, or
ports upon penalty of being seized, secured, &o.

In 1673 piracy and mutiny were especially de-
nounced by General Court, and made punishable by
death. To jud/e by this order of the Court, piracy
and mutiny were not unfrequent in our harbors and
seas — the mutineers appealing to have risen upon
their officers and seized the vessels fur the sake of
the plunder merely!

In 1696 our General Court passed a law against
pirates and privateers, slating in the Preamble that
many persons had obiained licenses as privateers
and that for the purpose of becoming pirates and
preying on foreign friendly vessels. "The Booke of
Itecurdes for Masters, <fco.," a valuable record of the
past, kindly pointed out to us by Ira J. Patch, Esq.,
(and found by him in our Essex County Court files,)
1st vol. pajje 73, contains the affidavits of Capt.
llabbakuk Gardner, of Salem, commander of Ship
Friendship, and Joseph Browne, one of the mariners,
wherein they state that on a voyage to Antegua and
tlie Leeward Islands, on the 13 March 1707-8 in
latt. 17 10 North, a French Privateer captured
them and carried them into Martinico — ship and
cargo a total loss.

In the same vol. Capt. John Shattock enters his
protest against capture by Piiates. He sailed from
Jamaica for New England, and on Oct. 3, 1719 in or
about latt. 23 20 N. and in sight of Bohemia,
oiherwisB Ljng Ishind, was captured by a "Pyrat"
ot 12 guns and 120 men, under the command of Capt.
Charles Vain, who took him to Crooked Island (Ba<
haiuas) plundered him of various ar' ides — stripping
the brig tor what articles they wanted — abused some
of his men, and finally let. him go. Coming, howev-
er, on a winter's coast — his vessel stripped of needed
sails — he was blown off to the West Indies, and did
not arrive in Salem until the next Spring.

As late as 1724 the Boston Gazette contains an ac-
count of the capture of a sloop off Cape Ann by two
pirates, (Nut and Phillips) and her capture by
Andrew Harrad'ine and crew — the captured master
and crew of the vessel. Harradine and his crew rose
upon their captors, killed l\ut, his comrade, and the
other officers, and brought the pirate crew into Bos-
ton, and surrendered them to the authorities as pris-
oners. In the West Indies, the Spanish, and on the
coast of New Foundlaud the French prifateers, were

137

very near home — the want of liglit-houses,
(Boston light-hou'e being first lit up only as
late as 1716, Thatcher Island lighthouse in
1771, and Baker's Island light-house in 1798)
— with the more clumsy hulls, spars, rigs. &c.
of the oldon time, and we shall have abundant
reason for believing that mijdern Jnavigation
is vastly superior to and safer than the old, and
be inclined also to give due credit to the enter-
prise and courage of the old merchants and
navigators,who in spite of these diflficulties and
dangers sought commercial success. Some of
them felt indeed their dependence on a Higher
Power, as ihpy ploughed a thrice dangerous
deep, and their journals and papers show that
this is true. It made them, moreover, gene-
rous, liberal and brave. Do the moderns sur-
pass them as much in these respects, as they
unquestionably do in all the other elements of
knowledge, power and success ?

at times formidable. The French, and the Indians
— instigated probably by the French — gave our com-
merce, for a series ol years after 1680, muoh trouble;
— the French almost, destroying the fishing fleet of
Salem, between 1689 and 1711. The ''good old times"
of ommerce, as of other matters, is an error of the
imagination — a perfect delusion, which investigation
at once dissipates.

For a circumstantial aooount of the oaptore of the
pirates who captured the Ketch Mary oflf Half Way
Rock in 1689, see the 2d vol. N. E. Hist. & Gen.
Regi.'ter, page 393. It is an instructiv.j paper, as
explanatory of the impudert boldness of these ancient
outlaws, who, however, have been said to have had
"friends at Cnuri" in those days, which may aocount
for their audacity.

X Among other dangers attendant on tbe nitvigs-
tion of the olden time, the absence of regular pilots
was an important one. Our fishermen needed, it is
true, no pilots for Salem Harbor, for they were well
acquainted with the coast harbors, including, of
course their own, and their ketches and sloops being
seldom over 40 tons, did not draw, probably, more than
from four to six feet. Larger vessels coming on to
the coast, ran, of course, much more danger, especial-
ly strange vessels, as there were no regular pilots.
It was not until 17§3, according to Felt, and after
some heavy losses had been sustained for want of
35

Here ends our general sketch of the com-
merce of Salem u.p to 1740— an imperfect one
we are aware, but still of some use perhaps to
him who shall write the history of our Salem
commerce at some future day — a history, more-
over, which well deserves to be written, and
by the pen of an able and competent man.—
There are, however, some reflections which are
forced upon us in a review of our commerce
even up to 17-10, which we desire to state, but
as briefly as we may.

well regulated pilotage, that the General Court en
acted that there should be two regular pilot's for Sa-
lem. Before that time, it appears as if pilotage here
was only a chance and uncertain business, and pilots,
of course, as chance and uncertain. By the mara-
time code of 1668, any person undertaking the charge
of "Pylot," and not being able to discharge his duty,
was to lose his wages , in part, or in whole, and be
further punished for his presumption as the judges
"shall sec meete." Judging from this law, there
were no regular professional pilots in Massachusetts
at that date.

Our fathers, so far as we can find, generally acted
as their own pilots, and sometimes acted as Pilots for
the English men-of-war in their expeditions against
the French to the northward, or on our coasts.
Their method of navigation on sea voyages was, of
course, a simple and rude science. It has been said
that they sometime!* ran their sloops and ketches to
the West Indies by the bearing of the North Star, or
other stars, and an amusing story is told (how true
we know not) of one old sea captain, who was accus-
tomed to take bis bearings of the North Star through
a hole made in a flag-staflf on the stern, and was very
skillful in his own original mode of navigation; bat
whose secret was discovered by a waggish mate, who
out off his flag-staff one night, and thus totally con-
fused the old man's calculations and plans. The
old way of navigation to the West Indies is said to
have been — first to attempt to run down to the lati*
tude of the Island sought, and then steer as directly
East or West, as they could, on the line of Longitude.
Their uncertainty as to their longitude was often very
great and perplexing.

With their small craft, however, they could readily
run into the bays and creeks of the const harbors,
and well understood between 1660 and '70, not alone
their own immediate coasts, but those of Virginia and
Maryland, into the intricacies of whose creeks and
bfiys they pried with adventurous audacity.

138

Thti Puritans began their settlement at Sa-
lem upon thfl idea and basis of religious free-
dom— a noble base, and the only true basis of
government ; and it may be that their zeal for
a while in this cause outran their discretion,
as is apt to be the case with the pioneer and
reformer. Commerce and civil government,
as a result, were somewhat neglected. As
soon, however, as the puritans savt their mis-
take, they came back to the support of these
matters, for there was a reason among these
men, aftei' all, which did not permit them to
go far astray. They were, as a general rule,
free from the extravagancies which marked the
course of many of-their puritan brethren then
in Old England — that wild visionary spiritual
democracy, culminating in the fifth monarchy
men and millenarians. The puritans in New
England were wiser — more liberal — the result,
doubtless, of their more perfect freedom, both
in religion and civil government. They res-
pected Cromwell, and sympathised with him
in his republican views, and the respect was
mutual, but even him they kept at arm's
length, mistrustful of King or Protector — jeal-
ous of their liberties either in church or state
— looking to independence of all powers un-
der Heaven. If forced to yield, it was but
for a time, and, as soon as they could, they over-
threw the tyranny which oppressed them.—
Their defects — the defects of their faith and
policy — were not incurable, nor did they long
continue. Like the clouds, they in time passed
away, while their wisdom, like the sun, en-
dured. These puritans, moreover, when they
came back to right views in civil matters, car-
ried the same idea of freedom, supported too
by their religious faith, into commerce and
government ; and the results were a noble lib-
erality— a genuine wisdom iu both. Into
their legislation they carried many noble plans
for the civil freedom and rights of men — a re-
gard to justice — the love of learning, industry,
prudence, liberty. Into their commerce they
caVried not only their industry, energy and
sagacity, but they demanded there also greater
liberties than the Old World ever knew. Thej

became pioneers there too — the pioneers of
unrestricted trade — the able and earnest sup-
porters of the doctrine, that commerce is only
to bear its just proportion of the burdens of
government. They resisted the civil tyranny
of England in trade, as they did her ecclesias-
tical tyranny in the church. The banner they
threw to the winds was "Liberty in Church —
Liberty in State — Liberty in Trade" — and to
the extent of their ability they maintained
this) creed, even in the face of haughty mother
England, with the Savage, too, at their very
doors, and his war-whoop ever and anon sound-
ing in their ears. To the thoughtful student
of history there is something noble and grand
in the position oft times assumed by Massachu-
setts in the hour of her trial, sore beset as she
was, not alone by enemies, but by those spir-
itual and temporal evils, which never try the
worldly and base, but which purify the genu-
ine and the good as by fire. Still she main-
tained in that hour her noble independence. —
She did not forget the sanctity of her origin —
nor the power which alone can save. Having
faith in Him — faith in whom is victory — she
demanded of old, demands now, and will ever
demand, Liberty — Liberty for the soul of man —
Liberty for the mind of man — Liberty for the
skill, the labor and the body of man ; — for
with these liberties come all other prosperities,
human or divine, and without them come only
those licenses which give over men and nationa
alike to temporal and eternal perdition.

In making this general sketch of the com-
merce of Salem up to 1740 we have consulted
the Mass Hist. Collections — Colony Records
— Local Records — Histories of England, Mass.
and United States—Old Geographies — Felt'a
AnnaU of Salem {a work full of local items)
— Old Nautical Works — Old Traditions, papers
and letters. , We return our thanks to Dr. H.
Wheatland. H. M. Brooks, H. J. Pratt, H. F.
King, I. J. Patch, Joseph Cloutman and M. A.
Stickney, Esq's for favors — also to Prof. John
Lewis Russell. We are indebted to Felt for
many items which we thus acknowledge. Af-
ter a somewhat careful examination of various

189

authorities, (including the coumercial papers
yet remaining in the English familj,) we have
been enabled to gife a fuller sketch of the ear-
ly commerce of'tialem, than we had dared at
first to hope for : and will now endeavor to
eketch the life and commercial pursuits of
Philip English, one of the old Salem merchants,
whot>e active business life extended from about
1670 U} about 1733 or 4, and who died shortly
before 1740, the period at which we have clos-
ed our remarks on the Commerce of Salem.

APPENDIX TO REMARKS ON THE COM-
MERCE OF SALEM.

Commerce of Salem before 1640. Though
the commerce of Salem may be said to have be-
gun about 1640, yet there seems to have been
a commercial spirit stirring here previous to
that, for even as early as 1638, the ship De-
sire of Salem made a voyage to New Provi-
dence and Tortuga, and returned laden with
cotton, tobacco, salt and negroes, (slaves) the
latter the first imported into N. E. This inhu-
man practice of making men slaves was subse-
quently denounced, however, by our General
Court. In 1639 the first importations of indi-
go and sugar seem to have been made into
New England In 1642 a Dutch ship exchan-
ges a cargo of salt for plank and pipe staves
in New England ; and the very next year 11
vessels sailed from New England for the W.
Indies, with lumber. This shows the rapid in-
crease of our marine. It is most probable that
before 1637 the Salem people began building
large^decked shallops, and perhaps also ketch-
es for fishing and trading purposes — their craft
not being then (as a general rule) larger than
twenty or thirty tons burthen, if even that.

Gov. Cradock. We find, on a particular
examination ot the Colony Records, that
though Gov. C. was never paid in person his
claim against the Colony, yet that his widow
in 1670, and after various examinations of the
claim by officers appointed by the General
Court, was granted ^through her third hus-
band) a thousand acres of land, in considera-
tion "of the great disbursements made by

Matbew Cradock for the good of these planta-
tions." In 1671 Mr. John Davenport gets a
grant from the General Court of 500 acres, in
consideiation that bis lather was an adventu-
rer in the common stock, and was instrumen-
ul in furthering of this plantation. This
seems to indicate that the General Court then
acknowledged a quaSt proprietary right at
least in those originally interested in the early
common stock of the Colony to the soil of
Massachusetts.

Pkofrietarv Bights. In reference to the
extinguishment of the Proprietary Eights of
the Home Company in the soil of Massachu-
setts— when did this lake place? The origi-
nal charter of James to the Plymouth Compa-
ny granted the fee of New England to that
company, as did also their grant to Sir Henry
Kosewell and bis associates, and as did also the
confirmation of that grant to Kosewell and
his associates by Charles the First. The char-
ter gave not only the fee to the body politic
and corporate to be called by the name of the
Governor and Company of the Massachusetts
Bay in New England, but gave them also pow-
er to acquire lands. It gave the fee absolute-
ly to the Patentees, their heirs and assigns,
but with the permission also to join with them
such freemen as they should choose into the
Company. The charter, moreover, gave broad
powers of government to the patentees, but
never contemplated the erection of a Common-
wealth, only a Corporation.

The fee was not, moreover, to be held in
Capite, [that is, as a tenancy, in chief and di-
rectly under the King — the most honorable,
but most burdensome of all the tenures,] nor
by Knight Service, [a tenure held by personal,
military or pecuniary services given the King
— ofttimes a burdensome and expensive tenure,]
but in free and common soccage, as of our ma-
nor of East Greenwich in Kent, — which was
most probably one mainly of homage and feal-
ty,— the tenure in free soccage being a free
and honorable one — the name soccage being
derived, according to Bos worth, (Anglo Saxon
Dictionary) from soc, which signifies "liberty.

140

immunity, franchise, privilege, to minister
justice or execute laws, jurisdiction," and the
whole terra signifying a free and privileged
tenure. Free soccage was generally a tenure
held by a certain determinate service, and not
only a certain hut honorable one; and really
a more valuable one than the higher tenures,
whose services were too often precarious and
burdensome. It has been supposed to h^ive
been a remnant of the old Saxon liberties.

This tenure, moreover, granted the paten-
tees, was of a higher order even than free soc-
cage in general ; for the charter states that its
privileges are granted without express mention
of any certain yearly value (rent) made (to
be paid) for the premises. This proves the
high order of the tenure under the patent. It
was of the highest named order of free soccage
— "as of our manor of East Greenwich" — and
this order was most probably the very highest,
since Greenwich had been the residence of
several of the Kings and Queens of England.
King Henry the 8th often made it his resi-
dence, and Queens Mary and Elizabeth were
born there. This is undoubtedly the same ma-
nor which Charles describes as his in the
charter, and the franchises belonging thereto
were of a royal nature, of the freeest order,
and the best adapted for the new Colony — be-
ing doubtless the least aristocratic, and there-
fore least burdensome, of all the English tenures.

As the fee, however, was given to Rosewell
and his associates, their heirs and assigns,
when shall we consider their proprietary righte
as having ceased in the Colony ? It does not
appear that they took the fee merely in trust
for governmental and Colonial purposes, but
as a corporation — as owners. The fee did af-
ter a while, very probably at or before 1636,
merge in or become the high and eminent do-
main of government, whenever, in fact, the
corporation became a commonwealth. Gov.
Bradford in 1680 states that they (the Govern-
ment) were obliged to grant land in fee to the
early settlers, that they might not be discour-
aged by not having land of their own. This

precedent doubtless destroyed any feudal poli-
cy of the patentees in Massachusetts, and per-
haps practically extinguished the proprietary
rights of the patentees, who then may have
been in the old country. At all events, the
transfer of the Patent operated (with or with-
out a sale or release of the proprietors' rights
— of which sale or release, however, we see no
positive proof) to break up any landed monop-
oly and any feudal privileges or rights result-
ing from the grant ; while the increase of ad-
venturers in the common stock of the Colony,
and freemen also, must soon have destroyed
the/>0M;erof the original patentees. It was,
moreover, the policy and interest of the pat-
entees or proprietors here to conciliate new
comers by grunting lands in fee — which soon
became the settled p<»licy of the Colony. The
civil troubles in England probably did not
much aflfect after all the rights of the proprie-
tors, though the judgment pronounced indi-
vidually against several of the company in
England in 1635, on the '■•Quo Warranto'"
then brought against the company, may have
been considered both in England and Massa-
chusetts as a legal forfeiture of all the propri-
etary rights of such piitentees then being in
England or in America.

The original policy of the patentees was
doubtless to grant land to the Colonists, not
m /ee, but by tenures which reserved certain
rents to be paid by the grantees, who would
thus become tenants under a species of perpet-
ual lease, paying their rents therefor. It ia
evident that the company in London did not
wish the Colonists in Massachusetts (unless
they were joined with the patentees in the
common stock of the company, and therefore
associates) to hold their lands in fee, but bv a
lesser tenure — as tenants — simply paying
'some seruice certain days in the yearo, and
by that seruice they and their posteritie after
them to hold and inherite these (their) lands."
This service was to be their rent, or its equiv-
alent. For proof of this see the Company's
letter to Gov. Endecott, quoted in Felt's An-
nals, Vol. 1, p. 103.

141

There eeeme, however, to be no cunclusive
evidence that the patentees desired that the
ColoDj landa should be divided into counties,
to be uppor.ioned among themselves, again to
be subdivided into lesser partitions ruled over
bj inferior officers. Kojaliste lik« Gorges,
and men of his class, might dream such
dreams, but the patentees were probably wis-
er, and soem throughout, both in the transfer
of the patent, and their subsequent action un-
der it, to have considered mure the common
weal of the colonists, and at least yielded wise-
ly, where any feudal policy of the charter
might have oppressed the Colonii<ts. Coloniz-
ing with relii^ious liberty in view,* they wisely
rejected a worldly ambitious poli'cy, and the
consequence was, that any and all feudal
traits in their charter soon disappeared.

The proprietary rights of the original Pat
entees may have disappeared in the same way
— almost iusont<ibly — becoming merged in the
common weal of the Colony. The simple
transfer of the patent here did not extinguish
such rights — that is legally, it must be, we
think, alter ail, the tact that the religious
spirit and purpose of the settlement here—the
wise and generous policy put in practice under
the charter by the authorities in the Colony —
together with the general liberty of the Colo-
nists— that these causes all combined to merge j
the large proprietary rights to a great degree I
into a common weal for the people, and the .
patentees and their associates never attempted
afterwards to disturb such a policy, or favored |
it — having a higher object in view than mere
worldly ambition or avarice in the matter.

Commerce under ths Charter.
In the preceding Article on our Salem
Commerce, little has been said of commeree os
affected by the charter. A note on this puint I
may therefore be interesting. According to j
the charter itself, the intention of Charles (the j
King) in establishing the Colony, was to win
and incite the natives of the country to the
knowledge and obedience of the onlv true God ,
and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian I
36

faith, ^'which in our royal intencon and the ad-
venturers^ free profession, is the principall ende
of this plantacon.'' To this end the company
of adventurers were authorized to erect them-
selves inUj a corporation, with powers to make
all needed and wholesome laws, *'accof-ding to
the course of our other corporacons in this our
realme of England," and "be so religiously,
peacably and civilly governed," that "their
goode life and orderlie conversation" may win
over the natives to the Christian faith. Very
ample civil powers were given to these ends, —
almost sufficient to justify the Puritans in any
constructions they might be pleased to put up^
on the charter. Admiralty powers seem to
flow naturally from this charter : while its
cunoluding provisions declare that the charter
itself shall be construed, reputed and adjudged
in all cases most favorably on the behalf and
for the benefit of the Governor and company,
and their successors, and this, though no ex-
press mention of any certain yearly value
(rent) had been made (as to be paid the King)
for the premises (lands under the patent.) and
in spite of any act, rule or restraint to the
contrary, or any other matter, cause or thirj{
to the contrary notwithstanding. These pow-
ers and their construction were both ample
and liberal, and it is not to be wondered at,
that the Puritans, up to the loss of the charter
in 1(384, held it as a sacred Instrument — full
of grand and indispensable liberties.

The early Puritans took all the liberties the
charter gave, and some in addition. Charles
contemplated (we may suppose) the establish-
ment of an Episcopal Church and system in
New England, and the Puritans established
Congregationalism, and excluded Episcopacy.
He granted a corporation, and they establish-
ed a Commonwealth. The Puritans, moreover,
by denying the right of appeal to the King, to-
gether with the accusati-^n made against them
of aiming at sovereignty, finally rousod the
Monarch against them, as their church disci-
pline had the Episcopal Church, and in 1634
the Archbishop of Canterbury and bis asQQci-

142

ates were uiuiie a special cominisBion, with full
power over the American planta'ions. Tlreae
powers extended over the government, laws and
the Church, and went even to the revoking of
any charter surreptitiously obtained, or which
conceded liberties prejudicial to the royal pre-
rogative. If our Colonial Charter is to be con-
sidertd as aimed at on the score of being sur-
reptitiously obtained, it must be as having been
obtained through legal and proper forms, but
vfith A fraudulent intent — the main intents of
the Cliurter being the conversion of the Indi-
ans, and the establishment of a trading cor-
poration, which intents the King maj have
considered as violated by the subsequent civil
and religious acts of the Colonists, those acts
having t)een in the intentioas of the Colonists
from the first !

The commercial privileges granted by the
charter were ample lor that day. In order
that the Colony should be settled, permission
•was freely granted the Company to tiansport
persons, ( Aith but one exception,) arms, cloth-
ing, animals, merchandise, &c., (including all
needed article!^) for seven years, free of duty,
and were also to be free for 21 years (after the
seven) ot all duties on imports from or exports
to England, or English dominions, except 5
pounds per cent, on good* and merchandise
imported into England or English possessions.
They were also permitted to export their goods
or merchandise from Eugland and English pos-
sessions to foreign countries without paying
any additional duty, if shipped from thence
[England or English possessions] within thir-
teen months after landing; and had six months
time given to pay the half duty. Certain
provisions (as exceptions) were made to pre-
Tent fraud — and the Patent or duplicate or
an exemplification thereof, was to be consider-
ed as proof of these privileges before any cus-
tom or excise officers. The Colony was to be
free from all taxes, subsidies, (pecuniary as-
sistance to England) or Customs (Custom dues).
By the terms of the charter, moreover, the
patentees and associates paid no rent to the

King for the tenure of their land, and tlius ia
tact (considuring the other charter privileges)
were placed upon a footing, (it was thought)
but little short of independent sovereignty.

The charter contaim'd, as will bo seen, the
germ of the subsequent -navigation laws of
England, as it required the Colonial exports to
seek English markets in tha 6rst instance and
pay the mother country the duty, prior to ex-
portation to foreign countries. This provision
was not complied with. The Colonists, in
fact, made themselves as independent of the
charter in commercial as in civil matters. It
is evident tliat they wisely considered that the
charter was made for them, and not they lor
the charter.

It ought to be said here that the Colonists,
and the great lawyers of England looked at
the powers conferred by the charter in a
somewhat difierent light. The lawyers in
England thought the charter was original-
ly intended to be exercised in England, un-
der the direct operation of the English courts
and laws, that it conferred, therefore, and
needed no admiralty powers— had no authority
to establish Courts for Probate of VVUls, and
Coirts exercising power over the lives of the
Colonists, &c. Tliey thought the Colonists
had usurped various powers, not originally
given in the charter. When the agent of
Mass. in England endeavored to save the char-
ier, he was met with these objections, and
thoiigh the lawyers there (the Crown officers)
were for the continuance of the old charter,
with various additional needed powers —
that is, for continuing the old powers so granted
with new powers — though Archbishop Tillot-
son, and Eishop Burnet also favored this,
yet the old, and newly demanded liberties of
Mass. were destroyed by the Trade interest of
England, which proved too strong for justice
and liberty. Bishop Burnet said that ho con-
sidered that the charter granted to the paten-
tees was a more sacred one than those given
corporations in England, since the charter giv-
en to the patentees was on condition of their
enlarging the King's domiBious — a thing they

143

hud dune, and therelore the powers under the
charter belonged of right to the Piitentees.
.while the power usualij granted corporations
yisas a matter of grace. Ii is evident that Til-
lotson considered tlie charter, as very different
froui tliat of an ordinary trading corporation.
tie looked at it in a religious* point of vievr,
and as one wiiicb ought to be confirmed.
His denuncii^tions of Laud in his conversations
with Mather, the agent of Mass, seem to con-
firm this view. (See Mass. Hist. Ub.'l., 1st se-
ries, Vol. 9, pAges 273-4, and alao-same Vol.
page 249.)

To be Continued.

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac,
ON FILE IN TilE OFFICE OF CLERK OF
COURTa, S.ALEM. MASS.

COPIED Br IRA J. PATCH.

CONTlNtJED FROM PAGE 96.

John Andrp.ws, ith mo., 1662.
Inventory of estate of Corporal John An-
drews, taken May 23, 1662, by John Doolit-
tle, John Hathorne & Andrew Man.sfield, by
request of the widow, amounting to £1116
IBs 4<1 ; debts about £758 lis Od, returned by
Mr. Thomas Andrews 27th 4th mo., 1662.

John Bakh, ith mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of John Balch of Salem,
taken 19th 1st mo.., 1662, by Roger Conant &
Sam'l Corning, amounting to £189 17s Od ;
list of debts £30 Os Od, returned 24th 4th mo.,
1662.

Item in the list of debts :

"For keeping a sick and weakly child, viz,
Mary balch, six months, £6 Os Od.

At a court, 27th 4th mo., 1662.

Mary Balch, widow of John Balch, isappt'd
adm'x of her husband's estate, and when all
just debts are paid, the whole estate is to be
divided between said Mary & Mary their
daughter, the whole estiite remaining in the
widow's hands until her daughter is of age or
married.

John Row, ith mo., 1662.

Will of John Row, dated 15ih 8th mo.,
1661, gives all his estate to his wife and two
sons, John and Hugh. Witnesses — John Col-
lins, sr., John Collins, jr., Stephen Glover. —
proved 24th 4th mo., 1662, and the widow
and two sons adin'rs.

Inventory of above estate taken 2d day A-
pnl, 1662, by Sam'l DoUiver, John Collins
& Wm. Browne, amounting lo £205 16d lOd,
returned by Bridget Row, the widow, and
John Row, son oi the above John 9, June
1662.

David Lewis, -iih mo.. 1062.
Inventory? of estate of David L<'wi8 taken
22d June. 1662. amounting to £22 06s Od ;
debts £16 8s Od, returned to the Court and is
allowed, and Samuel Archard is apptd to ad-
minister in behalf of the country, & to be ac-
countable to this court.

Thos. Wilks, Ath mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of Thomas Wilks taken

Nove., 1661, at Boston, '>y John & John

Lake, amounting to £70 Os Od.

Also inventory taken December, 1661, at
Salem, by Walter Price & Hilliard Veren, a-
mounting to £30 6s 11<^ 1, returned 25ch 4th
mo., 1662, and Mr. Edmund Batter appt'd
adm'r, who is to dispose of the said estate by
advice of this Court.

Robert Gray, \th mo., 1662.

Will of Robert Gray, of Salem, dated Ist
11th mo., 1661, daughter Elizabeth Gray,
eons Joseph, Robert, daughters Bethiah, Han-
nah & Mary ; servant Elizabeth Wicks.

Gives "to George Hodgis a quadrant, a fore
staffe, a gunter's scale, and a pr of compass-
es," wife Eliz'h Gray who he appts ex'tr,
John Brown and Henry Bartholomew, over-
seers.

Witness — John Brown and Henry Barthol-
omew.

proved 25th 4th mo., 1662.

Inventory of above estate taken 5th 12th
mo., 1661, by John Brown, Richard Prince &

144

Henry Bartholomew, amounting to £608 Ola
Od, returned 25th 4tb uio., 1662.

Wm. Browne, 4M mo., 1662.

Will of Wm. Browne of Gloucester, dated
29th April. 1662, son in law Abraham Kobin-
Fon, under 21 years, dau Mary Browne, under
18 years, to be ext'x, wife Mary ; witnesses —
John Emerson & John UoUins, Jr. proved
25th 4th mo., 1662.

Inventory of above estate taken May 13,
1662, by John Emorson, Sam'l Dolliver, John
Collins and Philip Staynwood, amounting to
£203 Os 7d, returned by Mary Brown, widow,
25tb4th mo., 1662.

Lawrence Leach, 4th mo., 1662,
Will of Lawrence Leach, of Salem, aged 85
years; his debts to be paid, and his wife to
have all his estate. Witnesses —John Porter,
John Batchelder ; proved 25th 4th mo., 1662,
& Eliz'h, widow of above, apptd adm'x.

Inventory of above estate taken by John
Porter & Jacob Barney, atnounting to £138
14s 8d, returned and allowed 24th 4th mo.,
1662.

Ann Fuller, A/h mo., 1662.

Will of Ann Fuller, widow, aged 79 years,
son Richard Leach, Bethiah Farrow, John
Leach & Sarah L.^ach. Witnesses, Jonathan
Walcott, John liowdon, proved 25th 4th mo.,
1662, and Ric'd Leach apptd adm'r.

Inventory of above estate taken by Nath'l
Felton, Anthony Buxton, amounting to £23
17s 6d, returned 25th 4th mo., 1662.

Henry Cook, 4th mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of Henry Cook, deceased
the 14th of Uth month, 1661, taken by Nath'l
Felton and Henry Bartholomew, ^amounting
to £225, returned by his widow, Judith Cook,
and her eon Isaack, 26th 4th mo., 1662.

List of debts, amounting to £92 05s 8|d.

Henry Cook's children — Isaac, aged 22 :
Sam'l 20 ; John, 14 ; Henry, 8 ; Judith, 18 ;

Rachel, 16 ; Mary and Martha, 12 ; Ilanna,
4.

Israel and Nathan Webster, dth mo., 1662.

Petition of Israel, 18 yrs, & Nathan VV^eb-
ster, 16 yrs , with the conwent of the mother,
that their father in law, John Emery, sen'r,
and their brother, John Emery, jr., maight be
appt'd their guardian, and the petition al<
lowed and confirmed 26th 9th mo., 1662.

Geo. Tarr, 9^Amo., 1662.

Will of George Tarr, dated 1st July, 1662,
sons John, Lazerous & Benjamin, (Joseph un-
der age,) daughters Mary, Martha, Eliz'h &
Sarah.

Mr. Eaton & Francis Burrill, & Allen Breed
jr., shall be overseers. Henry Si Isby & Fran-
cis Burrill, witnesses, proved 26th 9th mo.,
1662.

Inventory of above estate taken by Henry
Collins, Jr. & Henry Silsby, 24th 9th mo.,

1662, amounting to £189 88 Od, returned 26th
9th mo., 1062.

Thos Smith, 9ih mo., 1662.
Inventory of estate ot Thomas Smith, of Sa-
lem, taken 17th 4th mo., 1662, by JeflFrey
Massey & Tho Porter, amounting to £63 158
Od: lititof debts, £39 98 8d, returned 26th
9th mo., 1662, allowed and ordered to the
use of the widow & the bringing up of the
children.

John Goyt, 1st mo., 1663.
Inventory of John Goyt. amounting to £34
63 Od.

Mary Smith. May, 1663,
Will of Mary Smith, wife unto the late
James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar.

1663, daughter Catherine Eborne, & daughter
Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Jo-
seph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daughter Mary
Rowland's five children, daughter Cathren £-
borne, children Mary, Rebecca, Moses, Han-
nah, James & Sarah, Samuel, son James Smith.

To bo Continued.

145

THE "OLD PLANTERS" OF SALEM, WHO WERE
SETTLED HERE BEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF
GOVER^^OR EXDICOTT, IN 1G28.

BT GEORGE D. PHIPPEH.

Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, Marek ^6, 18^.
Continued from Page 110.

ROGER "Fo N A N T ,
Governor of the Plantation at Cape Anne,
and Naumkeag. A variety of terms have
been used to express Conant's trust at "ye
Bay of ye Massachusetts," such as OversetT,
Business Agent, Local Manager, &C. Certain
it is that he succeeded tlie two Overseers,
Gardner and Tilly, who previously superin-
tended the plinting and fishing interests at
Cape Anne. Wn have preferred to adopt the
title applied by the Dorchester adventurers
themselves, (according to Hubbard,) in their in-
structions to Mr. Humphrey, their Treasurer,
when communicating tn Conant tha< they had
chosen him "to be their Governor in that
place,'' without discussing the validity of the
Cape Anne charter, or the powers conferred
by it, or whether Conant was accustomed in
magisterial robes to hold courts, make laws,
or administer them. This fact cannot be
gainsaid, that he was at the head of a respec-
table Colony, which received from the begin-
ning, both before and aftei the absorption of
the Dorchester Company into the Massachu-
setts Company, the fostering care of such men
as VYhit"- and Humphrey, members* of both
Companies, and that Endicott was sent over
to take chargt^ of and strengthen this Colony,
verily the corm r stone of the Commonwealth,
which in due time embraced under its Gov'-rn-
ment the eller Colony of Plymouth, aqd all
the minor settlements around the Bay.

Conant was born at Budleigh, in Oevoq-
ahire, about 1592. From the Parish Records of
East Budieigh, through Mr. "Savage's Glean-
ings," we Jearn that he was baptised April

♦Humphrey was a member of both Companies,
and there is scarce ^ doubt that White was also, and
probably others of the Massachusetts CoiQpapy.

37

9fh, 1593. and that he was probably the son of
William Conant. who was married Nov. 26,
1588. Mr. Gibbs, in farmer's Register,
thinks he traces his descent from a worthy
family of Gittesham, near Honiton, and fhat
his remote ancestors were of French extrac-
tion, but of this we give no opinion. Mr. Felt
supposes he came to New England in the same
ve'-sel with Lyiord, in March, 1624, but a de-
position of Conant's seems to place his arrival
in the early part of 1623, or perhaps the fall
of 1622. [Christopher Conant came over ia
the "Anne," and arrived at Plymouth in
1623.]

The name of Roger Conant is so interwoven
with the e.irly days of the Colony, that in re-
lating its hioiory, we have given much of Co-
nant's aho.

During his residence at Cape Anne, an e-
vent occurred whicli refl cted great credit upon
him, and illustrated a marked feature in his
character. The Episcopal portion of the Ply-
mouth Adventurers at home, who had with-
drawn from the Company, at the rupture oc-
Ciisioned by the Lyford discussion thtre, hasti-
ly desjiatched a fisiiing vessel to the Cape on
their own account, Hewes, master, who, upon
arrival, tojk summary possssion of a fishing
stage, and other conveniences that had b^en e-
rected by tlie New Plymouth people ; intend-
ing no doubt to usurp this Episcopal fcion of
the Plymouth Colony as their own. The val-
iant Capt. St mdi-ih was early on the spot and
demanded immediate evacuation. Ilewes's par-
ty, knowing with whom they had to deal, for.-
tified themselves at the stage head, behind a
barricade built of hogslieads, and defied Stand-
ish and his men, and by the advantages of sit-
uation, &c., which they possessed, could easily
have destroyed them. A battle of words only,
however, decided the fortunes of the day.^—
Hubbard says, "the di>pute grew to be very
hot, and high words passed between them,
wliich might have ended in blows, if not in
blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and
moderation of Mr. Rog r Conant, at that time
there present, and Mr. Peiroe'a interposition,

146

that lay just by with liis ship, timely prevent-
ed." The matcer was at last settled, by
Peirce's crew promising to help the aggrieved
fishermen build another stage, and so they al-
lowed Hewes to keep it.

This disturbance, not settled without great
and paintul exertion on the part of Conant,
muHt have gone far in convincing him that the
permanency and sta^'ility of the Colony rested
mere upon its agrieultural than its fishing in-
terest, and his settlement at Naumkeag as a
more suitable place for planting, resulted from
special explorations subsequently made for that
end.

Conant says that he built the first house e-
rected in Salem, where, together with its ad-
joining town and offspring, Beverly, he spent
the mijor part of his valuable life.

He was admitted a freeman. May 18, 1631 ;
was chosen one ot the Deputies to the General
Court, at their first meeting in 1634 ; was
often one of the twelve Selectmen for the
management of town affairs, and also of the
board who presided over the landed interests of
the town, and in 1637, was one of the magis-
trates of the '-Quarter Court," so called.

In 1636. he was upon a Committee for the
inspection of the canoes of the town, which it
should be remembered were the principal vehi-
cles for travel and convenience. A writer of
that day says, "there be more canowes in this
town than in all the whole Patent, every house-
hould having a water horse or two."*

Conant bore his share of ecclesiastical as
well as municipal duties ; in 1663, he was a
delegate at the ordination of Mr. Newman,
over the Church at Wenham ; in 1667 he led
in the organization of the first Church in Bev-
erly, and his name stands first on its list of
members.

But a few years before his death, he pre-
Bented the following petition to General Court
in relation to the town of Beverly, which is
now cherished as a document of great value,
and it is so suggestive of his character, that

•Wood's New England Prospect.

wo present it entire; it is dated May 28, 1671,
and feads as follows : — *

"To the lionorabel Generall Court, consist-
ing of Magistrates and Deputies.

"The umlile poticion of Roger Conant of
Basriiier, alias Beuerly, who haue bin a plan-
ter in New England fortie eight yeers and vp-
ward, being one of tlie first, if not the very
first, that reso!u3d and made good my settle-
ment vnder God, in matter of plantation with
my family, in this collony of the Mas^achuset
Bay, and haue bin instrunientall, both for the
founding and earring on of the same, and
when in the infancy thereof, it was in great
hassard of being deserted, I was a means,
through grace assisting me, to stop the flight
of those few that then were heere with me,
and that my vtter deniall to goo away witfi
them, who would haue gon either for England
or mostly for Virginia, but thereupon stayed
to the hassard of our Hues. Now my umble
sute and request is vnto this honorabel Court
onlie that the name of our towne or planta-
tion may bo altrcd or changed from Beuerly
and be called Budleigh. I haue two reasora
that haue moued me vnto tliis request. The
first is the great dislike and discontent of many
of our people for this name of Beuerly, be-
cause (wee being but a smale place) it hath
caused on vs a constant nickname of beggarly,
being in the mouths of many, and no order
was giuen or consent by the people heere to
their agent for any name vntill they were
shure of being a town granted in the first
place, Secondly. 1 being the first that had
house in Salem (and neuer had any hand in
naming either that or any other towne) and
myself with those that were then with me, be-
ing all from the western part of England, de-
sire this western name of Budleigh, a market
towne in Deuonsheer and neere vnto the sea aa
we are heere in this place, and where myself
was borne. Now in regard of our firstnesse
and antiquity in this soe famous a colony, we

*Mass. His. Collections, 3d S., 7, 252, or CJeto.
Register, 2d vol., 333.

14?

ehuulJ uniblie request this littell priuelicig
•with vour I'auors and consent, to giue this
name ahousaid vnto our town. I neuer yet
made sute or requi-st unto the Generall Court
for the least matter, the' I thinke I might as
well haue done, as many others haue, who
haue obtained much witliout hassard of life or
preferring the publick good before theire own
interest, which, I praise God, I haue done. If
this uiy suie may find acceptation with your
worships, I fihall rest vmbly thankfull and my
praires shall not cease vnto the throne of grace
for Gild's guidance and his blessing to be on
all your waightie proceedings and that iustice
and righteousness may be euerie where admin-
ifitred, and sound doctrine, truth and holiness
euerie where taught and practised throughout
this wildtrnes, to all posterity, which God
grant. Amen.

"Your worships' vmble petitioner and
seruant,

"Roger Conant."

His petition was not granted ; his claims to
their consideration, however, were not over-
looked, fur at the samo session they granted
him as "a very ancient planter," two hundred
acres of land, afterward set off near Dunsta-
ble, which land is mentioned in his will made
in the eighty-fifth year of his age, now pre-
served among our Probate Records of Essex, at
the Salem Ci-urt ilouse. He died Nov. 19,
1679, in his eighty eighth year, and descended
to his grave like a shock of corn fully ripe,
and the melancholy tidings were borne to
thousands of households where but fifty years
before he had erected the first dwelling.

Conant pissossed elements of great firmness,
at the same lime be was mild and conciliato-
ry ; the possession of such a character, inde-
pendent of place or honors, bears its own re-
ward.

"Blessed are the peacemakers, for thej shall
be called the children of God.*'

He had seven children, four sons and three
daughters, viz :•

*A genealogy of Conant's deseeudants is in pro'

Lot, born 1624, died 1674.

Roger, born 1626, died June 15, 1672.

Mary, born , married first, John

Batch) second, William Dodge.

Sarah, born -^ .

Exercise, [a son,] bap : Dec. 24, 1637, died
April 28, 1722.

Elizabeth j born ■ .

Joshua, who died in 1659.

The Conant family have descended to theJ
present time through Roger's sons. Lot and
Exercise, and among them have been men of
talent and influence. Roger and Joshua had
few or no descendants^ Lot was the ancestor
of the local or Beverly branch, who are well
repres-'ntod in that town, Ipswich and neigh-*
borhood at the present day. Exercise remov-
ed to Boston and is the ancestor of a family
who have spread largely in Connecticut. De-
scendants have borne the n ime of Roger,
through many generations, and it is likely, we
hope, to be continued to a distant period of
time.

On the fly leaf of an old Bible, once the
property of the Conant s, but now in posses-
sion ot Cliaa. W. Palfrny, Esq., is this entry, —
•'The 4 day of May 1G72 bang Saturday my
dere littel sone Samuel Conant dyed. The 15
of June 1672 being Saturday — my dere, dere,
dere husband Roger Conant dyed." This was
written by the widow of Ro^jer Conant, jr.,
Eon of Roger who lost both her son a^ hus-
band in the short space of six weeks.

Roger Conant, Jr., the second son, was the
first child born in Salem, (1626,) and the town
in recognition of this circumstance, granted
him on the 21, 11 mo., 1639, twenty acres of
land.

Governor's Island in Boston Harbor, was
early known as Conant's Island. Conant
street in Salem, not far from the Old Planter's
settlement, was so named about twenty-five
years since, at the suggestion of Major Conant
of Beverly. An extended notice of Conant by

gresB by our townsman, J. P. Worcester, Esq., to
whom I am iadaJbted for Saeta.

148

Rev. J. B. Felt, appeared in the Genealogic.il
Register of July and October, 1848.*

JOHN LYFORD.

The minister of the Old Planters, at Cape
Anno and Naumkeag, was originally sent ov-
er by the Plymouth Adventurers, to be pastor
of the people at Plymouth ; he seema to have
been selected by a faction of the Company,
and tliat much the larger p irt, with a design
to oppose the Congregationalism inculcated by
Robinson, and restore the Colcmy to the Epis-
copil fold ; both Cushman and Winslow, tlien
in London, were opposed to him, but finally
consented "to give contents to some."

Lyford had resided in England but a short
time prior to being s^'lected for this mission,
having been previously settled in Ireland. He
probably came over on the return of Winslow
with supplies, in the ship Charity, whioh ar-
rived in March, 162t.

Cushman, in his letter of January 24, 1G23,
[1624 new stvle,] says : "The preacher we
have sent is (we hope,) and honest plaine man
though none of ye most eminente and rare ;
about chusing him into office, use your owne
liberty and discretion."

When he came on shore he was exceedingly
complaisant, and was received with great cor
diality, by the Plymouth people. "They gave
him ye best entertainment yey could," they
furnii«^l§ji him a dwellir>g in one of their best
houses, ajid apportioned a larger allowance of
fo >d outof thecomra m store to him, *rtfd' his
family than to any other person^lBta of clothing
as they severally had nefetl-nCrov. Bradford, in de-
ference to his calling was accustomed to consult
with him in all "waightie affairs," as was his
habit with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, and he
was otherwise by the Colonists generally, held
in especial favor.

Cushman. in th« letter above quoted, says
^'he [Lyford,] knows he is no officer amongst

* Rfferences.-~Town Ree. Felt's. Salem, Gen. Reg.
2, 329 c 333. Mass. His Col. 37, 250-60, and 38,
306. Hutchinson, Hubbard, and Pjriace.

you, though perhaps cuetonie and univereali-
tie may make him forget himself," which ac-
cording to Bradford, he most eflFectually did, and
caused the Pilgrims a vast deal of trouble the
first three or four months of his residence
with them, during w!)jch time he acted as
their presicher, displaying abilities but little
superior to their Elder, Mr. Brewster.

lie was without doubt a great dissem-
bler. Upon uniting with the Plymouth
Church, shortly after his arrival, " he made
a large confession of faith, acknowledging
former disorderly walking and being entan-
gled with many corruptions," and that "he
held not himsnlfe a minister till he had a new
calling," and thanked the Lord for the privi-
lege of enjoying "ye ordinances of God in pu-
ritie among his people," yet before the return
of the ship that brought him over, he had laid
open bis revolutionary plans to the energetic
but troublesome John Oldham, and with a few
adherents, they secretly pursued their plot
with great earnestness ', "at length when ye
ship was ready to goo, if was obt^erved Lyford
was long in writing & scnte many letters, and
could not forbear to communicate to his inti-
mates sueb things as made them laugh in their
sleeves, and thought he had done their errand
sufficiently." One of these confederates wrote
at the same time, "that Mr. Oldhame & Mr.
Liford intended a reformation in church and
commonwealth ; and, as soone as the ship was
gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and
have the saerements" administered by Lyford'a
former Episcopal calling. The suspicions of
Gov. Bradford became aroused, and "knowing
how matters stood in Enjjiand" with the ad-
venturers, "and what hurt these things might
doe, he tooke a shalop and wente out with the
sliip a league or two to sea," and intercepted
and opened upwards of twenty of Lyford and
Oldham's letters, "full of slanders and false
accusations, tending not only to their preju-
dice, but to their ruin and utter subversion."
This singular visit of tho Governor caused this
covert faction some uneasiness at first, but as

149

he kept the information thus obt ined to hitn-
Belf, after a few weeks they became "us briske
as ever," thinking nothing had been discover-
ed, and Ljford deeming his party now strong
enough, openly "without, [says Bradford,] ev-
er speaking one word eitlter to ye Governor,
Church or Elder, withdrewe themselves and set
up a pnblick meeting aparte on yo Lord's day,
■with (sundry other '•insolent cariages" to the
disturbance of both Church and State. "It
was now thought high time (to prevent fur-
ther mischeefe ) to calle them to accounte; so
ye Governor called a Courte, and summoned
the whole company to appeare, and then
charged Lyford and Oldham with such things
as they were guilty of." Which resulted in
their condemnation and expulsion from the
Colony ; "Oldham presently," but Lyford was
allowed six months grace, and Oldham's family
had liberty to remain during the coming win-
ter. This took place probably early in the
summer of 1624. They fled to Nantasket and
•were voluntarily followed by Koger Conant
and a few others of the Church party, with
their families, as before related.

Both Lyford and Oldham afterward became
in part reconciled with the Plymouth people,
and ocoa-eionitlly returned to the Colony. It
was probably in the early part of the next
year, wliile still living at Nantasket, that they
•were invited with Conant to remove to Cape
Anne

The Rev. Mr. White and the Dorchester
Merchants were deceived in Lyford, and per-
haps imposed upon, and Conant who was
•without reproach, and eminently a peace-mak-
er, miiy through love of the established church
and (-ympjithy for Lyford's family, have been
unbelieving and blinded to his faults and insta-
bility of character, until his eyes were opened
at the time of his heartless desertiou at Naum-
keag, and endeavor to break up the Colony.

Nothing but his unscrupulous zeal for Epis-
copacy was allegad against hia conduct while
in thin country, and we have reason to be-
lleye that his followers and adherents were in

38

the main attached to him and his family ; he
appears to have been a person of agreeable
manners and address, and as a preacher of
moderate but not buUiant abilities, and both
at Cape Anne and Naurakeag, he undoubted-
ly continued his ministrations with acct'pt&nce,
conducting a church after his prior ordination
and in accordance with the usages and require-
ments of the Episcopal Church.*

He was Conant's preacher about three
years ; and as we believe for the last eight or
ten month* of the time, and perhaps longer,
at Naumkeag, that is through the winter of
1625-6, to near the end of the summer of
1627.

On the banks of the North River, full
two years before the eetablishment of the First
Church, so called, at Salem, or the ordination
of Higginson and Skelton, — the rights and or-
dinances of the Gospel were administered to
the "Old Planters" in an appropriate place of
worship, and their voices in united prayer as-
cended to Heaven in the sublime words of the
English Litany: "Webeseach Thee to hear
us Good Lord," "That it may plea^^e thee to
succor, help and comfort all who are in danger,
necessity and tribulation." And over the wa-
ters echoed their anthems of praise: "For the
Lord is a Great God and a Great King above all
Gods. In his hand? are all the corners of the
earth, and the s'ren^tb of the hills is His also."

We tliink it highly probable that the "lov-
ing invit ition" given Lyford, to settle in Vir-
ginia, was made by Mr. Fells end bis party,
who, with many servants, and a large quanti-
ty of "plantation commodities," while on a
voyage to Virginia, were wrecked near Cape
Cod, early in the beginning of the winter of
1626. This party remained at Plymouth the
next summer, and planted corn and raised a
few swine, and by mutual trade were of some

* As Roger Conant's son Roger, bom in 1C26, was
not 'baptized at the First Chnrob, after his father
united with it. as all his brothers and sisters were,
it is presumptive proof that he was baptized previous-
ly, that is by Ljford.

na

advantage to the Colony, they tarried in ex-
peetatiun of releasing their vessel from the
Band, or otherwise waited for some chance
opportunity of conveyance te Virginia. Mr.
Fells visited Cape Anne, and "ye Bay of ye
Massachusetts," which we suppose to mean
Naumkeag, for this purpose, and returned un-
euccesslul to Plymouth. They finally succeed-
ed in obtaining pa-^sage thither in a "cuple of
barks at ye Utter end of sumer" of 1627, which
vessels had brought corn to ihe Plymouth peo-
ple, and probably Ly ford and a few of Conant's
company departed with them. All that we
know of Ly ford further, is, that "he shortly
after dyed" in Virginia.

Lyford had a large family ; and this was
one of the objections that Winslow, the Com-
pany's agent, than in London, had to his being
sent over, viz: "his great charge of children."
When he was expelled from Plymouth, he
tad a "wifii, and children four or five," their
names are unknown to us • His wife is repre-
sented as 'bting a grave matron, and of good
carriage all yo while she was here." After
be* husband's death, she ''returned againe to
this country." Of his descendants we know
nothing. A family bearing this surname re-
eides in Newburyport, and the rame is occa-
sionally met with in New ilampshire. It is
bowever, comparatively rare in New England.

For a further account of Lyford' see Brad-
ford's History of Plymouth, Mass. His. Coll.
vol. 43. Also Young's Chron. of Mass. ,
Prince's Annals, Felfs, Salem, Hubbard, &c.

A full account of John Oldham, is given id
Bradford's Hist, of Plymouth, and Bond's
Hist, of Water towii,

JOilN WOODBURY,
Came from Somersetshire, was made a free-
man Vay 18, 1631. Both he and his wife
Agnes are among the original members of tbe
First Church. With Palfrey, he was one of

* As this family of six or seven pfersonS removed
so early from the Colony, they were not added in
the compatation of its numerical atr^ligtb, in A
former page.

the deputi'S of the General Court, in 1635, and
again 1638. One of the five farms, being one-
fifth ot th'j great one thousand acre lot, at the
head of Basa River, was granted him Jauui;ry
4, 1635 ; these farms were surveyed by him-
self and John Bakh.

It is stated in an article by Robert Rantoul,
Esq.. in Mass. His. Coll., and also by Rev. Mr.
Stone, in his History of Beverly, that John
Woodbury and Ins brother William, removed
over to the Cape Anne side, afterward Beverly,
about i630, to a spot near that which is now
called Woodbury's Point. It is supposed that
all the Woodburys in New England are de-
scendants of these two brothers.

To Mr. Stone, also, we are indebted for the
following tradition :

After the farms at Bass River were occu-
pied, the only way of communication with
them from Woodbury's Point, waa by water,
or along the st'a-shore and margin of the riv-
er. A heifer was driven along this winding
way from the puint to the head of the river,
where it was to lemain at pasture : but judge
of the surprise of her owner, who, upon re-
tracing his steps, found that the animal, not
liking its abode, had reached home before him:
its tracks were accordingly traced out, and a
more direct path through the woods thereby
discovered, which subst quently became a road
of communie.ition between the two places, and
although upwards of two hundred years havo
since elapsed, yet so far as direction is con-
cerned, neither science n ir skill have done much
to improve what in-tinct first projected.

Mr Woodbury, after a life of energy, and
faithfulness to the interests of the Colony died
in l64i ; we do not know his age, but proba-
bly not much above sixty years.

He was called "Father" Woodbury, howev-
er, as early as 1635, which may have been a
title due him as one on whom many leaned for
counsel and advice ; we regard him as stand-
ing next to Conant in intelligence and useful-
ness to the Colony.

His descendants are huraeroua, niany still
live atound the 6pot that witnessed bis trials

151

and Buffering, and the ancient homestead with
DO other deed than the original grant, still re-
mains in the family.

Among his descendants have been many
•worthy and influential men. and some have oc-
cupied liigh placea in the land.

The Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the
Navy, under Pr.?8ident Jacicson, was the son of
Peter Woodbury, who was bofn in Beverly, as
all his ancestors were.

He descended from Peter, the son of the
primitive John, thl-ough Jusiuh, then Peter,
to the third Peter, who was his father. Mr.
Cranch, in tlie Ist vol. cf Gen. Keg., repre-
sents Peter incorrectly as the son of Hum-
phrey ; Peter was Humphrey's brother, and
both sonsof theoriginalJohn. Humphrey had
a son Peter, who was killed in 1075, at the
early age of twenty-two, while serving under
Capt-iin Liithrop, who commanded the "Flow-
er of Essex," as his company has been called,
at the famous Indian battle at Muddjbrook,
September 18th, after that jeaf .

Beside Humphrey, who came over with his
father on his return in 1628, having then
just arrived at seniority, being born in 1G07 ;
we have the namea of such cliildren as are re-
corded among the baptisms of the First Church,
but whether there Were others between these
and Humphrey we knuw not.

Hannah, bap. 25 of 10, 1636.

Abigail, bap. 12 of 9, 1637.

Peter, bap. 19 of 7, 1640.

Humphrey had sundry grants of land from,
the town of Sulem In 1637, forty acres.

He -married Elizabeth , and had

sons and daughters ; he was a member of
the First Church in Salem, and afterward dea-
con oi the Firft Church in Beverly at its organ-
ization. He lived to be upwards of three
score and ten years of age. His widow died
in Beverly about 1689.

Peter, son of John, was made a freeman
1668 — representative to General Court 1689 —
was also a deacon of the Beverly church, mar-

ried and had children — he died July 5, 1704,
aged 64 years.*

WiLLtAM WOODBURt.
Brother of John, had grants of land in Sa-
lem; he died the latter part o( 1676; his wUl,
dated 1, 4 mo., 1663, was probated 26, 4 mo.
1677 i he left his dwelling house, household
goods, and most of his lands to his wife Eliz-
abeth ; his children were Nichola.^, the eldest
son, and William, Andrew, Hugh, Isaac,
and a daughter Hannah Hascall. Mcliolas
and Hui^h had lands granted them in Salem al-
so. William was one of the five witnessts to
the signing of the Indian deed of the territory
of Salem, wiicn transferred to the Town, Oct.
11, 1686, by the grand children of Sagamoro
George and others.

JOHN B.\LCH,

Belonged to a very ancient family of Somer-
setshire, who had a seat at St. Andries, near
Bridgewater, but now believed to be extinct
there. He is thought to have been a son of
George Balch, who was born in 1536, and
who had sons George and John. George, the
eldest by two yars. is supposed to have been
the ancestor of the St Andries family. John,
born about 1579, came to New Engl.ind with
Captain Koberi Gorges, in September, 1623.
The spot on which he settled in Sahm, being
in the field called very early, tlie "old planters'
marsh." Hi-t homestead was no doubt on five
acres of upland and meadow there, which we
think could now be approximately pointed out.
It was situated north of the Skerry Ijt of two
acres, which Francis fekerryf bought of Peter
Palfrey, in 1653, which said five acres Benja-
min Balch, S'jn of John, bought his brother's
right therein in 1658. This also designates

♦Young 28. Gen. Reg. 1, 84 and 8, 168. Felt's
Salem. Sione's Beverly Town Rec. Church Reo,
Mass. His. Ck)U. [Hubbard,] 25, 107, and 37, 352-4.

fTho Skerry family own or very recently owned
land upon or near the same spot.

152

Palff'y'fl lot aH on the south (or eouthweat)
and further up tlie peninsula.

John Balch had two wives, Margaret and
Agnes ; in his will the latter is called Annia.
Her own inventory is recorded 9 mo.. 1657, as
that of Agnes Balch, John, with his first wife,
Margaret, were among the original members of
the First Church. He was made a freeman
May 18, 1631, had a grant of one of the five
farms of two hundred acres each, at the head
of Bass River, January 25, 1635-6, to which
he removed three years afterward, and where he
lived till his death, in June 164^8, aged about
69 years.

This farm was situated near the present resi-
dence of Mr. John Bell, which is designated
upi)n the new map of Essex County : some of
his descendants still live upon or near the same
spot. Mr. Balch sustained various trusts from
the town, as selectman, surveyor, &3. "He
appears to have possessed the qualifications of
resolution, perseverance, integrity and intelli-
gence neces-ary to the founding and guiding
of a new community." He died about May,
1648, when his corn was in its tender leaf. He
left three ^ons, Benjamin, John, and Freeborn.
His will, d iti'd May 15, 1648, was witnessed by
Peter Palfrey, Nicholas Patch, and Jeffry
Massey. P.ilfrey and Massey proved the same
in Court a fortnight after, viz : 28 of 4 mo.,
1648. Wife Annis and son Benjamin, Execu-
tors, and John Proctor and William Wood-
bury, overseers. Inventory returned valued
£220, 138, 4d., consisting chiefly of tillage and
meadow land, and cattle.

Among his cattle he mentions two cows by
name. *'Koddie" and "Cherrie," and another
that he had bred up expressly fur his son Free-
born. He mentions his great fruit trees, and
also his young apple trees, and his corn that
is growing upon the ground. His widow Ag-
nes died at'out 1657, after "long weakness and
Bickness,"

Benjiimin, the eldest son, was born in 1629,
the next year after the arrival of Governor
Endic >tt, and three years after his father's
settlement at Naumkeag, and it baa been erro-

neously maintained* that he was the first white
child born in Salnm. He inherited the larger
portion of his father's property. He had
children. Samuel, John, Joseph, and Free-
born. This Joseph wa.-> slain in 1675, at the
fatal Indian battle at Muddy Brook.

John's son John married Mary, the daugh-
ter of Roger Conant ; he was drowned when
crossing the ferry near the Old Planters'
homes, then called Ipswich ferry, in a small
skiff, during a violent storm, June 16, 1662 ;
his widow afterwards married William Dodge,
who was the ancestor of all the Dodges, and
settled in the neighborlmod of the five Bass
River farms The neighboring lowns of Wen-
bam and Hamilton contain many of his de-
scendants, and this surname is by far the most
common name in those towns,

Freeborn, who is believed to have been born
the year his father was made freeman, in 1631,
and was probably so named in allusion to that
fact. He inherited one quarter of his father's
property. He lived near Wenham Lake. It
is supposed he went to Engl md and never re-
turned. He probably died about 1658, as his
name then disappears ftom our records.

The pres^ent Baieh family at Salem, have
descended to our time through John's son,

*Roger Conant, Jr., born in 1626, was, without
doubt, the first white child born in Salem, and in
1639, when he was but a youth of 13 years of age,
and still trotted on his parmt's knees, he received a
grant of land from the town, in token of that prece-
dence. There need be no confusion regarding the
unauthorized claims either of Balch or Massey, to
that circumstance of fortune. Benjamin Baleh, as
shown above, was born three years after Conant. In
1686, forty-six years after the above public recogni-
tion, when both Conants were dead, John Maisej,
in order to strengthen his petition for the Ferry,
stated that he was the ntrirxt town born child then liv-
ins; there. Eighteen years later, in 1704, and si.^ty-
four years .after the aw ird to Conant, the First Church
through careless truditiou or other miscontruction,
voted Massey, who was then aged, an old Bible, "he
being considered the first town born child." See a
similar explanation by Mr, Felt, with references in
Gen, Keg. vol. 10, ITO.

153

Benjiimin. The Rev. William Balch. of
Bradford, a grandson of Benjamin, was one of
the subscribers to Prince's Chronology, and hia
copy with wonie of his writing therein, is still
preserved in the family, Our venerable towns-
man, Benjamin Balch, is William"? grandson.*
To be Continued.

MATERIALS FOR A GENEALOGY OF THE
INGEKSOLL FAMILY.

For an account of Richard Ingersoll and his
children, see Number 1, paoe 12. George, son
of Richard bad a wife named Elizabeth.
2d generation.

Children of George, son of Richard. 1st
BOn name unknown, killed bv Indians: George
d 1730 ; Samuel ; John d 1716 ; Joseph, Ma-
XJ & Elizabeth.

Children of John Ingersoll and Judith Fel-
ton. John b 12t,h 7th mth 1644 ; Natb'l b
10th 2d mth 1647: Ruth b 20ih 4th mth 1649;
Richard b Ist 7th mth 1651 ; Sarah b 28th 6th
mth 1655 ; Samuel b 6th 8th mth 1658 ; Jo-
seph b 9th 10th mth 1661, d 1661 ; Hannah b
11th 1st mth 1663, d 1663.

Children of Alice Ingersoll and Jonathan
Wolcott, unknown.

Children of Bathsheba I and John Knight
Jr., of Newbury, were 8, a6 appears by Dea-
con Nathaniel IngersoU's will. Among them
were John and Joseph.

Children of Joana or Jane Ingersoll and
Richard Pettenpill : Matthew, Samuel, Ma-
ry and Nathaniel

Children of Sarah Ingersoll (1st husband,
Wm. Uaynrs, bro to Lt. Gov'r llaynes) and
Joseph Iloulton : Joseph, James, John, Eliz-
alseth and Sarah Houlton.

3d generation.

George, son of George, md Nicholson : —
Child, David.

Samuel, son of George, md Elizabeth Wake-
field, 1702. Children : Mary b Aug. 6. 1704 .

♦Book of Grants. Yoang Chron. of Mass., 26. —
Mr. Balch in Gen. Reg. 9, 234. Mass. Ills. Coll.
"Bantoul" 37, 254, and Hubbard.
39

Samuel b Aug. 14, 1706; Mary b Aug. 18,
1708. (I sucpect this is erroneous, and that
it should come one generation later )

John, son of George, b 1645. d 1715, md
Deborah — . Cliildrtn: Eiidha, Nath'l, John,
Ephraim, Del'orah b 1668, md Benj'n Larra-
bee ; Mary md Low ; Rachel md John Chap-
man ; Abigail md Blacey : another dau name
unknown md Brown, and died before her fa-
ther.

Joseph, son of George, married daughter of
Matthew Coe of Portland. Child : Benjamin.
Mary, dau of George.
Elizabeth, dau of George.
John, son of John and Judith Felton, bapt.
7th 12th roth 1644, married Mary Cooms Mch
17, 1670. Children, Mary b 10th 7th mth
1761, md Geo^-ge Cox ; John bap Sept. 1,
1678; Sarah and Elizabeth bap Mch 15th. 1702,
adults ; Ruth b 2d 12th mth 1673, md Zach
Fowler.

Samuel, son of John and Judith Felton died
about 1695, b6th Oct. 1658. md Sarah — b Dec.
11th, 1665. Children. Sarah b Oct. 12, 1687;
Margaret b April 8, 1690 ; Susannah b Dec.
4, 1692 ; Samuel and Sarah md 28:h April,
1684. Sarah was md wife to Philip English,
Susanna probably died young, as she is not men-
tioned in the acpt of guardianship rendered by
her mother.

Nathaniel, son of John and Judith, b 2d
10th mth. 1647, married Mary Preston. 8th
8ih mth 1670. d Sept. 28, 1684. Children :
Elizabeth b 1 1th 12th mth, 1672 ; John b 7th
8th mth, 1674 , Nathaniel b died 1704.

Ruth, daughter of J )hn and Judith, b 20th
4th mth, 1649, married Richard Ropes 7th 4th
mth. 1070. Children : Richard b April 20th,

1674 ; John b Aug. 16, 1678.

Richard, son of John and Judith, bapt Ist
7th mth, 1651, married Sarahs-, died Nov. 27,
1683.
Child : Richard.

Sarah, daughter of John and Judith, bapt
28th 6th roth, 1655. roarried David Ropes Ju-
ly 26tb. 1676. Children : Jonathan ; Sarah
b Jan. 9th, X680 ; William b March 5, 1685 ;

154

George b August 12, 1688 ; Joseph b Jan'j
11, 1G92 ; John b Jan'y 25, 1694.

Juseph, sun of John and Judith, bapt 10th
mth 9th, 16G1, and died the same jear.

Hannah, daughter of John and Judith, bapt
10th 1st mth, 1663, died the same jear.
4tu generation.

Ruth Ingersoll, daughter of John and Mary
Cooms, married Zachariah Fowler. Children,
Mary, Ruth, Elivnabeth and Zechariah.

Samuel, son of John and Mary Conms, mar-
ried July 29, 1702. Sarah, daughter of Capt
Stephen Haskett, Children, Nathaniel, md
Bethiah Gardner, S<^pt. 1, 1737 ; John, md
Elizabeth Bray, May 9, 1741.

Mary, daughter of John and Mary Cooms b
10th 7th mth, 1671, married George Cox.

John, SOD of John and Mary Cooms, died
young.

John 3d, son of Nathaniel and Mary Pres-
ton, b 7th 8th mth, 1674.

Children, Elizabeth, md Lawrence Knight,
Nov. 2d, 1696. Issue: Nathaniel, b March
29th, 1698: Elizabeth, b August 5, 1700;
John, b May 20th,. 1703.

Riohard, son of Richard & Sarah, and grand-
son of John and Judith, md Ruth Dodge of
Beverly, April 28th, 1699.

5th oeneratiok.

John, son of Samuel and Sarah Haskett, md
Elizabeth, dau of Capt. Daniel Bray, May
9th, 1741, by Rev. James Diman. Elizabeth
his wife d aged 56. Children. John and Samu-
el.

Nathaniel, son of Samuel and Sarah Has-
kett, md Betliiah Gardner, Sept. 1, 1737.—
Child : Nathaniel died unmarried.

David, Jonathan, John, Samuel, daughter
Hannah md John Pickering, son of Wm. and
Eunice; one of the name (Hannah) was bap-
tized at Episcopal Church, June 29th, 1744.

Jonathan, son of Nathaniel & Sarah Has-
kett, married 1st, Mary Hodges, sister of Jon-
athan ; 2d, Polly Pool, sister of Ward and
Fitch ; and 3d, Sarah Blythe, widovr of Sam-
uel, whoee maiden name was Sarah Purbeck.

John, eon of Nathaniel & Sarah Ilasketti
md Ist, Hannah Bowditch, & 3d, Elizabeth,
widow of Nicholas Crosby, (living June, 1859)
over 90 years of age.

Samuel, son of John & Elizabeth Bray,
married at Hampton to Susannah Hathorne,
Oct., 1772. Samuel d 15th July, 1804, aged
60.

NEXT GENERATION.

Children of Jonathan, all by his first wife,
Mary Hodges — Nathaniel, George, Mary, md
Dr. Bowditch.

Children of John & Hannah Bowditch :
John, married Mary Hunt, and died without
issue. She afterwards md John Biirley.
Nath'l married Margaret Foote, whose moth-
er was a Crowninshield.

Children of Samuel Ingersoll & Susannah
Hathorne : Ebenpzer b 1781. died July 2d,
1804, no issue; Susannah died 13th July,
1858, never married.

N0TE3 ON AMERICAN CURRENCY.— No. 1.

BY M. A. STICKNEY.

The history of the copper coins, which
found a circulation in the Colonies, f >r the
first hundred years after their settlement's, is
involved in great obscurity. I have carefully
searched the recordo ard histories of that pe-
riod, with but little success. Even tradition
has failed to hacd down to us any correct ac-
count of them.

The government of Great Britain, from
which the Colonies would have probably re-
ceived most of their supplies, appear to have
very reluctantly adopted a copper coinage.

A very few pieces only were struck during
the reign of Elizabeth* and her immediate
successors, but no general coinage of sufficient

*The first copper coins, struck by Great Britain,
were for Ireland, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
1601. She ordered "certayne pieces of small monies
of meere copper, of Pence, Half-pence and Farth-
ings, for ihe poorer sort, to be stamped, with her
highuea armes crowned, and inscription, of her usual

155

amount to have found tlieir way here in large
quantities, until the reign of George the first
The coinage of copper was viewed by the
people of that period as an experiment, of
■which the projectors themselves were uncertain
of its uselulness. The large issues of small
silver coins, such as twopennies, pennies, and
even farthings, from the British Mint,
fumisbfd a sufficient medium to transact all
the small operations of trade. They however
did not re.ich this country in sufficient quanti-
ties for business, and our ancestors were
obliged to use in tlieir stead, various substi-
tutes, such as shells., bead?, and even bullets,
as appears from the Massachusetts Colony rec-
ords of March 4th, 1635. It was ordered that
"muskett buUetts of a full boare shall passe
currantly for a farthing a peece provided that
noe man be compelled to take above 12d att a
tyme of them." in 1052, Massachusetts es-
tablished a Mint to com silver shillings and
sixpences. tSmail change being very scatce,
the General Court in 16tj2, ordered the Mint

stile, on the one side, and on the other, with crown-
ed harp, being the arms of this her kingdome of
Ireland, with the inscription Posui Deum Adjutorem
Meum.'' Only the pennies are now known, one of
which is in my collection; it is of the size of a half
cent, and of the greatest rarity. James I, by pro-
clamation, made current May 19, 1613, a copper
farthing, Obv. Jaco. D. G. Mag. Brit, two sceptres
crossing under a diadem. Kev. Fra Et. Hib. Rex.
crowned harp. 1635. Charles I also issued copper
farthings, like those of his father, (only Caro. in-
stead of Jaco. and sometimes a rose instead of a
harp.) It is probable that the last found a currency
here to some extent, as I have in my collection a
copper farthing of Caarles I, of the size of a three
cent piece, found by Hardy Phippen, Esq., on his
lot on the extreme eastern end of Hardy Street, on
the harbour, where he also found four or five pieces
of the N. E. Pine Tree pieces, numerous Indian
arrow-heads, a pipe, and also what appeared to be
the ruins of a house, though no one can remember
of having heard of any house ever being erected
there. This coin was presented to me by George D .
Phippen, Esq., in 1849. During the period of the
Commonwealth of Oliver Cromwell and Richard, on-
ly pattern pieces of copper money were issued.

master to coin twopenny pieces, and according
to Ruding, pennies, none of which are now
known.

About this time (1662,) Lord Baltimore,
proprietor of Maryland, coined silver and also
copper for the use of that colony. Only one
of the copper coins is now known to be in ex-
istence, the last possessor of it was Dimsdale,
the banker, at whose sale it realized nine guin-
eas. It is now in the British Museum. It had
on its obverse, Caecilius Dux Terrae Mariae, &c.
Bust of Lord Baltimore to the right, as on bia
silver coin, mint mark on both sides a cross
patee. Eeverse, Denarium Terrae Mariae, two
flags issuing out of a ducal coronet, the crest
of Lord Baltimore.

There is in the British Museum a half pen-
ny, Obv an elephant. Rev. God preserve Caro-
lina and the Lords Proprietors, 1694. This
is commonly called the Carolina halfpenny, but
the intention of it is not known. There is a-
nother, Obv like the above. Rev. God preserve
New England, 1694.

On the 5th of July, 1700, the Board of
Trade took into consideration the state of the
coins in the plantation. Mr. John Fysacfc
lead a memorial proposing the erection of a
Mint, on the Continent, as a meann to remedy
many inconveniences in the trade of the past.
After full consideration of the matter, their
lordships did not think fit that any Mint xhould
be erected there. Such was the scarcity of
change in Massachusettf>, that many individu-
als stamped pieces of brass and tin and passed
them for a penny each. March 3d, 1701, a
Committee of General Court report in favor
of having Province pence made of copper. It
was negatived by the Council.

March 26th, 1703, a proposition is laid
before the General Court, that William Chalk-
hill, who had been an officer in her Majesty's
Mint, but then a resident of Boston, be con-
tracted with to import from England £5000
worth of copper pence. This project must
have also failed, as no pence were coined by
the British Government till 1722, and then
only for America.

156

Februrtiv 5th, 1716, a plan was started for
the coinage of basfi money here, one third cop-
per, and the rest silver, to pass in New Eng-
land; but the Ministry in England would allow
no such thing to be done.

1722, defeated in all their attempts to pro-
cure a currency in copper, small coins being
exceedinuly scarce. General Court ordered an
emission of £500 worth of penny, twopenny
and threepenny bills. The form of the first
of these hills was round, of the second square,
and of the third, angular. They were printed
on parchment, in the old English letter. 1 have
the one penny, it is of the size of a dollar, its
edge is ornamented with flowers, the printing
is enclosed in a ring, making the place of the
printing the size of a half dollar, thus : —

The square bill of twopenny, is in the col-
lection of W". VV, Greenough, Esq., of Bos-
ton. Tl)e threepenny bill 1 have never seen
they are iill extremely rare. These bills are
noticed in the Rev. Joseph B. Felt's very valu-
able work upon the Massachusetts Currency.

THE ENDICOTT HOUSE, IN SALEM.

Mess7s 'Editors: — Francis Higginson landed at Sa-
lem on the 30th of June, 1629. In a letter to friends
in England, the July following, be says, — "When we
oaine first to Naimkecke, (now called Salein), we
found about half a score bouses built, and a fayre
house newly built for the governor." Mr. Felt, in
his "Annals of Salem," p. 122, informs us that
"according to the deposition of Richard Brackenbury,
the mansion here spoken of was made from materials
of anotner, first erected at Cape Ann, under the Dor
Chester Associates, which probably served for the res.
idence of Roger Conant, while Governor of that
plantation." "Part of its timber," he adds, "is said
to be contained in the dwelling, formerly a tavern.

on the corner of Court (now Washington) and Church
streets."

Having recently had occasion to make a copy of
the deposition above named from the record in the
E><sex Registry of Dee 1«, I senil it to yrm for inser-
tion in your columns, b«lieving that its perusal will
be ag interesting to some of your readers ai" it has
been to myself, and feeling quite certain that all of
them will agree with me in the opinion tliat there is
little in the pre.«ent appearance of this ancient man-
sion to indicate that it wa.s once "a ta^tetul edifice
of two stories high, of the order of architecture call-
ed the Eliziibethan, which was but a slight remove
from the Gothic."

Richard Brackenbury of Beuerly in the County of
Esisex, in New England aged eij^hty yenrs, TesJtifieth,
that he the said Richard came to New Englaiifi, with
John Eiidtcott E.-^qr , late Gouenor in New England,
deceased and that wee came arihore at the place now
caled Salem the 6th of September in the yeare of our
Lord, 1628:filty two years agoe: at Salem wee
found liueing, old Goodman Norman, & his sonn:
A\illiam Allen and Walter Knfght, & others, those
owned that they came ouer upon the acot of a com-
pany in Kngland, caled by us by the name of Dor-
chester Company or Dorchester .Vlarchants, tliey bad
."undry houses built at Salem, as alsoe John Wood-
berye, Mr Conant, Peeier I'alfery, John Balch &
others, & they declared that they had an house built
at Cape Ann for the dorchester C<>mpany : at d I haue-
ing waited upon Mr Eiidecoit, when ho atended the
cumpany of the Massachusetts Pattentees, when they
kept theire com t in Cornwell streete in London I un-
derstood that this company of London hauein:: bought
out the rif^ht of the of the Dorcf.e<ter niarchants in
New England, that Mr Eodeodtt had power to take
poss'-ssion ol theire right in New England, which Mr
Kndecolt did, & in pticulir of an house built at Cape
Ann, which Walter Knight and the rest said they
built for Dorchester men : <fe soe I was sent with them
to Cape antj, to pull downe the said house lor Mr.
Endecott's use, the which wee did, and the same
yeare wee came ouer according to my best remem-
brance, it was that wee tooke a lurther po.-<session, on
the north side of .Salem terrye, comonly caled Cape
an sKie, by cutting Ihach for our houses, & soone
after laid rut lotte lor tillage land on the said Cape
an side, & quickly after sundrye h( uses were built,
on the saiJ Cape an side & I myselfe haue liued
there, now for about 40yeares, & I with sundry others
haue beene subduing the wildernes <fc improuing the
fields and comons thei e, a.« a part of Salt ui, while wee
.belonged to it & since as inhabitants of Beuerly for
the.--e fifty yeares ,fe never yt I heard of disturbed
in our possession, eitner by the Indians or others
saue in our late unhappy warr, with the heathen,
neether haue 1 Leard by mygelfe or any other inhab-
itants, nither for the space ot these filty yearts, that
Mr Mason or any by from or under him did take any
possession or lay any claime to any lands heare saue
now in his last claime within this yeare or two:

Richard Brackenbury made oath to

the truth ot the at»<ve written this

20th daye of January 1680-1 before

me Bartholomew Gedney assistant

in the CoUuuy of Massachusetts,

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.

Vol. I.

ISToveraber, 1859.

No. 5.

A SKETCH OF PHILIP ENGLISH — A MER-
CHANT IN SALEM FROM. ABOUT 1670 TO
ABOUT 1733-4.

BY GEORGE F. CHEVEB.

(Continued from Page 143.)

The history of a man who for fifty years or
more occupied a somewhat prominent position
among the ancient *Alerchants of Salem, may
not, in this connection, be uninteresting or un-
profitable. At this distance of time, the mate-
rials for it are not as ample aa could I'C desir-
ed ; yet, by combining the scattered fragments
which are found in Felt's Annals, Public Rec-
ords of Salem, Bentley's History, Upham's
Witchcraft. Massachusetts Historical Collec-
tions, Histories of Massachusetts, and ancient
family papers and traditions, something like a

* Among the Salem Merchants, who appear to
bare been promineqt when Philip English flourished,
judging by papers in the English Family, were Col.
Turner, Benj. Marston, James Lindall, Timothy Lin-
dall, Thomas Plaisted, John Higginson, Stephen Se-
wall, Benj. and Wm. Pickman, Thos. Ellis, John
Pickman, Wm. Bowditch, Wm. Pickering, Benja-
min, William, John, and Samuel Browne. There
also appear a few papers bearing the name of Rich-
ard Derby, most probably the grandson of the mer-
chant Roger Derby of 1671.

Among the Salem Merchants from aboat 1640 to
16t8, certainly, Capt. Geo. Corwin (Curwin) stands
prominent, and one of his Account Books, kept with
great neatness, is otill extant, and in the possession
of a descendant.

40

rounded sketch can be made. As a small con-
tribution to the Commercial Hiptory of Salem
—a work which needs to be written — it may
prove not unserviceable.

Philip English wat. a native of the Isle of
Jersey-^the descendant of French Huguenots,
who sought a refuge in that island. Such at
least is the tradition in his family. Uis true
name was not Philip English, but Philippe
L^Anglois, which, however, suffering ''a sea
change'' by transportation to New England,
became Piiilip English, by which name he i>
known, and which he himself finally adopted.
His baptismal certificate, which has been pre-
served, reads thus : —

^•"Extrait du Livre des Baptessme de

[translation ]

t''Extract from the Baptismal Register of the
Church of Trinity Parish, in the Isle of Jersey."

"Phillipe Son of Jean L'Anglois, was baptized tho
30th day of June, in the Year One Thou.<:and Six
Hundred and Fifty One — presented for Holy Bap-
ti.«m by Sir Phillipe De Carteret, Chevalier, Lord of
St. Ouan [Ovan] and Madame bis wife — given by
copy [or duplicate] by me.

J. DOREY, Scc'y."

This Sir Philip Carteret sprang from tde Carterets
of the Seignory of Carteret in Normandy, who for-
feited their estates there in Henry 2d'8 reign, by
adherence to the Crown of England, and were there-
fore gr.inted lands and offices in the Island of Jer-
sey, and were distinguished for their services by
land and sea to the Crown and Country. The Sir
Phillipe De Carteret, mentioned above, was grand-

1^8

L'Efflisse de la Paroisse De La Trinite En
L^isle de Jersey,

*^PhiHipe ills de Jean UAnglois, fut Baptize
Le 30e Jour de Juin En L^an Mille six Cents
Cinquante un — presente au Se Baptessme par
Messire Phillipe de Carteret, Cheua/ier, Seiffne-
ur de St Ouan df Madame Sa Femme — donne
par Copie par moy.

J. DOREY, SeCTR."

There ia a tradition in one branch of the
family, that he was the only son of a Hugue-
not Chevalier — that he came to New England

father to the Sir Phillipe De C, who in 1651, was
Gov. of Mt. Orgueil Castle in the Isle of Jersey, and
then defended it against the Parliamentary forces.
His father, Sir George Carteret, who married a
daughter of the Sir Philip in the certificate, is
often mentioned by Pepys in his Diary, as being a
high officer in the Navy Department of England.
His son Sir Philip, named above, married the
daughter of the Earl of Sandwich, Vice Admiral of
England, and both the EaiJ and his son-in-law
were blown up in the Royal James in the great
naval engagement off Solebay, May 28, 1672. Some
of the Carteret family came to N. England temporari
ly, after 1700, as would appear by certain letters di-
rected by them to the English and Touzel families,
and found among their papers.

The Isle of Jersey (anciently called Cesserea) is
one of the Channel Islands, belonging to G. Britain,
lying thirteen miles ofif the French Coa?t, being only
12 miles in length and 3 in width. It is very fertile,
and trades freely with the Spanish, and French
Coasts, and Holland. It is a peculiar Isle— still re-
taining some of its ancient Feudal Customs — and
though so near the French Coast, has always repelled
the French when coming as invaders.

It may not be amiss here to state that not a few
of our early Salem families (the men at least) most
probably came from the Isle of Jersey. The Valpys,
Lefavois, Beadles, Cabots, among others, seem to
have come from this beautiful and valiant little
Norman isle; and a correspondence was long kept
op (in the English and Touzel and most probably
other families) with their Jersey relatives. Numbers
of old family letters in French arc yet extant to
prove this, and also letters in English, the latter
gradually supplanting the French language in that
island.

[ran awayj to seek his fortune, and was disin-
herited for marrying thi' lady of his love, the
only surviving daughter of Will-am HoUing-
worth, a merchant of Sulera. This rumor may
have arisen from the fact, that the Chevalier
De Carteret presented him for baptism. There
are no family papers that throw any light up-
on this rumor, which is perhaps only a rumor,
and therefore unreliable,

Philip English came to Salem before 1670
in all probability, since he resided in the lami-
ly of William IloUingworth before marriage,
and in 1675 married his daughter. There is a
tradition that he landed in Salem, a mere boy,
twelve years of age, having run away from
Jersey to follow the sea, (his parents being
unwilling to permit him to go) without a cent
in his pockets, and going by Mistress Holling-
worth's house, was welcomed in by that lady,
who took compassion on hisfri^ndlessness, and
gave him a drink of beer in a silver mug. He
made Wm. Hullingworth'a house his home
while in Salem, and in 1675 married his daugh-
ter Mary.

The tradition runs, that Wm. Hollingwortb,
who in 1675 was in Virginia, trading, wrote
home to his wife that be had secured a very
good husband for his daugliter Mary, viz. one
of his Virginia friends. To which Mrs. Hol-
lingwortb promptly replied, that ho need give
himself no trouble on that score, since she had
already given her daughter to Philip English !
Shortly afterwards Wm. HoUingworth was
killed by the Indians there.

Susanna (should be Mary) HoUingworth
(according to Dr. Bentley of Salem, in a letter
which he wrote to Timothy Alden Jr. who
was preparing a sketch of Kev. Joshua Moo-
dey, one of the Portsmouth ministers, and
which is found in the Mass. Hist. Coll. of 1809,
vol. 10 pages 64-5-6 First series,) was the "only
♦daughter" "of Mr. HoUingworth, a rich in-

*Mary HoUingworth was the daughter of Wm. and
Elinor HoUingworth. Ho was a merchant in Salem,
trading with Virginia, where a branch of the Hol-
lingworth family, wo are told, ia still to be founds

15d

habitant of yalem," and '-had received a better
education than is common even at this day
(1809.) as proofs. I hold, 8ufi5ciently discover.".
The tradition in the fainil; is. that she had
been the pupil of a Madame Piedmonte, who
vras a celebrated instruetre&s of that day in

William, himself, was the aon of Richard, who oame
to Salem from Eagland in 1635, with bis family, and
who was a gbipbuilder. He was a man uf means,
and built in IGIO, on the Neck, a ship uf 300 tons
He leit two sons, — William, who married Elinor Sto-
rey, about 1653, and Richard, who was married to
Elizabeth Powell by Gov. Endecoti, in 1659. The
fcrmer was the merchant. The latter obtained a
grant from Gen'l Court in 1673-4, of 500 acres of
land, but he and a part of his family soon emigrated
to Virginia. The name soon afterwards disiippears
from this St^te, so far as we can find. Dr. Bentley
says that the family was a wealthy one. Some few
of their papers yet remain in the English family.
Philip English married this Mary, the only daugh
ter, surviving, of the above-named William and
Elinor llollingworth, and the name on that side be-
came extinct with William, (son of William the
merchant,) who died unmarried, in 1683. Richard's
family migrated, as has been said, to Virginia. The
name became extinct in Salem about 1690.

The Hollingworths were from England, and very
likely of HotUngworth, in the county of Chester, since
Burke, in his General Armory, has the following:

"HoUingworth, Hollinswortb, or DoUingsworth,
(Hollingworth, Co. Cuester; traceable to the year
1022 From this ancient bouse descends the pre^ieut
Robert Hollingworth, of Hollingworth Hall, Esq.,
Idagistraie for the Counties of Chester and Lancas-
ter.) Az..0D a bend, ar. three holly leaves vert.
The family name was formerly spelt Hollynworthe,
and is evidently derived from the Holly Tree, called
in Cheshire, "Hollyn Tree,'' with which the estate
abounded. Crest. A stag ppr. Motto — Dusce Fe-
re7ida Fati."

It is almost a trite assertion now, but may bear
repeating, that the early settlers of New England
-were oftentimes the representatives of that liberty-
loving, staunch, and substantial commonalty of old
England, which, howevar loyal it might be, could
not stoop to tyranny or flattery i but with a self re-
spect based upon its own merits, avoided its na-
tive land, and sadly, rather than seek to overthrow
the monarchy by violence. Many of this stamp
came to Salem, which was indeed considered, and
for a while, as the refuge lor such.

Boston. Dr B. further states, and also on the
authority of Madam Susanna Harthorne, a
great granddaughter (should be granddaugh-
ter) of Philip English, that Philip E. "came
young to America from the Isle of Jersey, lived
in the family of Mr. llollingworth," and mar-
ried bis d.iughtor as before stated. In the
marriage record he (P. E ) is styled merchant.
This is in 1675 — when he could not have been
more than 24 or 25 years of age, and therefore
his business life probably commenced a few
years before — say about 1670, or perhaps a
year or two later.

Sliortly after his marriage he is at the Isle
of Jersey (1676) commanding the ketch Speed-
well, from Maryland, and agrees to go to the
Isle of May to load with salt for New Kngland,
and return next year to some port in Biscaye,
or Bordeaux, Rochelle or Natttz. The old pa-
pers concerning this agreement, being in an-
cient French chirography, are very hard to de-
cioher. It is very probable that he loaded fi-
nally with French merchandize for New Eng-
land ; there being then a comparatively free
trade in our Massachusetts colony with all na-
tions. . In looking over his old papers, there
appear sundry agreements relating to bound
servants, which may not be uninteresting. He
appears to have taken quite a number of girls
from the Isle of Jersey as apprentices in bis
family, and quite a number of men from the
same Issland to serve "iy sea employ.''^ The
giria serve as apprentices for seven years, but
the men (probably young men) serve only four
years. Judging by the old papers, these men
were let out at sea service, and their wages ta-
ken by their oiistdr. We have before us
the testimony of one Nicholas Chevallier, who
in 1682-3 was bound to Philip English "/or ye
termeoffoureyears,^'sind'^to Sea Employ,^'
When be arrived in New England, he liked
land service better, and by the consent of
his master, was bound to Mr. Joseph Lee of
.Manchester. lie testifies that Mr. Philip En-
glish has treated him well, and be acquits bim
of the origina4 indenture, &o. Now such ser-
I yants as these, when in *'Sea Employ^' were

160

hired out or let out as Bailors ! We have the
♦order of Thomas Elhs. an old Salem mer-
chant, on Col. Samuell Browne anuther old
Salem merchant, requestin<; him to pay Philip
JBnglish the wagf^s ('^sarvice''') of one Wm.
MackelroVi "Aj« man"' on "a voige'" in 1716-17
to Barhadoed and Saltitudos in -'■the ship Hope-
well " This hiring out "/o sarvice"' was not
much better than the slavery apprentice sys-
tem. It was the way probably in which these
bounden servants by "iea em;)/oy" paid their
masters tor their transportation to this coun
try from Jersey, France or England — a system
long since exploded. It is a tra(iition in the
family that Philip E. had no less than fifteen
bounden servants (male and female) in his own
family: and considering the extent of his bus-
iness, and the. profit of such service, it is by no
means unlikely. There are quite a number of
Buch indentures still to be found among bis pa-
pers.

In 1G83 Philip E. had so flourished in busi-
ness, that he put up a stylish mansion in Sa-
lem— the frame of which is reported to have
been brought from England. It was one of those
ancient Mansion Houses for which Salem was
once noted — a venerable, many gabled, solid
structure, with projecting stories and porches,
if WB remember aright. Down to 1753 it was
known as '-English's great house.''' It stood
until 18ii3, when, long since tenantless and de-
serted, it had become dangerous to the very
tread of man or boy, who had the curiosity to
explore it. It bad been built on theloi which
bilonged to a Captain Robert Starr, (who mar-

*The following copy of a similar "order" may not
be out of place here:
"Gapt. Jno. Browne.

Sr. — Pleas to pay Mr. Philip English the Sum of
thirty three pounds Eiijhteen shillings, Being Due
to him for his seru'ts [servants] wages in ye Ship
frinilship. [Friundship] und'r [under] ye Comand
ot Ciipt. EleazV Lvndsey & Sam'l Crow, in her Last
voyage ffor [tor] Bilboa, ye Isle of May, Barbados,
<t home, A charge ye same to sd [said] ship's ac-
co"tt. Yr Humble Seru'nt,

£33 189 WM. BOWDITCH."

Balem, Jan'y 1, 1717-8.

ried one of old Richard llollingworth's daugh-
ters) and on the eastern corner of Essex street
and English Lane, now English street. When
torn down, there was found a secret room in
the garret, supposed to have been built after the
Witchcraft furor, as a place of temporary con-
cealment in case of a second -^outcry.'' In
1692 this house, as well as his store house,
was thoroughly *«acked by the mob, when Mr.
and Mrs. English were arrested for witch-
craft, and various old family portraits, as well
as the furniture, destroyed or carried away^^
When Mrs. English returned from New York,

♦According to the petition of Philip English to
the Committee of the Gen'l Court, (Hist. Cdll. Essex
Institute, No. 2, page 57,) he lost, "a. considerable
quantity of household goods and other things." while
flyma; from persecution. Tuis corroborates the tra-
dition in the family. Dr. Bentley (Hi.-t. of Salem)
says, — "As soon as Mr. English was apprehended,
his house was opened, and everything move^ible be-
came free plunder to the multitude." The Family
Tradition says that his store houses were robbed to
the amount of £1500. Philip English puts the loss
by seizure at his Wharf House, at Point of Rocks,
£1183-2s. For the loss of his estate, the only satis-
faction he ever got, was from the Administrator of
George Curwin, Sheriff, to the amount ot £60. In
his petition, Philip English charges that the Sheriff
and his under officers took away the chief of this a-
mount £1183-2s though he (P. E.) had given a
£4000 bond with sarety at Boston.

Philip English wag bitterly incensed a>rainst Cur-
win, who however was only an instrument ir. this af-
fair, but obtained no adequate compensation for his
losses. "The [General] Cuurt (says Dr. Bentley,)
made some allowance to Mr. English, but he refused
It, as not being in a just degree adequate to his loss-
es from his houses, stores, and other buildings. Af-
ter his death, his heirs accepted £200, which they
obtained through the family of Sewall." The Bew-
ails had been intimately connected with the English
family in commercial matters, and a lew papers yet
remain to attes*. it.

Philip English appears to have owned a wharf and
ware house at the Point of Rocks, and his wife
owned in her own right a wharf and ware-house just
to the eastward of the bottom of English Lane (now
street,) an inheritance from her mother, Elinor Hol-
lingsworth.

161

whither she had fled to pave her life, she found
only a servant's bed in her houssj out of all
the furniture v-hich it once contained.

From theyea-B 1676 to 1602 Philip English
uppeara to have traded to Blihoa, Barbadoes. St.
Cliristoplier's, Jersey, If^l^ of May, as well as
peveral French ports. That trade was very
prohably hased on catching fisth on the hanks
— the coast of Nova Scotia — in the bays of
Newfoundhind, and very likely in our own
immediate *bay8 alno. and sendiug them to
Spain, Europe and Barhadoes, and thenc« tak-
ing Bait, dry goods, or West India produce
back to New England There appear to liave
been two classes of vessels then employed in
our commerce — the regular fishing craft — and
the foreign traders — both being af>out the same
■ize. Though the foreign traders seem some-
times to have gone up to fNewfoundland after
their fish cargo — there being probably depots
there of prepared fish, yet Winter Island,
(Salem) was a large depot for cured fish, and
almost, if not quite, monopolized that business

* Fish were very pleDtiful on our own coasts and
in our owd bays in th<3 early days of Massachusetts
— and the early fishermen availed themselves of the
fact. Among other fish, cod and mackerel eeem to
have been very plentiful near home. Both these
fish were largely exported. It is most probable that
our Salem fishermen made good aro of the "design'
of catching mackerel by nets — which was fir^t di3>
covered by some tew fishermen of Bull, — (aad as be-
ing successful on light as well as dark nights) — a
few years before 1671, and which being freely com-
municated to the Plymouth colonist<) became very
profitable to that colony. Our own people were not
likely to be far behind their neighbors in availing
themselves of the -'deaiga," and sharing the profits
—See Mass, Hist. Coll. Vol 6— 1st beriei— pp 127 -
8 — Prince and Bos worth's Petition.

fit is most probable that there were large Depos-
lit of Fish at the English Settlement or Settlements
la Nnwfoandland at that time. The Englibh fish-
ing fleet at N. F. was a large one, and their fish
were probably cured on the coasts. That was the
tarty fashion at least At early as 1615 the Eoglish
Iisd 175 vessels fishing at New Foandland, and the
French , Spanish, and Portuguese had altogether 300
nor*.

41

in Salem Vessels appeared to g^t their car-
goes of fish mainly from there.

We find quite a number of old commercial
papers referring to Mr. English's business from
1676 to about 1G82 say, but only one or two
from that date to 1692. The former are most,
ly in the French language -very difficult to
decipher — as being in the ancient French wri-
ting—but proving that his. earliest coiumerc*
was largely to France. Spain and adjacent
countries. It ia very likely that when bis
house and store were sacked in 1692, many pa-
pers at and just prior to 1692 were scattered
or destroyed. Two papers remain of the dat«
of 1687 and 8, which show him to have been
trading to St, Chriatopher's (W.l.)in con-
nection with Daniol King and Billiard Wil-
liaros, sending thither the ketch Repair.— King
being then a resident merchant at St. C, and
signing the accounts. Sugar, rum and molas-
ses constitute the return cargo. No paper«
referring to the outward cargo rem lin. It is
certain that his voyages from 1675-6 to 1692
were in the main profitaVde, since at the latter
period, he was wealthy, and had probably quit
going to sea himself some few years belord
1692.

In 1692, Philip English was at the height
of his prosperity, lie owned fourteen build-
ings in town — twenty-one sail of vessels, be-
sides a wharf and ware house on tbo Point of
Rocks (Neck). His wife, before the witch-
craft ^^outcry.^' had been considered arislocrat-
ic, so says Dr. Bentley ; and Philip English
himself, though wealthy, had held no office in
town, and had besides been engaged in soma
unsuccessful suits with the *^own in legard to
lands which he claimed of it. These things
may have contributed to render Aim unpopular
also. At all events both he and his wife wer8
"cried out'' against for witchcraft, and ao-
cording to Dr. Bentley (Mase. Hist. Coll. vol.
10 first series pp 6:1-5) he was the only par-
son in Salem Village "distinguished for prop-
erty and known in the commercial world'' who
was 'bo accused. Whether in the hour of theit
prosperitj, pride got the better of wisdom ia

16^

the counsels of the English family, we know
Dot ; but whatever may have been the sins of
Philip or hia wife, there can be but little doubt
that ignorant malice and mischief formed one
iogrediont in the persecution, as Dr, B. says
lome prejudices were at the bottom of the mat
ter. Philip E. (so runs the tradition m the fam
ily,) had moreover made himself also obnoxious
by asserting in public and fearlessly, that the
charter of the Colony had been violated, and
in various ways, by the Colonial government
— that there was no religious toleration to be
had under it as construed by the authorities,
lie was himself an Episcopalian, and desired
toleration for that creed, and felt that he
could not obtain it. He adhered to his re-
ligious creed with great pertinacity, and even
<a8 late as 1725, was imprisoned in our Salem
jail (according to Felt) for refusing to pay
church taxes to the East Parish Congrega-
tional Church — though he was then in his
75th year, and though for more than 50 years
he had been a well-known merchant in Salom.
It was not until 1732 that the law was passed
releasing Episcopalians from pajing taxes for
the support of Congregational churches. The
Quakers, even, were released from similar bur-
dens in 1728, four years before ! This seems
to indicate that the Colonial authorities were
more indulgent to the latter than the former.

Now as the religious history of Massachu-
setts is the history of the State, certainly down
to 1692, and even later— as ia proved by such
and similar laws, — we can readily see that
Episcopalians were practically a proscribed
Beet. Thrust out from civil government, in the
Colony, in 1631, by the law of freemanship,
they were not practically restored to their
fights, even after the royal restoration. The
religious sentiments, hopes, faiths and fears of
the Colonists were against them. To tolerate
them waa to tolerate the tyranny of that
eharch which had driven the Puritans and
Pilgrims over the sea, and was only waiting
tfiA biding its time for spiritual dominion again
txer them. It was most probably no reoommen-
f.fttion to Philip English, in the daya of 1692,

that he was an adherent to the church of Eng-
land ; and it may be that this fact cost him
influence, power and respect in the communi-
ty during his long business life. Sulem, to
be sure, was at first considered, and for a
while, as the shelter of the moderate Episcopa-
lians, but Congregationalism soon triumphed,
and did not relax its rule until 1732. In 1734
St. Peter's Church began to rise aa a monu»
ment of a hard- won toleration. Before that,
some Episcopal missionary, like Pigot, might
collect (perhaps privately) tho adherents of
the Episcopal Church here together for wor-
ship, and baptize their children according to
its rites and forms, but Episcopacy was an
outlaw and an alien in tho sight of our New
England Congregationalism.

Philip English must, we think, have shared
to a greater or lesser extent the odium attach-
ing to the English Church ; and his bold ad-
vocacy for its toleration could only h&va re-
coiled upon himself in the day of trouble and
calamity. The causes of the witchcraft perse-
cutions of 1692 were various and multiform.
The principal cause waa doubtless a belief in
the guilt of the accused, as a general rule,
but there is too much reason to fear that the
morbid condition and anger of the pubiio
mind at that day, resulting from a peculiarly
distressing combination of civil evils in the
Colony, were also eager and prepared to seek
victims for their own unjust sufferings, and
that there were also working with them for mia-
chief the elements of personal prejudice, per-
haps personal malice and uncharitableness. —
That storm had been long brewing, and con-
tained as many ingredients as the cauldron of
the Macbeth witches, — all terrible, and all
deadly. It is hard to tell which waa the mora
fatal ingredient, — though if any was, it was
the bigotry, that, clothed in the name of Be-
ligion, was burning with every unholy fire— •
an awful fanaticism, under the guise and with
the seeming inspiration of a true enthusiasm.

That storm burst mainly on the humbles
ones of the community, many of whom, how-
«Ter, proved that thej were really the loft^

163

ones of tbs earth in heroic courage, in true
virtue, in a rare enduring and meek patience,
and Christian Bubmission to an unjust and
peculiarly ignominious doom. It ia impossi-
ble to read the letter, as an instance, which
Marj Eastj, of Topsfield, wrote after condem-
nation to the Judges of the Court in Salem,
(see Upham's Witchcraft) without seeing and
feeling that some who perished in that terri-
ble persecution were really the salt of the
earth, and met their fate with a Christian
meekness so touching that it will bring tears
into the eyes of the readers through all the gen-
erations. Mary English herself, though she es-
caped a public execution by flight to New
York, was really a martyr to this persecution,
for she died, says Dr. Bentley, (in the before
quoted article of his,) "in consequence of the
ungenerous treatment she received," and the
tradition in the family is, that owing to her
exposure in our Salem jail, in which she was
confined, (Dr. Bentley says six weeks,) she
contracted a consumption, lingering, howev-
er, until 1694. She lived to see the witchcraft
madness paoa away, and to die of its effects,
freely forgiving, however, those who had in-
jured lier.

On the 2l8t April, 1G92, and "from some
prejudiceo," says Dr. B , Mrs. English "was
accused pf witchcraft,* examined, and com-
mitted to prison in Salem. Her firmness is
memorable. Six weeks she was confined ; .but
being viaited by a fond husband, her husband
WP^ eleo accused and confined in the same
prison. By the intercession of friends, and by
a pleft tb^vt the prison was crowded, they were
removed to Arnold's jail in Boston till the

•Any ona desirons of readiog a virid lifo-like
deaoiiption of an examination of one aocosed of
vitohcreft, will find it in Jonathan Gary's loiter,
page 71 of Upbam'* Leetures on Witchcraft. The
paitia* there were of Charlestown, and the examina-
tion appear! to have taken place in the First Chnrch
in Salem. The phtlotophy of witchcraft ii well ez-
pofied in thii graphic and teaching letter, as well as
thr inbomaaity rMoltisg from Hi* judicial prejadice
»^J»«t ii

time of trial." Dr. Bentley says, in his Ilia,
tory of Salem, that the officer who arrested
Mrs. English, came in the ei^ening and read
his warrant in her bed chamber, whither he
had been admitted by the servants, but she
refused to rise. Guards were placed around
the house, and in the morning she attended
the devotions of her family, kissed her chil-
dren with great composure, proposed her plan
for their education, took leave of them, and
then told the officer "she was ready to die."
So says Dr. B. She was evidently so persuad-
ed from the first that accusation of witchcraft
was equivalent to condemnation, that she only
expected death, and prepared herself for it.

Mrs. Enelish was (according to Dr. Bent^
ley) examined and committed by indulgence
to custody in a public house, at which her
husband visited her. There is a tradition in
the family, that, before her own examination,
she was placed in a room directly over the ex-
amining Judges, and heard through the thin
partition the examinations of some of the ac-
cused— and that she took some notes of these
examinations — particularly of the questions
asked by the magistrates, and when her own
turn came, she asked them if such things were
right and lawful, and told them she would
know of the higher Courts whether such
things were law and justice, and that their
decisions should be reviewed by the Superior
Judges. Her huuband, according to tradition,
was absent from Salem when she was exam-
ined, but soun returned. The family tradi-
tion is, that she was confined in the second
story of a tavern, which stood just above Mar-'
ket Square, on the northern side of Essex St.,
and which Felt, in hia Annals of Salem, calls
the *^ Cat and Wheel.''' Here her husband
frequently visited her, which soon brought
him into trouble, as on the 30th April, (ac-
cording to Felt) a warrant was issued for the
arrest of Philip English for witchcraft, but
he avoided being taken. Two warrants aeem
to have been issued against him. The tradi-
tion in the family is, that be kepi himself out
of the way for a while, Niog io Boatoa, en-

1G4

deavorinu; to obtain the removal of his wife
thither, and to obtain the interest cf the au-
thorities in her Jjchalf. and ttiat then he vol-
untarily surrend'red himself, mure partioul.r-
Ij as he found his own absence was being used
to the prtyudice of his wife. U", apjio/irs to
have been examined in Salem, and was then
committed to prison, and with Iiis wife.

• Dr. Buntley gives as one of tlie causes of the
accusation aj^ainst Mrs. Enjilifih, that she had
been considered aristocratic and haughty in
her bearing towards the poor— that "some
prejudices" were at the bottom of it. The
family trad'tion says nothing as to the causes
of her arrest, but that her Fervants were over-
whelmed with grief wh'^n she was arrested,
and wished to resist the officers, which she
would not permit.

Slie seems to have been a woman of relig-
ious sensihilities. for as early as 1681 she was
admitted a Congregational church member,
and has left behind her the following religious
Acrostic, which was put into our hands by a
lady of Boston, one of her descendants : -

"M ay I with mary ohues ye bettar part
A nd serue ye lord with all my heart
K eseue his word most JoyfuUj
Y liue to him eternily.

E uerl Suing god I pray

N euer leue me for to stray

G iue me grace the to obay

L ord grant that I mny hapy bo

I n Jesus Curist eiernille

S aue me deer lord by thy rich graea

H eaven then shall be my dweliag plase." .

This acrostic certainly breathes a very dif-
ferent spirit from that which she is charg-
ed wit!) possessing in 1692. The acros-
tic is not dated, but was evidently written af-
ter marriage, and perhaps after she l)ad been
admitted to the church in 1681. At th«t
time, certainly, she seems to have been bumble
in mind 'and heart.

Mr. and Mrs. English were finally removed
from our Salem jail to Boston, (the stone jail
there,) together and on the same day with
Giles Cory, Geo. Jacobs, senior, Allica Par-
ker, Ann Pudeater and Bridget Biohop, alias
Oliver. Of these, all perished except tbem-

selves. Bridget Bishop, alias Oiiver, was the
first \'iGtim to the witchcraft madn^ B '>f 1692.
Giles C'M'y was pressed to death for lefij-ing
to plead to his indictment, and Alice Parker
and Geo. Jacobs, senior, were hung. It is his
trial, as painted by sonie American artist, and
presented by the M'^ssrs. Ropes, which deco-
rates the entry of Plummer Hall. Philip En-
glish and wife only escaped death by flight
from jail to New York.

It is a tradition in the family that several
of the Boston clergy espouned the cause of Mr.
and Mrs. English when confined in j.il there ;
tluit Cotton Mather, who was a great friend
of Mrs. E., said, that though she was accused,
"he did not believe her to be guilty ; that her
accusers evidently believed her to he so, hut
that Sitan was mo»t probably deceiving them
into that belief — a very in;ijeniou8 defence in
fact agiinst all accasitions of the kind. The
tradition further runs, that their friends re-
peatedly urged Mr. and Mrs. E. to flee to New
York, and that some New York merchants,
who knew Mr. English, sent on acarriage for
himself and wife to escape in. This Mr. En-
glish was unwilling at first to do, saying
"that he did not believe they (the courts)
would shed innocent blood." He, however,
had soon reason to believe the opposite, and
fled. The tradition in the family is, that the
State authorities were cognizant of the plot
for the escape and aided in it.

Dr. Bentley in his letter to Alden (Mass.
Hist. Coll. vol. 10 First series pp 65-6) thui
details the circumstances in regard to the e8»
cape of Mr. and Mrs. English from Boston. —
Before referring to it, we will state that the
llev. Joshua Moodey (mentioned as being con-
cerned therein) was indeed a rare man for that
age. About the year 1658 be began to preach
in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. "His inde-
pendent and faithful manner of preaching, and
the strictness of his church discipline" brought
down on his head in 1684 the wrath of Lieut.
Go?. Cranfield of that Province, who indicted
and imprisoned him under the Uniformity act.
and dismissed him after thirteeD week* imprii.

165

onment with a charge to preach no more on
penalty of further imprisontupnt. This droTB
him to Boston, wl>ere he preached until 1692.
At that time he boldly espoused the cause of
Mr and Mrs. Ensjlish — openly justified Mr. E,
and in defiance of the popular prejudices de-
nounced tiie prevailing Witchcraft persecution.
This brought down upon him the wrath of not
a few influential persons in h\9 own society,
and be was obliged to leave Boston in conse-
quence. He was gladly welcomed back to
Portsmouth, and by a parish by whom he was
greatly beloved, and thence remained with
them. In 1684 he was ofiered the Presidency
of Harvard College, which he modestly decli-
ned. Dunton, who was in Boston in 1686,
speaks of Mr. Moodey as assistant to Mr. Al-
len, and "well known by his practical writ-
ings.'* Cotton Mather preached his funeral
sermon and calied Iiira 'Uhat man of God .'" —
It 18 evident that he was a bold, fearless, able
man, seeing clearly through the delusions of
liis age ; while his treatment of his personal
enemies proves him to have been as magnani-
mous and noble, as he was brave and able. —
Mr. Alden in his Account of the Religious So-
cieties m Portsmouth, New Hampshire, (Mass,
Hitt. Coll. vol. 10 first series pp. 37 to' 72)
does justice to Mr. Moodey, and Dr. Bentley
adds further proof, in the account ho gives of
Mr. Moodey 's services to Mr. English, as ob-
tained from a grand-daughter of Mr. E., and
which we now quote in connection with the
escape.

Says Dr. Bentloy, writing to Mr. Alden, and
concerning Mr. Moodey, '"In Boston, upon
giving bail, they (Mr. and Mrs. English) had
the liberty of the town, only lodging in pris-
on. Upon their arrival Messrs. Wiilard and
Moodey visited them and discovered every dis-
position to console them in their distress. On
the day before they nere to return to Salem for
trial, Mr. Moodey waited upon them in the
prison, and invited them to tl)e publick wor-
ship. On the occasion he chose for the text,
If they persecute you in one city, flee to

ANOTHER. In the discourse, with a manly free-
dom, he justified every attempt to escape from
the forms of justice, when justice was violated
in them. After service Mr. Moodey visited
the prisoners in the gaol, and asked Mr. En-
glish whether betook notice of his discourse?
Mr. English said he did not know whether he
had applied it as he ought, and wished some
conversation on the subject. Mr. Moodey then
frankly told him that his life was in danger,
and he ought by all means to provide for an
escape. Many, said he, have suflfered. Mr.
English then replied, God will not suffer them
to hurt me. Upon this reply Mrs. English
said to her husband, do you not think that
they, who have suffered already, are innocent?
Ha said yes. Why, then, may not we suffer
also? Take Mr. Moodey 's advice. Mr. Moo-
dey then told Mr. English that if he would not
carry his wife away, he would. He then in-
formed him that he had persuaded several wor-
thy persons in Boston to make provision for
their conveyance out of the colony, and thata
conveyance had been obtained, encouraged by
the Govenour, gaoler, &c., which would come
at midnight, and that proper recommendations
had been obtained to Gov. Fletcher of New
York, so that he might give himself no concern
about any one circumstance of the journey ;
that all things were amply provided. The
Governour also gave letters to Gov. Fletchnr,
and.at the time appointed, Mr. English, his
wife, and daughter were taken and conveyed
to Now York. He found before his arrival
that Mr. Moodry had despatched letters, and
the Governour, with many private gentlemen,
came out to meet him ; and the Governour en-
tertained bim at his own bouse, and paid him
every attention while he remained in the city.
On the next year he returned" (to Salem).

"In all this business Mr. Moodey openly jus-
tified Mr. English, and, in defiance of all the
prejudices which prevailed, expressed his ab-
horrence of the measures, which had obliged a

useful citizen to flee from the executioners

Mr. Moodey was commended by all discerning
men, bat be felt the angry resentment of the
42

166

deluded multitude of bis own times, among
vrbom some of high rank were included. He
soon after left Boston, and returned to Forts-
mouth."

"Mrs. English died in 1694, at 42 years of
age, in consequence ot the ungenerous treat-
ment she had received. Her husband died at
84 [86] years of age, in 1734 fl736J."

"This is the substance of the communica-
tion made to me at different times from Mad-
am Susanna Harthorne, his great-granddaugh-
ter [granddaughter] who died in Salem 28 Au-
gust, 1802, at the age of 80 years, who receiv-
ed the account from the descendants of Mr. En-
glish, who dwelt upon his obligations to Mr.
Moodey with great pleasure."

Such is the version which Dr. Bentley gives
of this affair, told by a granddaughter of Mr.
E., and which we doubt not is a correct one—
though the tradition in anotjer branch of the
family varies from this in stating that Philip
E. and his wife escaped from the Church in a
•coach after service, some of his frienda aid-
ing, and assisting him by crowding back the
officers as if accidentally, and locking them in
the church, until the fugitives were well out
of reach. Both Dr. B.'s version and the tra-
dition agree that the Governor and high State
officers were privy to, and encouraged the es-
cape, and Thos. Brattle in his letter of Oct. 8,
1692 (Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. 5 & 6th, First se-
ries) indirectly confirms the truth of this, when
he wonders why no requisition had ever been
made for Mr. and Mrs, E. , at the hands of the

*Dr. Benjamin F. Browne, of Salem — who is well
versed in our local traditions and antiquities —
informs us that the tradition in his younger days
was, that Philip E. escaped from Boston on
horseback, having first reversed the shoes on his
horse's feet, so as to appear to bo entering, instead
of departing from the city. Dr. Bentley does not
give the particulars of his escape — the means em-
ployed— and the two traditions have seeming discrep-
ancies, which, however, could be reConeiled, were it
worth the time to attempt it. The escape from prison
was easy indeed. The only danger lay in arrest by
ignorant officers, or an excited people.

New York authorities, though it w<is well
known that the fugitives had gone thither. —
Brattle uses this strange neglect as a proof that
the authorities in Massachusetts could not be-
lieve witchcraft to be a crime equal to that of
murder (then the general belief) or Mr. and
Mrs. E.j would have been demanded of Gov.
Fletcher. Brattle ably opposed witchcraft, but
did not then of courae see that the escape of
these parties was a premeditated thing on the
part of the authorities — who for once were cer-
tainly inconsistent as to law — but then consis-
tent— thoroughly so with justice and mercy —
the true consistency.

Mr. Moodey had to leave Boston in conse-
quence of his share m this transaction — but
only to return to the arms of a congregation
who had never willingly given him up.- He
died universally lamented, and with a rare
modesty appears not to have left a line among
his papers which refers in any way to his con-
nection in this matter. It is thus by the tra-
ditions of the English family, as preserved by
Dr. Bentley, that we get an insight into the
manliness and worth of this man, who equally
dared to face the vrrath of the New Hampshire
Government or Massachusetts people in the
cause of right and justice, and who, standing
far above his age, saw from the mountain top
the clear sun-light of truth, when all was mist
and darkness in the valley below.

The winter of 1692-3 and the succeeding
spring, were days ot terrible suffering for Sa-
lem, particularly that winter. Mr. English,
anticipating somewhat of this misery, sent on
from New York during the winter one hun-
dred barrels of flour for the poor, who, he was
afraid, "would suffer in his absence." The
town was then indeed in a terrible state. The
witchcraft madness and terror — the executions
— the numerous arrests — the accusations on
all sides— the flight of the inhabitants, over a
quarter part of whom fled — the general gloom,
and the utter prostration of business, had all
depressed Salem beyond imagination. In 1693
the storm was over, and people were themselves

16?

again . Mr. £. then returned to Salem, and
was welcomed back by Rev. Mr. Noyes, who
was very attentive to liim ever after. The Town
expressed its joy at his return by bon-fires and
a general rejoicing. Mrs. E., however, return-
ed home an invalid, only to die. Mr. £. found
moreover, that his house had been sacked by
tho multitude, and goods attached and taken
from hib stores by JSheriflF Curwen to tho a-
mount of £1.183. He sued Curwen, laying
Lis damages at £1,500, bat never recovered. —
It i3 very probable that Curwen sheltered him-
self under the law of confiscation against those
escaping from prison when accused of capital
crimes. Philip English thought his case a hard
one, for he had given £4000 bail in Boston for
bis appearance, and was, perhaps, then legal-
ly liable for that amount, in addition to the
sum Curwen attached. His wife's health was
ruined — his goods gone — his business for the
time broken up, and he after ail an innocent
man ! The only pecuniary satisfaction ho ev-
er got was £60 paid him by the administrator
of the estate of George Curwen, the late Sher-
iflf. This whole affair was a terrible trial to
Mr. E. , and perhaps was one cause of the dis-
ease, (clouding of the mind) under which he
labored the last two years of his life. The loss
of bis wife, and under the circumstances, was
a severe blow — a wife, too, whom he tenderly
loved — and in addition to this came the loss of
property to no small amount, and most unjust-
ly. He petitioned the General Court with oth-
ers for pecuniary satisfaction in this matter,
but refused the amount tendered him, being
entirely inadequate.

Mr. English set about repairing his fortunes,
having children to bring forward, and seems
to have entered into business again with fresh
epirii and energy, though not with tho good
fortune, perhaps, he had met with prior to
1692. From 1689 to 1711 Salem merchants
suffered severely at the northward, from tho
*Frencb and Indians. In 1697 Salem had lost

*Salem fitted oat privateers in this old French
war, which did some damage to the enemy, and nev-

some 54 out of its 60 fishing ketches, and as
the fishing business was the staple interest, the
town became so poor, with continued losses up
to 1711, that it could not repair its fortifica-
tions as ordered by the Governor that year. —
Its fishing ketches were captured by French
fleets in tho Bays of Newfoundland, off the
coast of "Acadie," and near Cape Sable. The
Indians, instigated probably by tho Frenclj,
shot down the crews from ambush, when a-
shore, and French privateers, and even pirates
preyed on these ketches. In 1689 Government
had to send a vessel of war to scour our bay
and coast for pirates, and in 1704 Major Sew-
all of Salem, captures some of these outlaws
who have been taking fishing shallops at the
Islo of Shoals. Our Salem fishermen persever-
ed as well as they could. In 1699 they sent
out a fleet of fourteen vessels, but were almost
discouraged in 1711 by their repeated losses.—
Philip English was engaged in this business,
and sent out his katches, and suffered, doubt-
less, in common with his neighbors. He, how-
ever, was engaged in other trades — sent his
ketches, sloops, brigantines to JBarbadoes and
other British Westlndias— fSurinam in Dutch

er seems to have refused her quota of men and means
either bj land or sea, in any of the wars of the Col-
ony. (See Felt's Annals passim.) As one proof of
this, we find that in March, 1674, Edward Havson,
our colonial Secretary, informs the Viovernor and
Council of Connecticut that the Ketch Swallow of
Salem, 60 tons, 12 gans, and 60 men, Capt. Richard
Sprague, and the Ketch Salisbury, of nearly th6
same tonnage, 8 guns and 40 men, Capt. Sam'l Mose-
ly, were ready to sail, and cruise up and down the
Sound "on the service of the Colonies." Felt men-
tions this of Salem, tho "service" being perhaps to
watch the Dutch — then dreaded.

The Privateer history of Salem dates perhaps from
this old French war, and as a precedent was not for-
gotten, it is likely, in the days of the Revolution, a
century later.

■j-The following letters of instruction of Philip En-
glish to two of his captains — one his son, William
English, the other, John Touzell, a son-in law— may
be of some interest, both as connected with this mer

I6d

Guiana — Maryland — Virginia — Kiiode kland -
ohant, and as illustrating the commercial history of
the times.

Salem in New England, )
je 9th day of Juce, 1712. J
Wm. English. — You being master of the Slope
[sloop] Mary, & hauing Laden yo'r vessell, you are
to attend ye Laws and Customes of this place Relat-
ing to Clearing ef said vessell and Goods, you are to
take ye first opportunity of wind and weather, and
sett saile, Directing yo'r Coarse for Seyrinam, [Sur-
inam, Dutch Guiana,] where you are now bound, and
when it shall please god to bring you safe there, you
are to attend ye Lavrs and Customes of that place in
Respect to Eniring yo'r vessell and goods, and then
you are to deliver yo'r goods according to bills of
lading, and receiue yo'r freight (money) and what
goods you haue of ours consigned to your selfe, you
are to make sale of for Malasses so to Lode your ves-
sel home here for New England, and it in case cur
Effects, both of goods and freight, doth not produce
a full loading for said vessell, Thentako what fraight
you can for Salem or Boston, and if you have more
of our Effects as aforesaid then will Lade yourveS'
sell with Mallasses, we leaue it wth you to Lay out
in such things as you shall think most Benefitiall
for ye owner of sd vessell, and for to Loade in ye
same for ye owner's profitt. Be sure make no debts,
and so, haueing Loaden yo'r vessell in Seyrinam,
and done yo'r Consearnes, you are to cloare yo'r ves-
sell and goods so that no Damage may necrue to
your owners and Imploy'rs. So haueing no more at
present, but wishing you a good and prosperous voy-
age, and a safe ruturne to Salem in Now England,
Again We Host yo'r Loueing Owners,

PHILIP ENGLISH.

SECOND LETTER.

Salem, May ye 2d, 1722.
Mr. John Touzd. — S'r, you being appointed mas-
ter of my sloop Sarah, now Riding in ye Harbour of
Salem, and Ready to sailo, my Order is to you that
you take ye first opportunity of wind and weather to
saile and make ye Best of yr way for Barbadoes or
Leew'd Island, and there Enter and Clear yr vessel
and Deliver yr Cargo According to Orders and Bill
of Lading, and make Saile of my twelve Ilogsh'd of
fish to my Best advantage, and make Returne in yr
vessel or any other for Salem, In such Goods as you
shall see best, and if you see Cause to take a fraight
to any part or hire her, I leiuo it with your Best
Conduct, Managem't or care, for my best advantage.
So please God to give you a prosperous voyage, I
Remain yr Erieud and Owner,

PHILIP ENGLISH.

Endorsed "My sailing orders to Barbadoes."
In connection with the Barbadoes trade, it may
not be out of place here to append the following let-
ter from Samuel Sewall, which, with other evidence
in our possession, proves that in our early Commerce,
some of our Salem or Massachusetts men went to the
British West Indies and acted as commission mer-
chants there. Barbadoes seems to have been one of

*New Hampshire — *Connecticut — Ireland —

the principal markets so sought. At a later day the
same practice obtained in the East Indies, when our
Salem commerce was diverted thither. This Samuel
Sewall charges in his subsequent account, commis-
sions 5 per cent., storage and portage 2^ — the cur-
rent rates probably of that day.
letter.

To Mr. Wm. English, merchant in Salem, New Eng-
land.

Bakbadoes, Feb'y 4, 1712.
Mr. William English. Sir — These wait on you by
Matthew Estis via Saltertuda [sometimes spelt Sal-
titudos,] with enclosed account Sales for yo'r Eight
hhds fish which came to a miserable markett, Tho I
think I sold to ye heighth of ye markett. Im heart-
ily sorry I can give you no better Inoouragem't. I
shall observe yo'r orders in ye returns, and make all
reasonable dispatch — pleas to acquaint yo'r father I
have rec'd his Thousand of staves per Woodbridga,
but have not yet sold them, they are very low, and
sold at 50s pr M. I cannot Inlarge, but am
Sr yo'r ready and Obe't Ser't,

SAM'L SEVYALL.

Saltertuda or Saltitudos we have discovered to bo
only a corruption of Salt Tortuga, an island near the
Spanish Main.

•According to the 2d Book (B.) of the old Colo-
nial Custom House in Salem, which book is now in
the posssssion of Benj. Browne Esq., who inherited
it from his ancestor Gerrish, the Collector, Philip
English was trading in 1695 to New Hampshire, in
1G96 to Virginia, in 1698 to Medara [Madeira] and
Barbadoes. According to the same vol., Surinam,
Virginia and Barbadoes were favorite places of trade
for various Salem merchants, from 1700 to 1715 say,
or later. The first vol. of these Custom House
Records (A.) is unfortunately lost.

By New Hampshire, as mentioned in this old
Colonial Custom House Book, Portsmouth, N. H.,
is perhaps intended, for P. was largely visited by
vessels. In 1G81 (according to Cooper — Naval Hist.
U. S.) no less than 47 vessels entered that port.

Philip E. also traded to Rhode Island and Con-
necticut, certainly after 1700, as is evident from his
son William's letters and accounts. According to
Trumbull, Connecticut maintained a very humble
marine of her own even as late as 1713. In 1680 she
had 24 vessels, with a total of 1050 tons, trading be-
tween that Colony and Boston, New Foundland, the
West Indies &o., and in 1713, 2 Brigs, 20 Sloops,
and a number of smaller craft. No. of seamen 120!
Mass. had then some 20,000 tons of shipping, and
some 3000 seamen. Newport, in Rhode Island, was

169

Isle of Jersey — England, and perhaps Holland.
It is most probable that P. E. was en^ragf-d in
trade with some of these places prior to 1692 ;
but many ol his earlier commercial papers were
moat probably scatu^red, if not destroyed, when
bis house and waret>ouse were sicked that year,
A few papers are found of commercial interest,
running from 1694 to 1720. From these
and various commercial item;* we find in other
quarters, the subsequent remarks are based.

When P. E began business m Salem, say in
1670* or thereabouts, the town was already
recovering probably from the "smite on all
employments,^^ that ^u/Zmentiong in 1665. In
1664, Josselyn said there were «ome rich mer-
chants in Salem. It is not be wondered at
that our old town should have flourished. —
Admirably situated for the fishing t.ade, and
the foreign trade then connected with it, and
the shipping needed fur both trades— enjoying
a comparative Iree trade with the world, un-
hampered by the Plantation Act, without even
a Custom House Office established by Parlia-
ment, Salem might have been the envy of some
of the Briti«h. seaporta which had at home
to conform lo rules, from which Salem, in
common with our Massachusetts sea ports,

then, doubtless, the great Southern New England
Port, as in 1737 she owned 100 sail of different sizes.
So says Cooper.

In the 1st vol. Booke of Reeordes for masters,
page 85, Aug. 23, 1710, Phillip English and Eleazer
Lyndsej-, ot Salem, let their Brigantine Neptune to
Leonard Abbott, of Kingstowne, Jamaica, (but then
resident in Salem.) for a voyiige to Jamaica, and
thencn (transporting Abbott also) to Bay of Gam-
peacbe (Campeachy) to load with logwood for Amster-
dam and Rotterdam, the owners to hare as freight
every twelve tons out of twenty ^hipped — the balance
forAlbott. It appears from a subsequent protest,
that the vessel did not sail at the time appointed, but
may have afterwards.

* The population of Salem from 1670 to 1740 may
be set down as varying from say 1500 in 1670 to
4500 or 5000 in 1740. This period embraces the
whole business period of the life of Philip English,
as well as various other Salem merohacts of that
day.

escaped. Having enjoyed eo much commercial
librty under both Charles the First, and
Cromwell, particularly the latter, and feeling
a growing consciousnens of strength, both
through that long liberty and its attendant
success, Salem, in 1670. occupi>'d a high posi-
tion in commerce. She was also one of the prin-
cipal ports in the Colony for shipbuilding. From
1670 to 76 Salem seems to have fl-iuvished
greatly. After that the havoc made by the
French and Indians among her fishing fleet
forced her to retrograde for a while. B'tween
these years we find Wayborne, Randolph ^ and
t\\6 London merchants, all endeavoring to re-
strict our trade, (in common with that of the
Colony) stating that our [Maspachusett."] com-
merce is irregular, that we do not o inform to
the acts of trade, that we do not make En-
gland the magazine* of trade, but go and come
and buy and sell where, and as, and when we
please. This proves our commercial freedom.
The light burdens, moreover, laid on com-
merce by the Colony were not seriously felt,
if we except, perhaps, the duty on grain.
Even De Ruyter, in 1665, spared us, though
he "did great spoiV in Newfoundland, and
again in 1667 the Dutch, though ravaging the
coast of Virginia, ai.d capturing some of our

* We have in our possession one of the Plantation
certificates, dated 173U, and in tuitherance of th«
desi^'o to make England the magazine of colonial
produce. By this, security is given to the chief of-
ficers of the customs in London, that it' the Endeavor,
a ship or vessel built in New Enj^land, of sixty
tons burthen, and belonging to Salem, shall load any
sugar, tubaeco, eottun wooll, Indigo, ginger, fustick,
or other aying wood; as also rice, melasses, tar,
pitch, turpentine, h^mp, masts, yard.--, b'-wsprits,
copper ore, beaver skins, or other furs uf the growth,
production or manufacture of any British planta-
t'ons in America, Asia, or Africa, the same commod-
ities shall be by the said ship ur ves.«el brought to
some port of Great Britain, and be unloaden and pal
on shore, the danger of the seas only excepted.
Such arbitrary attempts to Curn the natural current
of trade, and aggrandize the mother country at th«
expense of the Colonies, proved to be one of the moil
serious caasea of the Kevjluiion in later years.

170

tessels and men, yet spared us a visit in New
England. In 1073 piracy is said to be preva-
lent, but fc>alem i« not recorded as a direct suf-
ferer. In 1076 all duties on exjiorta, except
6d. on hoises. are taken off, and not until the
indef'iitiguble mischievous Rando/ph returns
from £nj:land as Inspector of Customs, does
thero seem to be serious trouMe in prospect.
The intervening years up to *1092 vyere, how-

* The staple commodities of Massachusetts, about
1680, were fish, mackerel, peltry, horses, provisions,
cider, boards, timber and pipe staves. These our
traders sent to the West Indies and the Colonial pos-
sessions, and obtained sugar, rum, indigo, cotton
wool, tob^icco, which were transmitted usually in
their own vessels to England. Some of their pipe
staves, fish, mackerel, <tc., were sent to Madeira, and
•western islands, and wines talsen thence to New
England. No great quantity of tar and pitch was
then made here Some £40,000 or £50,000 of English
goods ot all sort.-' were imported yearly. Massachu-
setts seems to have been poorer in 1G80 than in '70.
See Govtrnor Bradstreet's answers to Lords of the
Privy Council. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. 8,
pp. 333-0. Boston, Charlestown and Salem are there
called the principal places of trade, idem.

No export duty upon the produce of Massachusetts
was imposed in or about 1680, bnt one penny a pound
upon goods imported. i.his was the general tax (it
seems) upon houses, land, cattle, and other estatj of
the country, yeaily. The poll money was 20d per
head. A small tax was put upon rum, cider, beer,
Ac. The whole revenue of Massachusetts from these
sources was only about £15(jO per annum, out of
which the government had to be supported, officers'
salaries paid, furtifications maintained, &o. In the
times of the Indian wars, ten or fifteen general rates
were obliged to be levied upon all men's estates in a
year, — a S'^vere burden to the Colony. In the years
1664-5, according to Rawson, the total income of
Massachusetts was about £1200.

Besides the troubles occasioned by the Algerine
pirates to our commerce — the troubles with the
French at Nova Scotia l^ Acadia], who interrupted
our fishing, and the tyrannical demands of Sir Ed-
mund Andros upon our fishermen to pay for the priv
ilege of fishing— there were the usual accidents of
trade to meet, and & double custom to be paid by the

ever, gloomy ones. The loss of the charter* —
the drtaJed loss by the Purita' s of their Prot-
estant privileges— of even the titles to their
very lands and houses ae a consequent on the
loss of the charter — the wars and rumors of
wars which liad gathered or were fast gather-
ing— the public dread of James, as the secret
ally of France and the Indians as against the
Colonies — the public and private calamities,
which were numerous — the belief in witch-
cralt. and the growing belief throughout New
England that Satan was let loose to do his
will, especially in these colonies — these, all
these eauces contributed to render the public
nerves morbid — the evil imaginations of men
acute — until as they drank off the successive
drauglits of these evils, temporal and spiritual,
they themselves went finally mad in all the
intoxication of calamity. Thus came upon
the Colony the madnes-i of 1092.

During these times Pfilip English flour-
ished or suffered with his compeers. In 1694
he is bliiniiig on the ketch ^•Prosjiorovs^'
'■'■Benj. intone. Master,'^ b( und to Baibados,
certain goods consigned to Mnjor Juhn Pil-

carried them to England— the full duty being de-
manded thi're. Gov. Bradstreet, therelore, asks of
the King the privilege of free trade, (at least for
some ew ships lor some time,) to build up the Col-
ony. Ma.-snchusetts was built up commercially by
an unrestricted trade. See Bradstreet's answer to
the Lords of the Council, in 1680. Mass, Hist. ColL,
3d series, vol. 8, pp. 332 to 340.

Bradstreet's views of the commerce of Massachu-
setts in 1680, were rather gloomy. Salem, as one of
the three principal places of trade in Massachusetts,
must have suffered severely.

* In the Judgment to vacate the Colonial Charter
in 1684, among the sins of the Colony are especially
enumerated the establishment of customs, the coin-
ing of money and the levying u pell tax. This
Judgment (a copy) can be found in the Mass. Hist.
Coll. It is eatiy to see by this, that Mas^achnsett3
was regarded in England as having then asserted,
practically, her independence of the mother country.

Her spirit, moreover, on various civil occasion*, both
merchants of Massachusetts who imported sugar, j before and after this, proved to be of the indomitabla
indigo, cotton wool, <fcc., into the Colony, and thence order.

171

gram (Pilgrim ?) in B. She carries fish and
empty hogslieads, aud is to return with Dry
Goods, viz : "Nails, blew lining. ^ Blue limn)
Oembrigs, Holland Ducii and tJordage if cheap
there." He mentioned also rectiving Kum and
"Malcsses" (Molatisee) from the Major at tlie
hand^ of Mr. Benjamin Pitman. This let-
ter of advice is very well written as a speci-

* This letter of 1694—5 may have some interest,
and we tberefure will gi?e it entire. Tbe Maj'r John
Pilgram named was a merobaot in Barbadoes, it
would appear — most probably a Commission Mtr
chant, and perhaps a native of Masi^aehusetts.

Salem, Jan'y the 28th, 1694-5.

Maj'r John Pilgram,

Sr. Yours Received p [per]
Mr. Benjamin Pittman with one Eovoice and bill ot
Loading Enclosed ol four bbd of Kum and four libd
of Mai loses. The Rum was in good conuition, But tbe
Mallust-s was above one-fourth part Leeked, or taken
out. Air. Pitujan gives me to undt-rstand that it
was so beloro it came on Board; Therefore I had
not iiiiy siitisfaotiou of hiui; the Casks were good
and ti o- Sr. these doe likewise signiiye tljat I have
Inclosed herein a bill of Lading ol eight bbd. of
fiSsli ivr mj acco't, aud Re.-que which I have Shii>ed
on board tne Ketoh th« Prosporous Benjamin btoiie
Mastei and cuiisigned to you. If it should please
Qo'l that the saia Ketch arrive safe at Barbados I In-
treat you to Receive the said flSsh and dispose of the
saiue lor uie, and Returne the Produce by the same
Ketch in Barbados goods it to be had (if not) in dry
Goods (viz) nailes blew lining osmbrigs Holland
dm-k Coraage il it be cheap there Knowing not
■what is best I leave it to your discretion to make Re-
turns in what you think best for my advantage, but
in case tbe sd ketch should not Returne hither di
recily Pray send t:ie Effects by the first that is bound
for 6alem if Barbados Good, If English Goods by
any bound for Sal°m or Boston; fliah is ver> scarce
here is none to be Expected till the Spring Sr I
have not anything else to trouble you with at pr'seut
onely my Humble Service to you & your good Lady
nukaowne I Kemaine Sr. your

JViost Humble Servant at Command
PHILLIP ENGLISH.

Salem 28 day of January, 1694-5.
Invoice of 8 bhd of ffish shiped on board tbe ketch
Prosperous Beoja. Stone Master upon the Proper
j\cco't <fc Resque of me Phillip Englis of Salem in
New England & Goetb Consigned to Maj'r John
Pilgram in Barbados marked & numbered as pr
Margent with the Contence of each hhd as foil

(viKt)

P- E. £. a. d.

No. 1. To 1 hhd Con't 8i Quintles-att .

Ids per Quintle is 6 07 06

No. 2. To 1 hbd Cont. 7i Quintles att

15s per Quintle ia 5 12 06

men of Ciiirography. and instructs the Con-
sijinee, '"If it shall please God that the said
Ketch arrives safe at Barbados,^' to n ctive her
Cargo, &c. A higher power tl an the winds
and the wraves and the fallible efforts of man
is indeed reeogniz« d in all the old Salem let-
ters of advice now extant, not of P. E alone,
but of the Brownes. and others. Nor were
t-uch men indeed the lees manly or generous for
such a belief and acknowledgment, as the no-
ble legacies for in>tance, of the Brownes to
Salem, abundantly prove.

From 1694 to 1720 Mr. E. sends ketches to
New Foundland, Cape Sable or Acadie to
catch fish, sends these fish to Bar^adues, or
<<ther Englit^h West Indies, Surinam, perhaps
Spain or the Streights. If to the West Indies
or Surinam, he sends also lumber, shingles,
oil (fish and whale?) and staves,* barrels, and

No. 3. To 6 hhds Cont. 6i Qnintleg att
to 8. 15s 6d per Quintle is 39 qtls 30 04 06
To 8 Empty hhds at 5s per
piece, 2 00 00

Errors Excepted by me 44 04 06

PHILIPS ENGLISH.
* Tbe following memorandum found among tho
English papers, besides giving the names of a few
wharves in Salem, in 1695, shows the kind of bnsi-
ness done at them.
It95.

Aug. loth — Account of goods taken abord ye Slupe
prudent Mary,
loth— taken from Mr. Turner's worfe 18 bund Red

Oke hh. Staves.
16th— taken from Capt. Sewel's worfe 5000 of Shin-
gel.

19 day — Loded on bord from Mr. Brown's worfa

15 bund of bb. staves, ard of Mr. Hurst
fiom Winter Island: 6 hh. of fish G. U. 1
to 6.

20 day — taken on bord 4 hh of fish S B 1 to 4.

2 day— taken on bord from Mr hurst 8 hh of fish
G. H. No 7 8 and U. H. aud 12 huudard of
etaves from Mr. Brewn'a worfe.

23 day— 4 hh of fish from Marvelhed for Capt. Al-

len BS A 1. 2 BC A3. 4.

24 day— 13 hundard staves from Mr. Browne's

worfe

25 day— 2 hh fish and 3 bar oyle from Marvel-

hed S. B No. 5. 6.

27 day— 2 hh of fish of Mr. Hurst.

28 day— 4 hh of fish from Mr. Engels of Samai

Browns S. B.

29 day — to 6 hundard of staves at Mr. Brown'a

worfe.

173

hogsheads. In return he takes Sugar, Mulas-

}it September— 3 hund of stares from Mr. Brown's

worle — and 4U00 ufsliin^fels.
8 day— 2 hh of fish from Mr. Engol's W H No 1 2
for Mr. Hurst, and 1 titi & 1 bar 1 G No
1 ^ for Mr. Kitchen."

NoTB. The above memorandum seems to imply
that Turner's, Sewall's, and Brown's wharves were
devoted to the stave, shingle and lumber business,
while the fishing trade was confined to Winter Isl-
and. This agrees well with the history and tradi-
tions in respect to Winter Inland ba'ng the great
depot of the fishing trade even from the gettlement
of the town.

According to the first "Booke of Kecordes for Mas-
ters, Ac," in the Essex County Court office. Winter
Island had somo settled "customes" of its own. In
the first of these books, pp. 2t-5, Oct. 1700, there ap-
pear certain depogitiDns of variou.s parties in regard
to the delivery of fish thare. Soma of the crew of
the ship Leonora, Capt. Alexander Dowdidge, refused
to take a boat load of fish from thence, unless the
men delivering it tor Capt. lienj'n Marston carried
it down to Fish St , (which was probably close to the
water) whereupon Natb'l Wallis, aged about 70, and
Mathew Barton, aged about 58, testify to their cer
tain knowledge that it hath ever been the custom of
Winter L<land for the masters of vessels to receive
the fish at the end of their flakes at every part of the
Island. The Island was then well covered with fish
flakes most probably.

Winter Harbor was the long Cove which runs into
the we.stwaid of the is^land, (now Cat Cove) and was
well adapted for the ketches, sloops and larger shal
lopi then in use. Probably not many even of our
schooners up to 1740 ranged over 45 toijs bur'hen.
We judge so from a cursory perusal of the two Bookes
of Recoidcs for Masters.

On the shores of Winter Island or the adjacent
shores were granted in l(i3G-7 "haH acre lots"— "for
fishing trade and to build upon," and among other
very early merchants settling there was Pasco Foot
— who was a very enterprising merchant, and died in
1C70.

Right opposite Winter Island H.arbor to the west-
ward was Water-t..wn, a fishing \illage on the Point
of Rocks (the farm lately occupied by Mr. Eben
Ilathorne) which liittei settlement, however, appears
to have been on privato land. A large population
dwelt formerly on Winter Island and iidj icent shores,
including Water-town. The Neck at one time is

see, Rum and Cotton Wool. He tht-n sends
from Salem to Maryland or Virginia,* Sugar,

said to have furnished 100 men capable of bearing
arms — doubtle.^s a sturdy and hardy set.

Turner's wharf was at the foot of Turner's street,
we believe. Sewall's wharf we are at a loss to locate.
Brown's wharf may be that wharf which a Capt.
Brown, in 1U8I, desired to build, and for that purpose
got the town's interest "■in the cove down against
his father's hnuse." See page 141 of vol. 1 Salem
Records. Which of the Browns or Brownes it was,
does not, however, appear.

* The following copy of an old printed Bill of
Lading of 1707, with contents may nut be out of
place bere;

Shipped by the Grace of God, in good or-
der and well conditioii'^d, by Sam'U
Browne, Pliillip Eiglinh, C.iot. W n. iJow-
ditch, Wm. Pickering & Sam'll Wakefield in and
upon the Good sloop called the may flower whereof
is .\lastt?r under Gjd for this present voyage Jno
Swasey, and now riding at Anchor in the harbour
of Salem, and by God's Grace bound for Virginia ar
Merriland — To say, twenty hogshats of rfaitt one
quarter partt on the Acct <fe Resque of Sam'll IJrowne
—one quarter on the Aoctt & Resque of Philip En-
glish— one quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of
Captt. Wm. Bowditch and Wm Pickering — one
quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of Sam'll Wake-
field— Being Marked and Numbered a.s in the Mar-
gent, and are to be delivered in the like good Order
and well conditioned at the afi-resaid Port of Vir-
ginia or Merriland (the da'ger of t!ie Seas only
excepted) unto Mr. i?am'll Wakefield or to his As-
signs, he or they Paying Freight for the said Goods"
* * * with Primage and Avarage accustomed.

In Witness whereof the Master or Purser of the
said Sloop hath alHrnnd to Two Bills of Lading, all
of this Ten' ur and Date, Ono of which two Bills
being Accomplished the other one to stand Void. And
SI) God semi the Good Sloop to her desired Port in
safety. AMEN. Dated in Salem Dec. 24,
1707.

JOHN SWASEY.

On this Bill of Lading is endyrsid:

"Rec'd. the Contents of the within menshened Bill
of Layden— per Sam'll Wakefield.

Marelv'id, May the 31, 17o8.

By another Bill of Lading, not separated, from
this, and of the same date, Sam'l Browne, Wm. Bow-
ditch and Wm. Pickering being the shippers, it seems
the same sloop took the following additional items:

"To Virginia or Merriland" — "Five toarccs of Ma-
lasses, two ho^shuts Rum, twelve barrills RackttSi-
der, forty Eightt Sidcr pails, two barrils and one fir-
kin Shugar, forty Eightt Shugar boxe.-', twenty four
gallonds & two galiond Runlits, twe'vo three gal-
lond and twelve four gallond Runlits, Sixtiene new

173

Rum and Molasses, (the result of his West
India voyages) and in addition, Salt, Cider,
Wooden Ware, Casks, Barrels, Kegs and
Cans. He takes from thence to Salem, Wheat,
Indian Corn, Hides, Peltry, Tobacco, Old Iron,
Pewter, Copper, perhaps also some Dry goods
imDorted from England into these countries.
If there be much Tobacco purchased, it is to
be sent to London, by some English vessel, and
sold on P. E's. account, and tho money paid
to his Banker there, if he sends his fish to
Spain, the return cargo If Salt from St. Ubea
or Isle of May, with Wine, we should judge,
from Fuyal or the Wine Islands. We can
trace one of his voyages to Rhode Island and
Connecticut, to load with Staves for Ireland ;
and find some papers, and items In Felts annals,
which make it very probable that ho traded
with England and Holland.

His vessels were most probably of the size
then common in the Colonies, and probably
all built in Salem. Such were then called
'^Plantation built. ^^ They consisted o( Sloops,
which were from 20 to 36 tons buithen, car-
rying five or six men. Ketches, which were
from 25 to 45 tons, carrying five or six men,
and Bri(janteens, from 60 to 70 tons and car-
rying from six to eight men. In 1698-9, there
•was a Ship in Salem of 200 tons built here —

half barrils twelve pecks (T) on the proper Acctt <fc
Resqe <tc."

This Bill of Lading has also Sam'U Wakefield's
receipt as of the Same place, and date with the other.
Both Bills show some of our Salem exports to Virgin-
ia and Maryland at that time.

The following Receipt shows some of the articles
then brougiit from Maryland to Salem and the rates
of their freight.

Mary Land. "Received onboard the Sloop Mary
Bound for Salem in New England on accompt of Mr.
Phillip English Merchant there to say one thousand
and ffity pounds of Hides, Three hundred Eighty <fc
Eight pounds of Iron, Thirteen & i pounds of Brass,
Eight pounds of puter (pewter) and Two hundred
flSty five i bushels of wheat, w'ch I promise to de-
liver to s'd Mr. Phillip English or assignes (danger
of ye Seas Excepted) he or they paying freight for
ye same, fforty shillings for ye Hides, Brass & puter
and Iron — for ye Wheat Eighteen pence per bushel :
having signed to Two receipts of ye same tenor and
date the one to be accomplished ye other to stand
void. I say reo'd

per Wm English."

St Mariotffeby 21th 1711-12.

44

another then here of eighty tons. The most
of the Salem Shipping then averaged from 20
to 40 tons. Some of his vessels were named
from various members of his family, such for
instance, as tho sloop Mary, and the brigan-
teen William and Susannah. The cargoes
carried to Virginia and Maryland seem to be
worth when sold there, about *£140. It seems
that Wm. HolliDgworth, his father in law,
had been before him engaged in this trade,
and also Capt. John Brown, son of Elder John
of Salem. When the Dutch ravaged Virginia,
about 1667, both these merchants suflfered se-
verely, Wm. H. being captured by the Dutch.
As an item in regard to these Maryland &, Vir-
ginia voyages, the Captain gets a commission
of 5 per cent, on sales. Kent Island, Mary-
land, appears to have been a favorite market,
to judge by old accounts.

The Salem trade with Virginia and Mary-
land flourished (comparatively speaking) be-
tween 1690 and 1720, though it was impor-
tant between 1660 and '7.0. It appears to
have been a somewhat peculiar trade, owing
to the peculiar condition of those countries.
New England had been settled by parties
gathering into towns, but the former States by
planters, who scattered themselves over the
country. Consequently while New England
had towns, with mechanics, traders, artizans,
&c.,^all concentrated and co-workers, — the
more southern colonies had a sparse popula-
tion and no towns, markets, or indeed, capi-
tal. Tobacco was the principal crop of those
colonies — was in fact their currency to a good
degree — and only occupied the planters as a
crop during the summer, and left them often
idle and lazy the remainder of the year. They
also raised wheat, Indian corn, oats, barley,
pease, and many sorts of pulse in great plen-
ty, and supplied Barbadoes and the other
Leeward Islands, and also New England with
such produce. At the date of 1696, and for
some years before, the New England colonies

*This sum is probably only a quarter part of the
true value of such voyages.

lU

had not been able to raise much wheat or In-
dian corn, owing to the early frosts, and had
to seek their supplies of grain from Virginia
and adjacent coasts. The sloops, ^^nd Ketches
from Massachusetts, which ran to these South-
ern shores, had to gather their cargoes from
vride and scattered plantations, and at groat
loss of time. It was no uncommon thing-
(says a writer in 1696 to 1698, giving an ac-
count of Virginia — Maes. Hist. Coll., 5th
vol., 1st series, pages 126 to 129,) for ships to
be three or four months in Virginia waiting
for a cargo ol tobacco, which might, under
other circumstances, be dispatched in a fort-
night's time, and which delay doubled the
price of freights. It probably took our Mas-
sschusetts craft a long time to dispose of their
cargoes under such circumstances, as well as
get their return cargoes, and it is very proba-
ble that they pushed their little sloops and
ketches far into the *creeks and bays of Vir-
ginia and Maryland, traded off their cargoes
over a wide space, and collected their return

*The following note from John English to John
Touzell, (his brother-in-law) may serve to show
somewhat of the nature of the Maryland trade at
that date. Both were in Maryland at the time, ool-
leoting a cargo separately or together, and probably
for Philip English. It would appear as if barter en-
tered essentially into the character of this trade:

NOTE.

"To Capt. John Touzell at Wichicorne Creek:

Kathokine Creek, Desemb'r 28, 1722.
Brother Touzel. — This is to let you [know] of our
welfare hear, and I hope is so with you and the rest
of you. hear is Capt. Gansby and Capt'n Solter
hear, and they hare got abundance of dry and weat
(wetl) goods, and Capt. Solter Traids for pork and
Tar and corn, and he sells Kum for 6 shillings per
gallon in pork [paid in 'pork.] William Paird is
with Capt'n Gansby. Capt. EnMy is bin hear twis
(twice) and he says Nothing about Molasses Nor
Buger. I baue 3 barrells of pork and 3 of corn —
the Spineys ows me Corn and pork. I baue bin to
John Ward's, and he says he will bring it Down to
me. I baue resiued your Leatter. Father Burkett
and his wife giues [their love] and I Remain

Yr Louing Brother, JOHN ENGLISH."

It la very likely that the various Captains named
in this note were all Salem men, as they are named
fiftmiliarlj, and not as of anj other place.

cargoes with the same difficulty and delay. —
The writer, who has left us these facts in re-
gard to the condition of trade in Virginia at
that date, regrets that that State had not orig-
inally laid out towns as the New Englanders
did — with home lots for gardens and orchards,
outlots for cornfields, and meadows and coun-
try lots for plantations, with overseers and
gangs of hands to cultivate them. He says
this opportunity was lost by the Southerners,
who seated themselves, without rule or order,
in country plantations, and that the general
Assemblies of Virginia, seeing the inconvenien-
ces of this dispersed way of living, had made
several attempts to bring the people into towns,
which had all proved ineffectual. Such a state
of things of course affjoted trade unfavorably.
It is difficult, therefore, to tell the *length
of these Southern voyages of our fathers, who
were delayed not alone in those days by im-
perfect means of navigation, but a want also
of business facilities. Their voyages to Eng-
land, Europe or the West Indies, were un-
doubtedly much longer than those now. Dun.
ton, who sailed as passenger from England to
Boston, in 1685, was over four months in mak-
ing the passage — which appears, however, to
have been of an extra length, as the provisions
gave out — and they were on the point of
Starving, on arrival at Boston. As an evi-
dence of the insecurity felt at that late day,
from Corsairs, and even in the English Chan-
nel, Dunton says they were all alarmed there
by the appearance of a vessel, which they took
to bo a Salleeman (a pirate from Sallee, a for-
tified maritime town in Morocco,) and pre-
pared for defence, but found themselves mis-
taken. If from a third to a half of the length
of modern voyages was added to the voyages

*In the orders given to Capt. Wm. English by bis
father, Nov. 25, 1709, on a voyage to Maryland,
Capt. E. is ordered to make all the dispatch he can
there, so as to be back to Salem early in the spring. A
Maryland voyage, made with all dispatch at thai
date, would seem then to hare taken the better part
of /our or/ve months.

175

tlieiusc-lves, they would not probably exceed
the triie length of the old voyages as compared
«ith the inodern.

One of the favorite craft of our fathers (and
Piiiliip English appears to have owned several
Bucb) was the *Ketch — the name and rig
of which.however, have disappeared from mod-
era commerce, — at least in our State and
neighborhood. The last went out of date
about 1800. Elias Haskett Derby had one in
1799, called the John. An old sea captain
now living, pays that the Ketch was two-
masted, with square sails on the foremast,
which was a stout tall mast stepped far for-
ward, and a mainsail on the mainmast, which
was a shorter mast than the foremast. The
Ketch sailed very fast before the wind. The rig
of the Briganteen does not appear. The sloop
rig was perhaps similar to our own. The
ScAooner seems to have gradually supplanted
the Ketch. It first appears in our Salem ma-
rine about 1720. We find among the English
papers an old receipt of 1727, wherein one

*In the Essex Institute, in a volume called Ele-
ments and Practice of Rigging, London 1794," be-
tween pages 220 and 221 can be seen engravings of
an European Ketch, and some pinnaces, and between
pages 238 and 9, an engraring of a French Shallop.

There appears to be no material difference between
the rig of the ancient and modem Sloops of New-
England, to judge by drawings of the former on a
map of Boston with its Harbour made by Capt. Bon-
ner in 1722. As no Schooners seem to appear on this
map, we cannot state what, if any, difference there
may be between their ancient and modern rig. It
would seem by this as if the Schooner at that date
was very rarely met with.

It is to be hoped that those who may have draw-
ings, paintings, or engravings of our early New Eng-
land vessels, will preserve them as mementos of our
«arly commerce, and place them where they may be of
avail to the commercial historian. Our New Eng-
land vessels from the commencement, we have reason
to believe, were somewhat different from those of
the old Country — and these peculiarities are worth
knowing and preserving; especially as they were
tometimes improvements.

Wm. Browne, Jr. receives '■^onboard ye*Sko-
ner Kingfisher, Captain John Pitman, master,'^
certain fish, &c. The schooner is said to have
originated at Gloucester in 1714. P. E. own-
ed several fSloops, and perhaps one Schooner,
and retained perhaps a Sloop or two in busi-
ness to employ himself as late as 1733-4.

About the year 1715, Philip English lost
his son William, with whom be had been con-
nected in business, and which must have been
a severe blow to hiin, as this son was more af-
ter the pattern of his father, than perhaps any
other of the sons. At the age of 19 he was
commanding the sloop Aike, belonging to his
father, bound for Virginia, and his accounts
with, and letters to, bis father and other bus-
iness men, at various times, prove him to have
been able and competent as a business man.
He died at the early age of 25 , and probably
when his father was beginning to believe he
would succeed him in his commerce. Philip
English, however, still continued in business,
and, from appearances, did not retire entirely
from trade until about 173.3-4-

In 1725 (according to Felt,) he is put into
our Salem jail for refusing as an Episcopali-
an to pay taxes for the support of the East
Church (Congregational.) How long he staid
is uncertain ; but probably not long. In
1732 the law by which he was imprisoned
was repealed. In 1734 ho appears, together

*In an old account of a fishing voyage made up in
1733, and in our possession, the vessel is described on
the outside as the " Shooner John," and on the inside
as "ye Schonner John." John Webber was master.

tin 1733-4, Philip English is paying Benj. Bea-
dle money on account of Capt. Wm. Smith, which
seems like a commercial transaction. In 1732 he
gives a Sloop to one of his children, which shows him
to have been engaged in commerce up to that time:
He was then over 80 years of age — 81 or 2. As an
itiem of the value of a sloop in 1712 we find in the
Book of Becordes for Masters the recorded sale by
Eben'r Lambert, Shipwright of Salem, of ye good
Sloop Betty, lately bailt, of about 80 tons burthen,
to Mr. Benj'n Marston of Salem for £240, that ia £3
per ton.

176

with" his family, as the donors ot land for a
site for St. Peter's Church in Salem. In 1735
he is put under guardianship as being clouded
in mind, and in 1736 dies, aged about 86
years, and is buriod in the Episcopal Church
yard.

He seems not to have confined himself alone
to commerce, but to have bought largely into
real estate. When the division of the Com-
mons took place in Salem — that is, the land
which was held in com&on by its inhabitants,
he held twenty-five shares or rights, being the
largest single proprietor. In 1692 he owned
Bome fourteen houses in Salem. Before his
death, however, he seems to have given to his
childi'en or grandchildren, some of his real es-
tate, and perhaps other portions of his prop-
erty, since his inventory shows no personal
estate of any consequence, nor anything like
the amount of real estate he had once owned.
He seems to have been treated with great re-
spect by his children, who always call him
^^ Honored talker EngJish^^ in their accounts
with him, and sometimes in their mention of
him.

After the witchcraft madness had blown
over, Philip English seems to have been for a
time popular in Salem, since he was then cho-
sen a Selectman, and a Deputy to the General
Court. Uis funeral was attended by a large
concourse of people, and by the most distin-
guished then among us.

He lost his first wife, Mary, in 1694, and in
1698 married Sarah Ingersoll, a widow. By
bis first wife he had seven children, of whom
only three survived him, viz : Philip, who
married Mary Ellis, Mary, who married Wil-
liam Browne, and Susannah, who married
John Touzell. Philip inherited the Blue An-
chor Tavern, which his grandmother, Elinor
Hollingworth, kept when poor, and in her
widowhood, and he appears to have run out the
whole belore 1750, in spite of the efforts of
Eichard *Derby to help him. Susannah died

*Richard Derby most probably out of friendship
to the father, Philip English, bought the estate of

not long after her father, and soon after her
husband, who was also a native of Jersey, a
very well educated sea captain, and who was
employed both by Philip English and William
and Samuel Browne, as captain and agent,
and who left about as large a fortune as Air.
English himself. By his second wife, Philip
English appears to have had a son John En-
glish, whose fate is uncertain. The direct
male line is perhaps extinct, but his descen-
dants in the female line are still in existence.

His life appears to have been an adventu-
rous, enterprising one, with some extraordina-
ry trials also, like that of the Witchcraft furor
and misfortunes ; and it is not to be wondered
at, that, when over eighty years of age, a
mind which had been so tried as his, should
have set amid clouds and darkness. So 'set
the mortality of his nature, but not its immor-
tality, we trust.

There is no portrait extant of Philip En-
glish, as is the case also with the Brownes
(Benjamin and William) who were his cotem-
poraries, and who so nobly remembered our
Salem schools. Philip English is represented
by tradition to have been of middle stature,
and strong physically. In character, Philip
English had some marked points, was high-
spirited: not ungenerous, impulsive withal,
and at times choleric, perhaps. He is repre-
sented to have been kind to the poor, yet not
over conciliatory to his peers. He may have
felt sore on the subject of Episcopacy, and the
denial of toleration, and was not likely, in
that respect, certainly, to have conciliated the
powerful Congregationalists. At times he ap-
pears to have been popular, and it is evident
by his papers that he was often on terms of
business intimacy with the then prominent
merchants of Salem ; and the elder Benjamin
Browne seems to have been somewhat nearer
than a business friend, to judge by one or two
old papers. Some of the papers of the Brownea
are still mingled among his own. His own

Philip Jr., and gave him permission to use the same
for his natural life, . Philip Jr. then being embar-
rassed in business.

177

immediate neighbors seem to have liked bim,
and in 1732 heartily repelled the charge, then
made againet him bj the Selectmen, of being
unsound in mind, and triumphed in tbeir op-
position, in 1735, however, it would appear
that the authoritiea triumphed in turn,
but Mr. English waa then already on the
brink oftho grave, and was soon released from
all human supervision and control. A natu-
rally buoyant spirit, joined with a higher
trust and stay, had borne bim through and
over the cares and struggles and sorrows of a
long life, and some sad and peculiar troubles,
and whatever may have been his failings or
■hortcomings, he was honored in death, and
attended to his grave by a large concourse of
the people, who were evidently gathered to-
gether, not out of respect to his wealth, which
was not then ho great, but to those qualities
which are really independent of mere wealth
or distinction. lie must have been looked
upon, we think, as having been somewhat
enterprising and useful in his day and genera-
tion, and as a man really superior to his frail-
ticE, whatever they may have been.

When Philip English came to Salem, he
must have found the town already a commercial
place — decidedly so in its character— and pos-
sessing also rich and influential merchants.
From some circumstantial items, almost a-
mounting to evidence, it is not at all unlikely
that Philip English came hither, allured by
stories he had heard aa a boy from Jersey tra-
ders or merchants who had preceded him. —
In 1661 there was in Salem a Mr. John Browne
who is described as of Jersey, and who enters
into an agreement with William Stevens of
Gloucester to build a ship ot about 110 tons
at £3 per ton, for himself, and two partners,
Messrs. Nicholas and John Balhack then in
Jersey. This Mr. John Browne agrees to pay
Stevens in goods, in part, at Mr- Corwin's, Mr.
Price's, or his own store, we should judge.
The trade between the Isle of Jersey and Sa-
lem was then already established [in 1661] and
Browne appears to have been a resident part-
ner and merchant here. The Jersey trade
i5

then with Salem was very probably the impor-
tation of hosiery and shoes from Jersey itself,
and wines, brandies and fruits from France,
Spain or Portugal, and linens from France or
Holland as a return for New England fish
(staves?) and lumber. This trade with Jet^
sey, and the neighboring countries of Europe,
may have begun before 1660, and continued,
we should judge by old papers, (in the En-
glish and Touzel families) up to the American
Revolution, if not later.

It is very probable that this Mr. John
Browne, of Jersey, permanently settled in Sa-
lem, as in January, 1673, a person of that
name, who does not appear to be John Brown,
the ruling Elder, gets a grant of 50 acres of
the town of i>alem, (Vol. 1, Grants, page 117)
on the Lynn boundary line, and a hill in oar
Great Pastures still retains the name of Belly-
hac, which may be Ballhac, and named so bj
this Mr. Browne as near his own estate, and
in compliment to one or both of his partners,
the Ballhacs, in Jersey. A William Browne,
the son of a Mr. John Browne, married the
eldest daughter of Philip English, and it ii
not unlikely that he was the son or grandson
of the Jersey merchant, with whom, or hia
children, Philip English would (as coming
from the same little Island) doubtless be well
acquainted. This seems to be the more proba-
ble, as there cannot be traced as yet any con-
nection between this Browne, and any other
Salem family of that name then resident at S.
— though there may be. At all events there
came over here as early as 1660, a Jersey
merchant by the name of Browne, who appears
to have had a trading bouse here in 1661, and
when Philip English comes here, he finds that
the Jersey trade with Salem is already begun,
and very probably tluurishing. There came
here also, alter Philip English, quite a num-
ber of Jersey people, whose descendants ar«
still among us.

We have said that Philip English found Sa-
lem about 1670 a decidedly commercial place —
that is, Salem proper— the body of the town —
and whoever looks into the history pf Salem,

178

will see the causes of this, which it may not
be unprofitable here to glanco at, and brieflj^
review, for they are |«culiar. When Salem
was first colonized by the Home Company, its
trade was doubtless limited to and with that
company to a great degree, if not entirely —
This state of things may have lasted from 1628
to 1634-5. When the company relaxed its
hold on the Colony, Salem was left to the
commercial liberty of the charter, and took,
most probably, more even than was granted by
it. Before 1636 she began doubtless to build
small vessels — shallops, pinnaces, and perhaps
ketches, for fishing and trade with the adjacent
colonies. The scarcity of gram, with which
our people were afflicted in 1631, compelled
them to send a pinnace down to Cape Cod
for corn, and such voyages were not perhaps
unfrequent for years afterward. It is very
probable that traders at Salem searched the
adjacent coasts for furs and fish in small ves-
sels up to 1640, and for years afterwards. A-
bout 1634-5 Say, wo may safely conclude that
our Salem commerce begins to bestir itself, in
a very humble way, however. At that time
there was most probably a settlement on the
Neck, (see Dr. Bentley's History of Salem)
which would naturally be the nucleus of the
marine trade of the town. As parly as 1C36,
eight individuals were granted half acre lots
at Winter Harbor (on tho Neck,) for fishing
trade, and to build upon. Shallop Cove (now
CoUins's) was early used by the fishermen for
light shallops, (as tradition has it) and who
lived themselves in a village on its shores. —
-Though Salem was settled on the North River
At first, yet the marine business of the town —
its fishing, boat-building, &c., — seems to have
centred at the lower part, on and near the
Neck, and perhaps on the harbor proper.

The authorities of Salem were not at first
zealous for trade, to judge by what Hutchin-
Bon says. That policy, however, did not last
long, for in 1635 (Dr. Bentley says,) a plan
for the fisheries was adopted and pursued, and
it greatly assisted the prosperity of the town.
jSaleio began to flourish, he says, in 1634.

The Home Company must then Lave had little
or DO control here. Now comes (iu 1635) tin
peculiar policy adopted in Salem, whiish pluc* d
her on a firm commercial basis, the fruits of
which were so obvious in 1640, and which
helped to carry her so rapidly forward to com-
mercial success. Those, who at this date, pe-
titioned for farms, obtained them (says Dr.
B.,) on the condition thai they should sell tfieir
houses in town to accotmnodate more easily all
who came for trade, and unless they sold their
houses in town, they tvere only to hold their land
by lease — the term not to exceed three years. —
Dr. B. further adds, that, as Salem held much
common land, it could offer such inducements
as could draw new and rich settlers, and that
such men as found the best lands pro-occupied
in other towns, could obtain great advantages
in Salem, and to judge by a cursory review of
the 1st volume of the Records of Salem, we
ourselves are convinced that tho town at that
day considered that it held the reverter of the
fee in almost, if not all, cases where certain
conditions were not complied with— those con-
ditions being based upon the industry and
usefulness of the grantee to the town in some
way or other, and sometimes specified in the
grant itself. Colonization of the right kind
was the object of tho town, which evidently
considered the original foe of the soil in Salem
to be in itself, at is proved by the early grants
which were sometimes made by the committee
of thirteen for the town, and sometimes by the
town in town meeting assembled. It is proved
also by the nature oi the grants made to those
who founded the large fishing village on Win-
ter Island, and built wharves, storehouses,
and even dwelling-houses there. None of
these got a fee from the town, but only a use.
To obtain a *fee even in the body of the town,

*The fee of all lands in Salem, not speciGcally
granted by the town, seems to bare been considered
anciently as belonging to the town, and to be used!
Pro Bono Publico. Those who wished to buildf
wharres even went to the town for permission, and this
was the custom down to a eomparatirely modern pe-

179

the conditions (express or implied) must be
performed by the grantee. This at least seems
to have been the general rule ; and the policy
Dr. B. spejiks of as having been applied to
tne eurl; commercial settlers of Salem, is in
harmony with the records so far as we have
been able to examine them. It was a singu-
lar policy, but an effective one, and based on a
o<)mmunity of industrial and useful interests,
and is of great importance also as determining
the ancient landed rights of the town. It
would certainly appear as if Salem still held,
according to her old laws and practice, the
fee in all lands, by sea and shore, not yet spe-
cifically granted by the town since its settle-
ment. This may be an anomaly in the town
histories of our ancient Commonwealth, but
80 it seems to be by our records. Salem ap-
pears to have been almost a Commonwealth
in itself.

This policy, mentioned by Dr. B., was a
great stimulus to commerce, as it enabled
commercial men to choose good commercial
sites in the town, and was not prejudicial to
the farmers, who got in excliange for town
lands, the meadows and rich land in the rear,
and on the outskirts of the town. Joined to
this policy was a comparative freedom of trade
under the charter, and under the English
Commonwealth. Dr. Bentley states that not
only was a ship of 300 tons built here in 1640,
but that another of 200 tons was built in 1642 j
and that 80 per cent profit was made this year
— in trade. Though Marblehead was then su-
perior to Salem in the fisheries, and though
Gloucester, Manchester, and the whole Eastern
shore of Massachusetts was then also engaged
in the fishery, yet Salem doubtless flourished,
and enjoyed her share of the general prosper-
ity which prevailed over the Colony in 1645.
The agricultural rivalry of Ipswich at this pe-
riod may have checked Salem as a farming

riod. The biatory of the ancient common rights of
Salem, and of the grants made by her, prove that
Salem considered the fee of her land to be In herself,
and she the great grantor.

town — though it probably only directed her
attention the more keenly to her commercial
interests. In 1641 and in 1643, Salem must
have been largely engaged in shipbuilding, we
should judge, by the several orders of the Gen-
eral Courts in these jears referring to ship-
building ; and in 1642 Salem pays the next
highest sum of the Colony tax — £75^ Boston
£120 — which shows oalem to have been well
grounded in her prosperity at that time. Sha
may have been somewhat checked in 1642,
but not seriously, so far as we can find.

In 1646 Salem has a viewer of Pipe staves
ordered for it by General Court, as defective,
worm-eaten staves had been sent abroad to our
prejudice. The General Court order viewers
for some other ports also. This however shows
that Salem was then one of the principal ex-
porters of such articles, and doubtless made
a profit thereon. Salem may be in 1651 one
of the places aimed at by the Commonwealth
in England as furnishing Virginia and Barba-
does with gunpowder (those colonies being
then Royalist,) and so stood in jeopardy of
losing her free trade privileges ; but this storm
blew over, and from thence to 1660 — and '70
it is evident she must have flourished with the
colony. In 1664 she had her rich merchants,
and in 1670 was well grounded in the Euro-
pean,West Indian, and Colonial trade — and the
wise policy ot the town — commencing in the
day of small things — in 1635 — had invited
capital, skill, and industry to her harbor and
shores, and in less than forty years, Salem was
a commercial town favorably known in Europe
— trading wita all nations — and comparative-
ly wealthy Such doubtless was the town, as
it met the eyes of Philip English, when he
came here between 1660 and '70, and such the
causes and effects of its prosperity. The wise
policy of encouragement — the wealth of its
resources, viz, its fisheries, lumber, and furs —
and the general freedom of its commerce — all
combined to place it in this short period on a
substantial prosperity.

Phillip English found the town a prominent
commercial place when he entered it, and lived

180

to see it more than double in populatioa, and
most probably in means. In 1680 (about 10
jears after he came here) Massachusetts had
about 120 ships, eloops, ketches and other
craft. In 1G86 Dunton (who was then herej
writes of Salem as "being reported next to
Boston in trade." Between 1714 and '18 (ac-
cording to Custom House Returns) Massachu-
setts had 492 vessels of 25,406 tons and 3,492
Seamen, and in 1731, 38000 tons of shipping,
about one half of which was in the E uropean
trade. Sulem, as next in commercial impor-
tance to Boston, must be credited with her
share of this shipping and attendant wealth.
For the 50 jears or more,whicli Phillip Eno;lisb
occupied in commercial pursuits, there must
have been a great advance in the commercial
importance of the town, spite of commercial
losses and drawbacks to its prosperity. —
He also grew up with — or was a contempora-
ry with a body of merchants, whoso lives, char-
acters, papers, acts, and histories, prove them
to have been solid, reliable, useful enterprising
men — and not a lew of them generous and
public fpirited. Some of them were the im-
mediate descendants of the old Puritan leaders
of the Colony. The Corwins, the Sewalls, the
Higginsons, tho Browns were really distin-
guished merchants— were wise men — not mere-
ly to acquire wealth, but in that higher wis-
dom—the skill to use it for noble ends and pur-
poses, and as a trust, to which grave responsi-
bilities attached. They were educated men al-
so. Tho society of Salem, moreover, as ruled
over by such men, was sensibly affected by
their example, and it struck Dunton when hero
in 1686 forcibly, reminding him of the gener-
ous hospitality, the genuine ease, the sterling
■worth, tho wise stability, and intellectual cul-
ture which characterized the really good soci-
ety in England. Dunton came near forgetting
old England, and even his home and wife.
he tells us in his own amusing way while in
Salem — being tempted to remain here perma-
nently,

Salem at that day (1686) doubtless was the
most agreeable residence in New England, to

judge by Dunton^s account. Boston was more
cosmopolitan, but Salem more homelike — more
stable, more really socwl. It was a quiet
town as compared with Boston — wealthy e-
nough however for liberaKt^ and hospitality
— somewhat reserved — retajnitig many of the
sober re&traints of PuritaoiiMik, and nofe^ few
of its primitive virtues. ' 'Yfae venerable Hig-
ginson then presided over its morals and re-
ligion, assisted by the polished and agreeable,
but not so solid Noyes. The eminent Epes
over its learning — the wise, generous and hos-
pitable Sewall over its laws ; and around them
were gathered a group of men, and merchants
whose characters were unstained — whose
miniJs were liberal and polished by books,
travels, and knowledge of mankind — men who
believed in religion, were brought up unde?
its influence, and who reverenced its example,
— men in whom the old and austere Puritan-
ism of the Colony had become mellowed and
softened — who had been blessed with abun-
dance, and used it wisely. The society of the
town was hospitable, refined, enlightened. Its
merchants were men of their word, its people
true to their engagements. Dunton, who
came to Siilem to dispose of part of his adven-
ture of books, which he brought to Boston
from England, disposed of a part here, and
has not a word to say about the "Grecian
faith,'" which a seller needed, who then traded
with the Boston people. He was hospitably
and kindly treated in S., well encouraged,
and promptly paid, and therefore gives us a
character written in letters of gold and silver.
He describes the town as then being about
a mile long, with many fine houses in it. It
is evident that he then found Salem a compar-
atively wealthy, refined, intelligent, scabi*
town. And such Salem then was. It bad,
evidently, a society in which the elements of a
wise conservatism were apparent. It was so-
ber, yet given to hospitality— reserved, but
generous and virtuous — free from show and
pretence — of solid sterling worth. There were
here too those habits, and ways and modes of
thought and life which characterized good bo

181

ciety in England, and somewhat too jerhaps
of the distlnctionp and grades of society there
found— modiBed, however, by the more popu-
lar and peculiar views of New England. —
Quality and quantity were terms understood
nnd practised upon in our early N. E Society
as elsewhere, but modified som-'vrhat by our
more popular ideas. Our society was not
then quite English, though resembling it, but
rather new English — an improvement on the
original, and admitting of indefinite improve-
ment also. It may have looked to England
somewhat (or its models, but it also looked to
its ow^n origin and progress also, and the laws
of reason and wisdom. There was a loyalty
io it, which externally and superficially was
directed to the royalty and aristocracy of Eng-
land, but which in the hour of trial was really
devoted to God and liberty. The men and
■women of New England were loyal to God
and not the King, in any great emergency —
God being to them the King even of Kings —
and though this loyalty might sleep for a time.
it never died. It was the deep inspiration —
the calm belief — the motive power of their re
ligion, their thoughts, their manners, and
their laws — the key to their history — the se-
cret of their triumphs. The idea of liberty in
cburcb — in State — in morals, manners, cus-
toms and laws, is the great idea, from whose
seed has sprung New England as she is, relig-
iously, intellectually, politically, commercial-
ly, and socially. It is the germ of our exis-
tence, our growth, our flower, and our fruit.
It is a developement of that idea outwardly,
and irresistably. From that idea we sprang
as a people, and any and all attempts to make
ourselves foreign to this are unnatural, absu>d,
unwise. We are not, and cannot be, of for-
eign growth or complexion. We may be made
to BO appear, we may even attempt to make
ourselves appear so : but we must return final-
ly to ourselves — a people whose seed is free-
dom—and whose law of developement, and
growth, and flower, and fruitage, must simply
come from — liberty — the liberty, moreover.
wbieb is of itself restraint, reason, wisduui,

46

morality, order, religion — which abhors license
in all Its forms and ways, and is as far removed
from it as the heavens are above the earth,

[The prosecution of Philip English and his wiftt
for witchcraft, with the direct and collateral docu-
mentary evidence pertaining thereto, will be given
as a Second Part of this Sketch in the coming
volume of the Historical Collections.]

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS. INVENTORIES, &o.,
ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF
COURTS, SALEM, MASS.

Copied by ha J. Pttfch.

John Norton, April, 1663.

Copy of will of John Norton, of Boston,
will dated 14th Jan., 1661, mentions brother
Wm. Norton of Ipswich ; gives him land be
bought of Matthew Whipple, deceased, now
in the occupatibn of Goodman Annable ; givea
bim also the 100 pounds due unto him for his
house in Ipswich which Mr. Cobbctt now
dwelleth in.

his ever endeared and honored mother thirty
pounds in current money of England, to be
paid to her use in London, at bis Brother
Thomas Norton's house.

his two sisters, Mrs. Martha Wood and
Mrs. Mary Young, £20 between them, to be
paid at Thomas's .house in London, brother
Thomas and Elizabeth, his wife.

gives ten pounds to the poor of the church
of wiiich he is an unworthy officer.

wife, Mrs. Mary Norton, and app'ts her
sole ext'x, and app'ts Mr. Rawson secretary,
and Elder Pen overseers. Proved June 12,
1663.

Mary Smth, May, 1663,
Will of Mary Smith, wile unto the late
James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar.
1663, daughter Catherine Eborne. & daughter
Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Jo>
seph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daugiiter Mary
Rowland's five children, daughter Cathren E-
borne, children Mary, Rebecca, Moses, Uan-
nab, James & Sarah, Samuel, son James Smith.

152

John Bennett, Ath mo., 1663.
, Inventory of the estate of widow Bennet ol
Marblehead, amounting to £76 023 Od, re-
turned and allowed 30th 4th mo., 1663.

Thos, Flint, Ath mo., 1663.

Will of Thomas Flint, dated Apr. 1, 1663.
X To his wife 6<.> acres of improved, and his

meadow and housing. To his son Thomas 30
acres of upland on his farme next to Mr. Gard-
ner's, which was bought of Mr. Higginson
and Goodman Goodell, as he sees fit, not en-
croaching on his mother's meadow or brother's
land, as also ten pounds in corno or cattle, all
of which he is to enjoy at age.

Sons George, John, Joseph, daughter Elia'b,
app'ts his wife sole cxt'x, and Mr. \Vm, Brown
■r., Goodman Moulton and Jos. fSwianerton,
Jr., to be overseers.

proved 2d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate taken Apr. 14,
1663, by Robt. Moulton, Sam'l Verey, and
Henry Phelps, amounting to £330 I63 Od,
debts, £65, 13s, 4d, returned 2d 5th mo., and
allowed.

Robt. Sallows, 4th mo., 1663.
Inventory ot Robert Sallows, taken by Thos.
Lowthropp, John Thorndike, Richard Brack-
enburg and John Patch, amounting to £143
9a 6d, returned Ist 5th mo., 1663.

Thos. Sallotus, Ath mo., 1663.
Inventory of Thomas Sallows, taken 4th
Jane, 1663, by Elias Stileman and Thos.
Kootes, amounting to £105 lis 03d, returned
3d 5th mo., 1663.

f Geo. Smith, 4th mo., 1663.
Inventory of estate of George Smith of Sa-
lem, taken 9th May, 1663, by Jeffrey Massey
atid Thos. Rootes, amounting to £9, returned
and adm'n granted to the widow.

Henry Muddle, 4th mo., 1663.
1^ Inventory of estate of Henry Muddle of
Gloucester, amounting to £16 8s lOd ; debts

and charges £2 198 9d, returned by Peter
Duncan, and is allowed 3d 5th mo., 1603.

Wm. Cantlebury, 4th mo., 1663.

Will of Wm. Cantlebury of Salem, datid
2d April, 1661. wife Beatrice, son John,
daughter Ruth, daughter Rebecca, and her
children ; mentions the farm he bought of Mr.
George Corwinn3, app'ts Beatrice his wife
sole ext'x, and Mr. John Croade overseer. —
Witnesses — John Porter, sr., and Nath'i Fel-
ton.

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate, taken 25th June,
1663, by Thos. Gardner, sen'r, and Nath'i
Felton, amounting to £470 Ss Od. List of
debts £45 15s 8d, returned 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Thomas Antrum, 4th mo., 1663.
Will of Thos. Antram of Salem, dated 24th
11th mo., 1662, mentions Isaac Burnape, the
son oi his daughter Hannah Burnape, under
age, son Obadiah Antram, Thomas Spooner,
Uilyard Veren.

app'ts Edmund Batter ex'or, and Thomas
Spooner and Ilillii.rd Veren my overseers. —
Witnesses— Thomas Spooner and Wm. Wood-
cocke. Will signed but a few days before his
death.

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate, taken Feb. 17,
1662, by Elias Stileman and John Rucbe, a-
mounting to £258 Os Od, returned by Edmond
Batter 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Rolt. Roberts, Sept., 1663.
Inventory of estate of Robt. Roberts of Ips-
wich, taken July 20. 1063, by Thos. Clarke
and Ringdell Foster, Jr.. amounting to £177
lis 8d, returned 29 Sept., 1663.

Thos. Scott, Sept., 1663.
Receipt of Ric'd Kimball and Edmund
Bridges, lor £24, Sarah Scott's portion of her
father's estate, paid by Ezekiel Rogers, Maj
la, 1661.

183

Receipt of Mary Scott for £25, her portion
or her Hither Thomas iSeott's estate, paid by
Wr. Ez-kiel Rogers, Apr. 23. 1C63.

Receipt of Hannah Boswort, of £5, his wife
Abigail's share of her father Thomaa Scott's
tstate, Oct. 1, 1663.

John Comings, 9ih mo., 1663.
Inventory of estate ot John Comings, in pos-
session of John Ormes, Salem, taken 26th No-
^ Tember, 1663, by Edmond Batter and Waiter
Price, amounting to £47 14a 6d, returned
14th 9ih mo, 1663, and John Gardner and
John Ormea were app'i adm'rs.

John Pickworth, 9ih mo., 1663.

Will of John Pickworth, dated 27th 4th

^ mo., 1663, wife Ann Pickworth, eldest son,

John, 3 sons, Samuel, Joseph and Benjamin,

daughters Ruth Macpherson and Vanin Col-

lem, youngest dau Abigail, app'ts his wife,

John and Sam'l, Thomas Jones and Wm.

Bennet, overseera. proved 25th 9th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate taken 25th Aug't,

1663, by Wm. Allen and Robert Leach, a-

mounting to £168 48 Od, returned by Ann

Pickworth 25th 9th mo-, 1663.

Rich'd Rootens, 9th mo., 1663.
< Will of Rich'd Rootens, dated June 12, 1663,
mentions hi4 wife, his kinsman, Edmond Root-
en, Jonathan Hartshorne ; gives his pastor,
Mr. Whitney, forty shillings. Witness —
Henry Rhodes. Robert Driver, and Francis
Burrill. his wife to be ex'tx. Henry Rhodes
and George Taylor, overseers, proved 25th
9th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate taken Sept. 20,
1663, by Nath'l Handforth and Francis Bur-
rill, £280 6s 2d : list of debts, £9 9a^ Od, re-
turned 25th 9tb mo., 1663.

Elias Stileman, 9th mo., 1663.
"^ Inventory of Elias Stileraan, taken 7th 9th
month, 1662, by Edmond Batter and Billiard
Yeien, amounting to £176 128 6d. List of

debits £279 123 4d, returned 26th 9th mo.,
1663.

Gershom Lambert, Mar., 1664.
Will of Gershom Lambert of Rowley. 16th
Mar., 1664, mentions Aunt Rogers. (Broth-
ers.) Thos. Lambert, John Lambert, John I'
Spofford sr, Charles Brewer, Richard Lighten,
cousin Mary Brewer, cousin Eliz'h Piatt,
sister Ann, wife of Thos. Nelson ; Thos. Nel*
8on, ex'or. proved 29th Mar., 1664.

Thos. Barnes, 4th mo., 1664.
Inventory of estate of Thos. Barnes of Sa*
lem, taken 12th 11th mo., 1663, by Walter ^
Price, Elias Stileman, amounting to £337,
18s 9d ; list of debts, amounting to £120 I3a
Od, allowed 24th 4th mo., 1664.

Henry Harwood, Ath mo., 1664.

Inventory of estate of Henry Harwood of
Salem, taken lOth Ist mo., 1663-4, by Joseph
Grafton, Geo. Gardner, John Gardner and
Henry Bartholomew, amounting to £163 148
6d, allowed 27th 4th mo., 1664. ,^

Testimony (dated 29lh 4th mo., 1664,) of
Messrs. John Higginson and Henry Bartholo-
mew as to the minde of said Harwood, in the
disposing of his estate to his wife as long aa
she lives, and after her death to be equally di-
vided between bis kinswoman and his wife's
daughter, Elizabeth Nixcn, except a legacy of
four pounds to the poor of the church in bear-
ing the charge of the E^ord'e Supper.

Copy of the order of Court held at Salem
29th 4th mo., 1664, app'ting the widow ad'mx
and after her decease, Jane Flinders, wife of
Ric'h Flinders, to have all the land, and
Eliz'b, wife of Matthew Nixon, to have the
balance.

Sam'l Beadle, 4th mo., 1664.
Will of Sam'l Beadle of Salem, dated Mar. ^
12, 1663, son Nath'l Beadle, dau Dorothy,
three smallest children, "now at home with
me," Samuel, Thomas and Eliz'b, appt'a
Walter Price ex'or and John Croad and Hill-
yard Veren overseers, approved 30th 4th mo.,
'64.

184

NATHAN REED.

Hon. Nathan llced, whose lithograph is in-
serted in this nuniher, was born in Warren,
Mass., July 2, 1759. He was son of Reuben
and Taraerson Reed, of Warren ; Reuben was
son of Nathaniel and Phvbe Reed ; Nathaniel,
eon of Thomas Reed of Sudbury, and his wife
Abigiil ; migrated in early life from Sudbury
to Warren. Thomas was son of Thomas and
Mary Reed, of Sudbury ; the elder Thomas
was son of Ellas, who was son of William, ol
Maidstone, in the County of Kent, England,
Professor of Divinity, and his wife Lucy. The
earliest notice of the name in America, is in
Woburn, Mass., and thence moved to Sudbury.
Hegiaduated at Harvard CoUoge, in 1781
and w^as familiarly known among his cla-^s-
mates, as Nothumb instead of Nathan, having
BOme deficiency in one thumb. He was for
some years Tutor in the College, and after-
wards studied Medicine with Dr. E. A. Hol-
yoke, of Salem. He then kept an Apothecary
Shop, in Salem, and was known as Dr. Reed.
He married Oct. 20, 1790, Elizabeth Jeffrey,
of Salem, whose father, William, was Chrk
of the Courts, of Essex County. He was the
inventor of a patent lor the manufacture of
nails, which originated the building of the
Danvers Iron WoriiS, so called.' He was also
the actual inventor of the first Steamboat with
paddle wheels in American waters. The trial
trip of this boat which took place in 1789,
was from Danvers Iron Works to Beverly. On
board were the Governor of the Common-
wealth, the Hon. Nathan Dane, Dr. E. A.
Holyoko, Rev. Dr. Prince, and other distin-
guished men.

His country residence was near the Iron
Works, in Danvers, the same that has lately
been known as Capt. Porter's ; his town
dwelling was en the site where Plummer Hall
now stands, and was removed to give place for
the present building.*

• Thia site was owned about % century since by
Joseph Bowditch — be bequeathed it to bis daughter

He reiiresented Essex South District in the
Congress of the United States, in 1798-9. In
1807, he removed to Maine, and was Chief
Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, for
the State of Maine, till nearly th« time of his
death, which took place at Belfast, January
20, 1849, in his 90th year.

A more mmute account of him is given by
J. W. Reed. Esq., uf Groveland, Mass.. in his
History of the Reeds or Rk.\ds, now in press.
This wnrk gives an account of the origin and
definition of the name, the wars, conquests and
migrations of t]>e cl.ins of Rei^d in the old
world, and notices of every one of the name
in the United States.

Mrs. Elizabeth Jeffry, from whom it descended to
her daughter, the wife of Nathan Reed, the subject
of our notioe. In 179i} it was sold to Capt. Joseph
Peabody, and remained in the possession of that
family until 1855, when it was convej-ed to the Pro-
prietors of the Salem Athenaeum to erect thereon,
Plummek Hall, from funds bequeathed by the lata
Miss Caroline Plummer, of Salem. The dwelling,
thus removed, was built by Mr. Reed, in 1793. —
Col. Perk-y Putnam, the pj-esent superintendent of
streets, yet a hale and hearty octogenarian, worked
on this building when an apprentice. The following
letter from him may not be inappropriately inserted
in this connection.

Salem, Feb. 11, 1859.

Dear Sir, — In compliance with your request of
last evening, in reference to the time when Dr.
Reed's (late Capt. Joseph Peabody's) house was
built, I would inform you that the carpenters com-
menced working on the frame of said house early
in the month of October, 1793. The house was
framed in the garden back of where it was erected.
The frame was raised, boarded, shingled, <fec., be-
fore the old Bowditch house was demolished —
which stood a little to the eastward of the centre of
the lot, and projected out over the present line of
the street, about half the width of the present side-
walk When the house was first raised it had the
appearance of being set up very high from the
ground. But, at that time, that part of Essex
street was quite low, and was soon after raised,
graded, and paved, after which the house had a
very different appearance, at the time it was remov-
ed. Samuel Mackintire was the Architect, and Jo-
seph Maokfntire and others were the carpenters, <feo.

At the time said house was erected, there was not
a tree or a shrub on the lot, with the exception of a
few black currant bushes, which stood by the side of
an old stone wall, which ran along on the south of
Brown street, where the brick wall now stands.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,

PERLEY PUTNAM.

Db. Henby Wheatlaxd..

.;ri^^,.-.

^^^r^'w

yi. sj^r^m. ^\i:\n

185

THE 'OLD PLANTERS" OFSALEM, WHO WERE
SETTLED HERE UEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF
GOVEKNOR ENDICOTT, IN 1628.

BY GEORGE D. PHIPPEX.

Btud at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, Uarek 26, 18S8-
Continued from Page 153.

PETEK PALFRAY

Was among the first one hundred and six-
teen men who t >ok the freeman's oath at the
first Gener il Court for that purpose, May 18,
1631, as were several others also, of the first
plant'Ts, viz : Mr. Koger Conant, John
Woodhury, John Balch. Mr William Jeffrey,
and William Allen. May 9th, 1632, Palfray
and Conant were the two persons chosen for
Salem, ace irding to aa order of General Court,
to confer with th^ GjvernDr and Assistants, a-
bjut raising a puhlic stock.
. On the 7th of November, of the same year,
he was appointed with Messrs. Turner and Co-
nant a Committee of the General Court, to set
off a tract of land to John Humphrey, the
Deputy Governor, in Saugus. tie was often
on the land Committee, and Board of Select-
men in Salem.

In 1635, was a Deputy at the second Gene-
ral Court ; this year he received liis grant of
two hundred acres at the head of Bass Kiver.
It is supposed by some that he never lived upon
this farm, which we r-^gard as uncertain.*

Hi removed to Reading about 1652. At
tiwn meeting there, March 1, of that year, he
was chosen one of the Prudential Committee
of five. "The power th it the Towne doth give
to the five men before man'-iooed is to order all
the prudential aff.iirs of the town exciepting giv-
ing of laud and timber." He was often after-

* The following extraet from the Court Records,
evinces that our ancestors were not exempt from a
certain class of social troubles. At the Quarter Court
held at Salem, 27 of 4, 1637. Eadicott, Conant and*
Uathorne, presiding magistrates.

"Jane Wheat servant unto Peter Palfray had not
only wrongel her neighbours in killing their poul-
trie, but being convict of lying loytering and run-
ning away from her master, was whipped."

47

ward chosen upon this and other Committeea
at Reading. At town meeting. Feb 7, 1658,
•'There was given to Peter Palfray, three acrei
of meadow in the Long Hedge of meadow,
that lyeth by Rockey Meadow." On the 14th
of the same month, the upland at the north
side of Ipswich River, was divided by lot a-
mong the inhabitants ; to Peter Palfray fell,
one hundred and seventy acres and forty-three
poles. This land was located in what is now
North Reading, not far from the present Bap-
tist meeting-house; the meadows that bordered
the River in front of this land, were formerly
very valuable, but were much injured in later
years by the damming of the river in the con-
struction of mills.

On the 31st of 1st mo., 1653, Palfray sold
to Francis Skerry, husbandman of Salem, two
acres of marsh, lying near the ferry, in sail
town, and abutting upon the garden of John
Luff, this no doubt was his original allotment
at his first settlement with Conant in 1626.
Balch owned the adjoining land northward, a-
long the river and nearer the ferry.

In December, 1653, "Peter Palfray, plan-
ter, late of Salem," sold half an acre of land
between John Horn and Capt. U ithorne, over
against Mr. Downing's house.

On the 23th of 7th month, 1644, Gaorgo
Hawkins, of B)ston, by power of attorney
from George Kichisson sold William Dodge,
for £40, his faroj of two hundred acres near
the head of Bass River, late tlie possession ot
Peter Palfray. After an active and wrU spent
life, he died at Reading, September 15, 1663.
Ilia will was dated Oct. 21. of the previoui
year, and commences with these words :
"Whereas I, Peter Palfray have taken into
consideration the brittleness of my life, especiai-
ly being^arr stricken in years,'* t^c.

It is recorded in the Middlesex Probate Rce-
ordif, book 2, folio 181, and has codicils dated
19 May, 1663. He had three wives. His sec-
ond wife, Elizabeth, was widow of John
Fairfield, oi Wenhara.who died in 1646. His
third wife, Alice, is mentioned in his will.

Mr. Palfray and hia first wlfo wero amoog

186

the original meiub'^rs of tho First Church,
where bin children were baptized, viz :

Jonathan and Jehodan baptized 25tb of lOtb
mODvh, 1G36. Jehodan married Benj. S'uith,
Marcli 27. 1661. She died Nov, 5, 1662.

Remember, baptized 16th of 7th month,
1638, married Peter Aspinwall, of Muddy
Kiver, 12th of Feb. 1661, bv John Endicott,
Governor.

Mary, baptized 15th of 10th month, 1639,
called his youngest child in June, 1662. One of
his daughters married iSunuel Pickin^in, anoth-
er Matthew Johnson. No son is mentioned in
his will, 8)me have supposed he had a Kon
older than t!)e children whose baptisms are re-
corded, and who may have been in circumstan-
ces not to need further assistance from their
father. Ilia estate, consisting of land and
meadow beyond tho river. &c., was valued at
eighty-four pounds, ten shillings. In conse
quence of the want of any thing definite abuut
the continuance of his son or sons, it has thus
far been impossible for the present Palfrays
to trace their line farther back than to the
three following men, supposed grandsons of
Peter.

All that is wanted is to find a common fath-
er to Walter, of" Salem^ William of Baston,
and John of Cambridge, probably sons of
Jonathan or some other son of Peter, of
■which however no proof remains. These
three men had each considerable families, and
their descendants appear to embrace all the
Palfrays of New England.

Walter is the ancestor of the Silem family,
still represented, and who have been known
throughout the hjstury of the town. William
is the ancestor of the Hon. John G. Palfray,
late member of Congress, and one of the his-
torians of the country. Prominent men are
found in all the branches. If tho lost patri-
arch were found, a complete g.-'nealogy could
easily b'^ made from the primitive Peter to the
present time.

This family in Salem is connected among

nings, Derbys, Graftons, Downings, l*.,ippoiia,
&c.*

WALTER KNIGIIT

Was among the Episcopalians at Nantibkot,
in 1622, and removed with Conant t) Cape
Anne, in 1624; he was thirty-nino years of age,
when in 1626 he followed Conant to Naum-
keag ; was probably a carpenter, and emp'nyo 1
l)y the Dorchester Merchans to as-isr in tl e
Construction of buildings for tho New Colony.
Richard Brackenbury in his extiom'ly valua-
ble document, f testified in 1680, that when he
arrived at Salem, with Gov. Endifott, in 1G28,
he found Walter Knight there, and that Nor-
man, Allen and Knight, sc ited that th'-y came
over for the Uorehester Merchants, and had
built sundry housjs at S.ilem, and tliat VValt.T
Knight and the rest said that they bad also
built a house at Cape Anno, "and soh I was <
sent with them to Cape Anne, to pull down
the said house for Mr. Endicott's use, the
which wee did." It was erected iimncdiately
in 8alem, where under many alterations it is
supposed to be standing at t!ie present <lay J

Brackenbury also menti 'n>: Woodbury, Co-
nant, Palfray, Balch and others, in another

* Refe.-ences. — Hubbard, Prince, Felt, Rantoul,
Young, Reo, of Mas.^., Probate and Deeds Rec,
Court and Church Rec, Town Rec. of Salem and
Reading.

f Presented from another source, on page 156.

■j:Allu3ion to Gov. Endicott's hou^e has been before
mnde with some confidence, on pages 102 and 4, and
from another source on page 156, and the opinion
has long prevailed that it was situated on the cor-
ner of Church and Washington streets, and this state-
ment has occasionally appeared in print. Since tho
appearance of the last number of these Collections,
however, extensive examination of the Essex Regis-
try of Deeds, in relation to this' estate has been
made, with the disappoiutment, of not largely cor-
roborating, at the same time not directly conflicting
with tliis view. Zerubabel Endicott, son of the Gov-
ernor, sold the land on which this house stands to
Daniel Eppes, in 1G81, and the region thereabbuts

was long known as Endicott's field. See memoir of
others, with tho primitive stock of the Man- 'gov. Endicott, by C. M. Endiaott, page 20 and note.

187

p.irigrjiph, and from the manner in which h<
|lpoJlk^< of the men found at Salem, classifying
them as it w rd in two differenc 8entenee«, w
infer, that tht) relation of these two clas.-te
were essentially different. The one appearing
1 ke ui^-n who posse.s8ed a prime interest in the
umiiTtaking, while the others were with-
out d>>ubt men who were sent over in a sub
B.Tvi.;n( capacity, and there are other indica-
tions ihac the latter were men of less education
and refinement. Norman and Allen were carpen-
ters, and the otliers in the same para^rap
were of occupations indispensable to a new ■^et'-
tiement.

The ad >pti m of this yiew, we think, ac-
counts cjucl.isiv.ly for the omission of one set
of these names in the large grant of one thou-
sand acres of land at Bass lliver. We intend
however, under another head, to show tliat
reasonal)le prjof remiins that they, tiie other
party, di I collectively receive a similar grant
as "old pi inters," thougli in a far less quan
tity.

The namo of Walter Knight is not found a-
mong the numbers of the First Church, and
he may have uiaint lined his high church oppo
positi'>n t!ir>ughout his residence in Salem.

In IGIO and '42. he iiao sjme small causes at
the Quarter Court, in Salem. In the formej.
year he received £3 as plaintiff against Richard
Cook 2d of Ist month, 1640, he was fined £10
at the Qi.irter Court in Boston, for rude and
contemptuous speeches ; and for security made
over a bill of £11. In 1653, at the age of
sixty-six. ho was living in Boston, when he de-
posed that Tiiomas Gray had received Nantas-
ket by the yeir 1622, from Chikataubut, Saga-
more of the Massachusetts Indians.

This is all we have learned of Knight or his
family. Information is doubtless accessible a-
mong the Records of Suffolk County.

Cotemporary with him the next ten years af-
ter the settlement, were William and Ezekiel
Knight, at Salem ; William died about 1655,
leaving wife Elizabeth and four children.
George at Hingham, John at Watertown,
John at Newbury, Richard at Weymouth,

William mini(«ter at Topstield, and perhaps
»thers, who are not likely all to have been of
me family. The name is common throughout
the country.*

WILLI.\M ALLEN
And his wile Elizabeth, were among the
ori;jinal memliers of the First Church ; her
maiden name we think was Bradley, as John
Bradley was called Allen's brother in law, in
1642. He was admitted a freeman among the
first. May 18. 1631. He had a grant of fifty
acres of land on 20 of 12, 16o6j at which time
John Woodbury had a warrant to lay it out.
On 2;3d of 2d, 1638, one acre of Salt Marsh
w 18 granted him adjoining his lot — probably
at the 01 1 Planter's Marsh. On the 25th of
Uth month, 1642, William Allen and Robert
Allen were granted ten acres apiece at the
Great Pond, \Wenham Lake.) William Allen
was by trade a carpenter; in 1637 he and
Samuel Archer were to build the powder
house, and were allowed two months to finish
it in. He removed to Manchester, where
many generations of the name have lived. It
appears that on the 13th of May, 1640. he,
with sixteen others of Salem, among whom
were Robert Allen and John Norman, petition-
ed General Court for liberty to remove to Jef-
fry's Creek, (Manchester,) and erect a yillaga
there. He may not have retnoved immediate-
ly for it was not until ten years lat-^r, that he
seld his homestead in Salem, viz: On the 9th
of 4th month, 1650, he sold his lute dwelling
house and one half acre of land adjoining, in
Salem, and six acres in the south field, to John
Bridgman, of siid place. On the 20th of
April, 1659, he sold Samuel Gardner, a quanti-
ty of land lying near the meeting house, be-
tween Philip Cromwell's and Richard Still-
man's land.f Like most of the old planters,

* RfferrnctJi. — Felt's Salem Mas8. Rcc, Court Files
Gen. Reg. vol. 1, page 38, Reg. Deeds, Town Rec. Ac.

fThe following is subjoined for future elucidation
as to locality. At Court at Boston, July 3, 1632.
Rev. Mr. Skelton, among other lands was granted
"ten acres on a Neck of land abutting on the South

11

he lived to be aged, dying in 1G78 or "9, In
1364, then an old man, he deposed that it had
been a resolve of the inhabitants of >alein,
that when land was granted on the rivers that
skirt the town, a reservation should be made
for a passage between the top of the banks and
the water side, and such were undoubtedly a-
mong the most primitive of our highways.

His children, baptized at the first Church,
were

Deborah, baptized 23d of 2d month, 1637.
Bethiah, " 16th of 11th month, 1639
Oiiisiphorus, " 3d of 5th mimth, 1642.

"William, " 31st of 3d month, 1646.
Jonathan, " 29th of 5th month, 1649.

His son Samuel, probably older than either,
we do not find mentioned among the baptisms.
His will is recorded on the 72d folio of the
first book of Etsex Probate Records, dated 7th
June. 1678, proved 26th of 4th month, 1679.
wherein he styles himself "William Allen, sen>
of Manchester,'" makes his wife Elizabeth full
and sole executrix of his property, to be dis-
posed of after her death ; part of which is as
follows, "to Samuel, the remainder of the twen-
ty five acre lot of upland, and the share of the
fresh meadow; to 2d son Onisiphorus, and son
"Williaiu Allen, my whole fifty acre lot, and an
acreof saltmarsh at lower end of my orchard."
It is remarked that both these sons had houses
of their own. and were to have Jands adjoin-
ing them. In the inventory presented, which
amounted to £186, 10s, among other lands and
efiects, arc mentioned fifteen acres of upland
Jyin^ on the bounds of Beverly, joining to
Wenham Gr>'at Pond, also two oxen, one cow
two hcilers, two sheep, and a horse.

Bobert Allen, probably William's brother,
was granted on the 4tli of 12ch month, 1638,
twenty-five acres of land at Jeffrey Creek; his

River, upon the Harbour River on the North, upon
William Allen's ground on the East, and upon Mrs.
Ilijginson's ground on the west." Query. — When
was William Allen's land, and was Harbour Rivei
the North River, the land being bounded on the
fiouth by the South River ?

children were born in 1640 and odd. From
these men h&ve descended those bearing the
name in Salem, Manchester and vicinity.*

THOMAS GRAY.
A very early settler, purchased Nantasket of
the Indian Sachem Ciiikutaubut, as early as
1622, where he was living with John Gray
and Walter Knight, and to his eiiccor and
hospitality the persecuted Epifrcopalians of
Plymouth fl-d, and very naturally therefore he
would aecompaoy Conant to Cape Anne and
Naumkeag, when the prospects were so flatter-
ing of the permanent establishment of Episco-
pacy.

Thomas Gray, supposed to be th« same per-
son, was located in Marbleharbor, [Marble-
head,] then a part of Salem, as early as 1631;
his name is met with as of that place till 1660
or later. The records of the Quarter Court at
Salem, and the Court of Assistants at Boston,
during that period, do not furnish any other
point worthy of interest relating to him. lie
lived to be aged, and should have been venera-
ble.

Another Thomas Gray was living at Ply-
mouth in 1643, and died there Nov. 29, 1682.

Robert Gray, who was horn about 1634, liv-
ed in Salem, and liad children born there in
1656 to '66. lie was fined in 1669, for attend-
ing Quaker meeting ; his will was made in
1662 ; loft Elizabeth, Joseph, Robert, Bethiah
Hannah and Mary. The name Robert contin-
ues to he very common in this family after-
ward. There were coteinporary families very
early in the county, and probably of diffjrent
origins f

JOHN TILLEY.
At the commencement of the Cape Anna
settlement, John Tilley was appointed Over-
seer of the Fishing interest, while the planting

* Rrfrrrnces. — Mass. Rec., Town and Church Rcc.,
Reg. of Deeds and Probate.

flieferrnces. — Felt's Annals, Drake's Boston, Re«
Qr. Court, Rco. of Mass. Gen. Reg., 2. 235.

1S9

depiirtinvnt vrus placed ia charge of Thomas
Gardner.

It is generally accepted that Tilley followed
Conant to Naumkeag in 1G26. He took tlie
freeman's uath March 4, 1534. He was a
mariner bv occupatiun, and identified with the
fishing and euuiinercial tradin|r of MasHachu-
setts till his d-ath in 1G36. His name is asso-
ciated in Colonial affairs with such persons as
William Peirca and Th(>ujas Beecher, noted
shipmasters* ot that day ; his career subsequent
to the failure of li^hing op^-rations at Cape
Anne, related, more particularly, to the South
side of tl)o Bay, and trade with the neighboring
Colonies.

In tiie year 1G34 he became involved in
moneyed difficulties with his partners in trade,
and General Court, on the Ist April of that
year, appointed assignees over hia property till
his "dibts be sai-fied tl at heowed in ye Bay,''
At the Court of Assistants, held on the 1st of
July following, his affairs were adjusted by
mutual consent of the diff rent parties, in the
appointment of rofertes.viz.; "John VVinthrop,
Ben., Esq., Mr. \Vm. Peirce, Mr. Thomas
Beecher and Mr Stag^j."

The difficulties, thus settled, had occurred
with Mr. Marryner's Company, Mr. Ilenry
Coggin and Mr. John Cog::in, for moneys paid
the ship's c )mpany. and other matters. Sep..
2, 1G35, Till.y was appointed by General
Court upon a committeo with Mr. Thomas
Dudley, Mr. Beecher, Mr. VYaltham, Mr. Dun-
com. and Mr Peirce, with "power to consulte
advise and take order for the setting forward
and after manageing of the fishejng trade and
ypon their accompt all charges of dyett, or
other wayes att the tymes of their meeteing to
be allowed out of the fishing stocke."

In the year 1G36 Tilley was on a trading
Tbjage as master of a bark and while coming
down the Connecticut River, notwithstanding
the caution he received from. Capt. Gardner, at
Saybrook, to be on his guard against surprise

of the Indiana, he trusted to hi.* own sag icity,
and disdaint'd the well intentioned advice, and
very imprudently left his vessel, in a small
canoe, with one assi.-tant, on a fowling excur-
sion along the bmks of the river lie landed
about three mlle^ from the fort, and was steal-
thily watched by the Indims in ambush, until
he had discharged bis gun. when a large num-
ber of the savages arose from th«ir covert an
took him prisoner without chance of resistance,
and at the same time killed the man left in
charge of the boat. His inhuman captors tor-
tured him by first cutting off his hands, and
a while after, his feet also ; notwithstanding
which, it is said, he survived ftir three days,
and won the admiration of the Indians by tha
manner in wiiich. he enJur d their cruel tor-
tures. Up is r-'pres' nted by VVinthrop* as a
"very stoutf man, and of great understand,
ing."

This dreadful event was one among many
similar figgravating experiences that our ances-
tors enduied, in rapid succession, from the qa-
tivts, and which led to the swiit dcstructioQ
and almost annihilation of the powerful Pe-
quod tribe ; in wliich war another of the Old
Planters, who commanded the Essex men^
Capt. Trask, of Sajem. *-ignalizad himself aiii
won the gratitude of his country.

We have learned nothing of Tilley's de-icend'
ants, if any he had. A few years after his
death we find a family of that n iine living at
Plymouth and neigh iiorhood, viz : Thomas and
William, in 1643, and John, in 1G53. Others,
and probably of the sjvme family stock,, wera
Hugh Tilley, who came to. Salem in the fleet, as

• Peirce was master of ihe ship J^jon, and Beecher
of the Ta'ibot, in the fleet of IGlfO.

* Drake, in his History of Boston, expresses some
doubts as to the identity of John Tilley, mentioned
by WinWirop and the Mass. Records, with John Tilley
of the Cfepe Ann Colouy, but the lavt of Tilley's prom-
inency in the trading and fishing interest of Massa-.
ohusetts throughout his a tive life, evincing peculiar
qualifications for the superintenJency of the Cap*
Anne fisheries, convinces us that these events, occu-
pying in time but a few years, all relate ta on«.
and the sa^e individual.

t Courageous.

190

« eervant to Sir Eichard Saltonstall, another
John Tilley, and also Edward Tilley, with
their wives and families formed part of
the 101 Pilgrims wh'> came in the Mayflower
to Plvmouth, in 1620, but they and their
wives, with thne other members of their fami-
lies, died the first winter.*

THOxMAS GARDNER,
Overseer of the planting interest at Cape
Anne, at its beginning, wac, according to Far-
mer, a native of Scotland. Farmer, Young,
and Felt agree that he followed Conant to
Salem ; he was one of the original members of
the first chuich here, was admitted freeman
May 17, 1C37, and was the Bume year member
of General Court.

The following grants of land show him to
have been a man who had prominent claims
among his fellow Colonists. The tith of Mr.
then of no mean import, generally precedes hja
name in the Records.

On 20 of 12 1636, be had a grant of 100
acres. On 21, 12. 1637, Mr. Gardner is grant-
ed an addition to his farm, not exceeding twen-
ty acres. On 17, 2, 1639, Granted a bank of
upland near his marsh, at Strong Water Brook.
In 1642 3-4 of an acre near the Rayles.f In
1643, a parcel of land to set a house ilpon, near
the old mill. In 1649, a small piece of mead-
ow next his farm. Thomas Gardner and
George Gardner, brothers, were granted land
on 9 of 8, 1637, who were probahly sons of
Thomas. In 1647, Thomas Gardner, George
Gardner, and Hilliard Veren were to have
four acres of meadow each. In 1654, George
Gaidner was to have six acres of upland at
his ten acre lot He took the freeman's oath
in 1642. lie is called Sargent George, and
■was lieutenant in 1664, under Capt. Walter
Price. He married Eliza . She was a Qua-
keress, and in 1658 was indicted "for adher-
ence to the cursed sect of the Quakers."

* References — Hubbard 106; Savage's Winthrop
1,200; Mass. Records; Drake's Boston; <to.
i In Beverly, near Wenham.

Their children were Samuel, born May 14,

1648. Beihia , born 1654. llittabell,

Ehenezer, born 1657, and George. He died
about 1679. leaving a large family. See record
of his will, Efsex Probate Records, Book 1, 73.
Nov 9.1659, John Gardner and Sauiml Gard-
ner, with Walter Price and Henry Bartholo-
mew, had permission to erect a corn-mill on
South River.

This Samuel Gardner was deputy to General
Court in 1681-2 and 5. Samuel Gardner, sen.
in his will dated 2 Oct 1689, gave his'-sone
Jonathan my fishing ketch, and her appurte-
nances, and my flakes and housing and wth
else I have at Winter Island."

Another Samuei Gardner was deputy to
General Oourt many years, for most of the
time from 1694 to 1710.

Thomas Gardner, supposed the eon of Thom-
as the first, was a memher of the First Church,
1639, freeman 1641. On the 18 of 5 mo 1637,
he had a grant from the Town ot a five-acre
lot, ^'as a great lot." He died in the latter
part of 1674. He had two wives, 1st Mar-
geret Fritr, 2d Damaris Shattock ; the lat-
ter united with the Quakers, and was often
fined for her heresy. He had a large family,
eleven children, viz.: Seeth,* baptized 25 of 10,
1636, married John Gralton 1 of lO, 1659;
Sarah, Elizabeth, Bethiah. Thomas, George,
John, Samuel, Joseph, Richard, Merriam.
Here are six sons and five daugliters, with a
fair chance for posterity. His « ill , dated 7, 10
mo 1668, proved 29 March, 1675 ; to his wife
Damarif he gave up all the et^tate she brought
him. also £8 in money. &c. To his dau. Sa-
rah Balch, £15, dau., — Soeth Grafton, £15, to
dau. Merriam Hills — to Iwo dans. Mjrriam and
Susan £5 each j at 18, or marriage ; to his sons
George and John, salt meadow west of Capt.
George Corwin's meadow, to his sons Samuel
and Joseph, salt meadow east of Corwin's.
His housing the rest of the lands, goods and
estate to be divided in seven equal pans ; be.

♦ A daughter— origin of the name to be given in a
future number.

191

tween liia six sons, Thomas, George, Richard,
John, bamuel and Joseph. Thomas, the eld-
est, to have two shares, George and Sam, ex-
ecutors. Mr. Joseph Grafton and D<acon
lloine, overseers. Robert Pease and Samuel
Goldthrite, witnesses. Inventory dated 4 of 11,
1074, val £274 16 8., in which were dw' lling
l)0U8e aid ten acres of land, with orchard, &c
10 acres in ye Northfield, 100 acres of upland
and moiidow, 20 acres '-lying in ye woods,'' and
about 2 1-4 acres of sfllt marsh "lying about
ye uiili." household stuff, &c.

Geg^le's Island, in the South River, was
granted to one Thomas Gardner in 1G80. On
the division of the Salem Military Company
into two separate Companies, in 1674, Joseph
Gardner took command of one, and John Cur-
vrin of the other.

In 1685, Ebenezer, son of George, left £50
to poor honest people of Sakm, and in 1721,
John Gardner left one-tenth of his estate for a
like purpose.

Tliis surname has been known and respected
throughout the entire hititory of Salem, and
descendants are still numerous in this the prim-
itive abode of their ancestors.*

RICHAHD NORMAN
ia mentioned in Brackenbury's deposition as
among those ho found living at Naumkeag
when he arrived in 1628, in these words, "old
Goodman Norman and his sonn.'" Most of
the old planters were young or middle-aged
men ; Norman was probably older than any of
them. Tliis deposition was taken fifty years
afterward, and w hen old Norman was probably
dead, and Brackenbury himself an old man ;
he wsis describing matters as they struck him
on his arrival. We have other evidence that
Richard Norman wag called "Old Norman,"
viz.: in 1649, John Gedney pold Thomas Spoon-
er a parcel of land which was given "Old Nor-
man."

Richard Norman and John Norman had

* References' — Hubbard, Felt, Young. Rec. of Mass.
Probate Rec.. City Rec, Ac.

each a grant of twenty acres of land on 8 of 9
mo 1637. These persons are the same referred
to in the quaint line, "Old Goodman Norman
and his sonn." Felt, Drake, Thornton and
all other writers describe them, as we think,
erroneously as Kichard and Richard, Jr. John
Norman, in 1628, was about 15 years old, at
which time his brother Richard was but three.
John removed to Jtffry Creek.* The old gen-
tleman and his younger son, Richard, removed
to JMarblehead where they were both living in
1650 and '53. Richard Norman, sen was pre-
sented at the Quarter Court at Salem 17 of 7
mo, 1650, "for defective fences on Darbyfort
side," [Marblehead.] We do not know when
he died.

JOHN NORMAN,
son of Richard, the "Old Goodman" had a
grant of land at Jeffry Creek, 8 of 9 mo, 1637,
and with sixteen others petitioned General
Court 14 of 3d mo, 1640, to remove there and
erect a village.

At the Quarter Court held at Salem, 3d of
8 mo, 1637, the Jury found for Richard Inker-
wjU, plaintiff, against John Norman, 40 shil-
lings, in money, and 30 shillings in mackerell.
lie had removed to Jeffry Creek as early as
1640 ; in 1650 he petitioned for liberty to
keep a house of entertainment there.

lie probably lacked some of the graces of the
man of Uz, for he was once presented at Court
"for striking Nath'l Masterson with the help
of an ax to ye breach of ye peace"

His wife, Arabella, was admitted to the
Firvst Church in 1637. Her children baptized
there and also recorded in the Town Records,
are John, born in 1637, Lydia. Hannah or
Anna. Arabella and Richard. Her daughter
Arabella married John Balden in September,
1664, by Major Dennison, and had Hannah
and John.*

In Thomas Williams' will, dated 2 mo 1646,

* See Essex His. Coll. 1, 35.

* In 1645, Jeffrie's Creek, by order of Genera
Court, to be called Manchester.

I£r2

John Normjin ia called of Jeflfrj Creek, but in
the inventory presented the foilnwing month,
he is 8tjl 'd of Marblehead. Ho was residing
at the latter place in 1648. He died aged
about 60, in 1672. The leader of the Jeffry
Creek settlement was Rev VV^illiam Walton, of
Marblehead, who expected to remove there,
but continued tt» reside at Marbleliead.

The inventory of ^he estate of John Norman,
taken 23 of 9 mo 1672. amounted to £125, and
consisted of house, uplmd and meadow, three
cows, two yearling stivers, two calves, and four
small S/^ine, household stuff, tools, &c. John's
son John was a memb -r of the Salem Troop in
1678, perhaps the same individual, in 1667.
who l>ad recently "received greate loss at sea
being taken by the Dutch," as were sundry
Sab-m vess Is about that time. John adminis-
tered on his mother Arabella's estate in 1680,

Arabella Norman survived her husband seven
years ; the Inventory of proporty "she died pos-
sessed of 23 Nov. 167i)," as administratrix of
the eatiteof her hushiind, John Norman, taken
29 of 4 mo 1680, is recorded in Es.sex Probate
Eecords. 1, 84, amounting to £150, 16s.: con-
sisting ot hous-', barn and or-oliard, ten ajcns
of upland upon tho mck, and two acres of sak
marsh, one acre of sihmarsh at Kettle Cove,
&j. Among the items is this remarkable
statement : "The remaining part of 400 acres
of land granted by the town of Salem to 8
men. his part appraised £50;" Qaarj, What
eiglit men, and why thi-j four hundred acres?
Have we not here the counterpart to the M)00
acres at Buss River, whieh was granted to five
of the most prominent among the old planters,
viz.: to Conant, Woodbury. Tpask, Pal fry and
Balch, or two hundred aores apiece, — that is,
four hundred acres, or fifty acres api«ce to
eight otlier of the old planters, one of whom
was John Norman? Though we find no other
record of this grant, is not this conclusion al-
most irresistible? These eight men. with ap-
proximate aiscuracy can be found in list ot
iViiAus given on page 104.

RICHARD NORMAN, Jr,
son of Richard, and brother of John, was born
in 1623, as we loam he was forty-nine years of
age ;n 1672 ; he was residing with his old
father, in Murbleiiead, in 1653. William Nor-
man, supposed another brother, also lived
there in 1648, and probably the same of the
name who afterward settled at Manchester.
It was both easy and natural for the Marble-
head people to cross over the water from that
place to Manchester in their shallops and fish-
ing craft.

The Normans were leaders in the Jeffry
Creek settlement. Richard Norman, however,
remained in Marblehcad, where he appears to
have been a man of enterprise and consequence
ir^ his day, — possessed consii^erable propfrty,
was a lieutenant in the military company, and
reared a large family : hia wife's name waa
Margaret, and their children, six sons and two
daughters, viz.: Rebecca, Richard, William,
John, Elizabeth, Joseph, Benjamin, and Jona-
than. He died in 1682. Moses Maverick and
James Dennis appraised his estate Nov. 20',
1682, amount to £400. Among the items are,
One acre lot at the Ferry, a lot in Mr. Hum-
phry's farm, one acre of salt marsh at Salem, a
tract of land at Dunstable, dwelling-house and
orchard a-t Marblehead, furniture in the half,
in the old kitchen, in the new kitchen, in the
great chamber, ''n the new chamber, in the old
kitchen chamber, in the cellMr, half hhd. of
Claret and one bbi of Rum, in the yard two
cows, two heifers, one buM, horse, mare and
colt, sheep, swine, stage flakes, and yard, half
a shallop, &c. His widow, Margaret, and
Lieut, John Pickering administered upon hia
estate. His son, Richard, died at sea about
1682, leaving wbat Htftle property he possessed
to his eouein, Hannah Balden. I-n 1690 hia
sons, William and John, were charged with
sundry goods delivered them from their father's
estate by their mother, Margaret Norman, and
Lieut. Pickering. His eon Joseph married
Mary -, and diedoo 18 Nov. 169L

193

On the westerly side of Gloucester harbor,
not far from the present eastern bound of Man-
chester, the early home of the Normans, a long,
rocky reef, b.ire at low water, stretches out
from the shore, terminated seawardly, bj a
large rock, designated from distant times, as
Norman's Woe ; here, as the name implies,
shipwreck and disaster befel some indi-idual of
the family whose name it bears ; this is all
that can now he learned about it ; neither
record nor tradition throws any light upon
this untold calunity, — faded out frjm the
memory of man : the sea shall perpetually
surge over the place of Njrtnan's doom, and
moan in ceaseless murmurings, and the winds
howl around it his dismal requiem forever, and
forever (ail to communicate the sad story of its
despairing victim and of the anguish wrung
from family and friends. ''Norman's Woe"
— intensely expressive in its doleful brevity, —
R name never uttered by the pas^ing mariner,
without vibrating a ciiord in his large and sym-
pathetic heart.

Another locality, Norman's Rocks, a crag
on the western border of Salem, and Norman
street, also in Salem, commemorate the name
of a family long extinct here, and as far as our
knowled^re g >es, in the vicinity also. The
Boston Directory was printed in 1789 by one
John Norm in. We are unable to say where
descendants, if any. of the family now reside.
Mention of the nams is occasionally seen
different pirts of the cjuntry.

Capt. WILLIAM TRASK

was, without doubt, settled in Naumkeag be-
fore the arrival of Endicott. He was born
about 1587. consequently forty years of age
when he came to New England. Mr. Hub
bard, who was nettled as minister at Ipswich
Boveral years belbie Mr. Trask's death, and
who, no doubt, knew him, says expres>lv tiiat
Endicott's party "added to Captain Trask and
John Woodbury, &c., they went on comforta-
bly together to make preparation for the new
Colony that were coming over."
49

How long he was here previous to the arri-
val of the Abigail is not known ; certain it in
that he was granted one of the five farms of
200 acres each, to the old planters, [making
1000 acres,], at Bass River, in 1G35, which
seems to settle the matter b -yond controversy.
He is am(^|g the original members of the first
church, and was on the first list (Oct. 19,
1630.) of those who p'tition -d General Court
to be made freemen, and took his oath in May
following. Nov. 7, 1632, Capt. Trask and
Mr. Conant, appointed, with otliers, by General
Court, to set th« bounds between Dorches-
ter and Roxhury. In 1635, he with Conant,
Woodhury, Balch and Ma«sey, were appointed
overseers of land, and associated with Mr,
Humphry, Mr. Endicott and Capt. Turner to
set the bounds of Newbury Patent, and Mr.
Dumer's farm of 500 acres, near the falls of
Newbury; and in 1637 he was on a committee
to lay out Mr Humphry's farm. In 1635 and
th3 four f >llowing years, he was a deputy from
Salem to the -Great and Gmeral Court. He
had several grants of land from the town be»
fide his farm of 200 aeres. At one time 100
acres, and on 9 of 8, 1637, he is allowed five
acres of meadow next Mr. Johnson's farm.
In 1636 he erected a water-mill for grinding
corn, on the North River, at a place above
what are now called Frye's Mills; before this
time most of the corn ui^ed was pounded in
Querns* On 30 of 1, 1640. he had leave to
set up a tide-mill upon the North Kiver, pro-
vided he laade a suffioient passage for a shallop
from half tide to full sea ; it thus appears to
have been the original policy of the Town to
keep the water courses free from obstruction.
He also set up a fulling-mill not far from his
corn-mill, about the same time. When, about
1636, it wag proposed to builJ the college here,
Mr. Trask gave up his farm to Thomas Scruggs,
who poes^ssid land at tho designated place be-
yond Forest River, on what is now a beautiful

* A kind of stone pestle and mortar, for private
use, a few specimens of which, are still preserved iq
the ol £» milies.

lU

lain at the Marblohead farms, thus leaving
the lot unencumbered.

In 1648 General Court granted Capt. Trask
250 acTtis of land. Theaameyear he exchang-
ed 250 acres of land with Gov. Endicott for
500 apple trees of three years' growth being
two trjes for an acre of land, then no doubt
en equitable bargain. Again, 1656, h^xchang-
ed 100 acres of land, near Spnnj; Pimd. for
a cow which was valued at £5. He lived in
Salem village, or what is now South Danvers,
and during the ]iti«;atii>n8 of the Mason claim
his estate was forced to pay 15 shillings
rent in acknowledgment of Said claim. He
•tras an energetic man, a brave soldier, and
reliable in case of an emergency. He was one
of the first, if not the first military commander
in Maspachus tts ; we can safely say of him
as has been said of Capt. Mason, — what
Captain Standish was to the Plymouth Colony,
and Captain Mason to Connecticut, Captain
Trask was to the Massachusetts Colony.

In 1634 he was on a committee of seven to
superintend the fortifications. We notice he
was Captain this year, as he no doubt was
from the beginning of the first Massachusetts
trained band ; the few military commanders
were ordered to train their Bands once every
month, lie was once eent (1635^ by General
Court after some rogues who had stolen a boat
and other thirigs, and fled to the eastlvard.
Capt. Trask otertodk them at Piscataqua,
brought them back to Bdston, where they
paid penalty for their villainy in both fines and
stripes. Captain Trask figures most conspicu-
ously as a Captain in the famous Pequod
trar.

This powerful tribe of Indians, in the wilds
6f the Connecticut, became very iiggre-sivoand
insolent ; they destroyed Several parties of
traders and others, among whom wete two
noted traders, John Oldham and John Tiiley.
The Colonies were threatened with extermina-
tion by the Peq'iodsand confedetate tribes, and
the country became effectually al-out-ed. On
7 Dec , 1636, General Court selected oflicers
for aervice in the various towns, to organize

their bands for defence against surprise by the
Indians. The militia of the Jurisdiction were
divided into three regiments ; the East Regi-
ment was placed under command of John
Endecott, Coll., John Winthrop, Jr., liout.
coll., and Capt. Trask, muster master. At
the organization of the Salem conipanv, a fevr
weeks after, Mr. William Trask was appointed
captain, Richard Davenport,* lieutenant, and
Thomas Reade, ensign.

For this campaign, in 1637, Massachusetts
raised 160 men. twenty-four of whom were
from Salem. They were under commander-in
chief. Captain Stougbton.

The wonderful success of this expedition re-
sulted in the overthrow, and almost the anni-
hilation of this formidable tribe.

June 6, 1639. General C mrt granted 6000
acres of land to nineteen meritorious individuals,
not all soldiers. among whom were Cap .Trask,
who had 200 acres of land "in regard of much
service," and Lieut Davenport 150 acres.
Captain Trask retained cdmrnand of the com-
pany in Salem, till Octob r, 1645. when he re-
ceived his discharge from General Court "with
all due acknowledgment of iiis faithfulness
and former good service to the country," and
Wm. Ilathorne was appointed his successor,
as it was thought Capt Trask resided at too
great a distance to be of service in case of sud-
den attack from the seaboard, by foreign ene-
mies ; at the Game time Wm. Clarke wms ap-
pointed lieutenant, and Wm. Dixie, ensign.

Oct, 19, 1658. At a Court of Assistants,
he was granted 400 acres of land in the Poquod
country, and in 1661, when far advanced in
life, (74th year,) he presented a petition, to
General Court, written by biniself in a bold
and still beautiful hand, rari-ly equalled by
one who had passed the bounds of threescor*
and ten years. It is still preserved among the

* Lieut. Davenport was Ensign bearer when Gov-
ernor Endicott cut the cross from the King's colors;
he was afterwards Captain of the Cattle in Boston
Harbor where he was killed by lightning July 15,
1665, aged 59.

195

State archives. It is Bh(>rt and reads thus :

•'To the Honorable General Court now assem-
bled at Boston:

The huinV)le petition of Wra. Trask, off Sa-
lem, and some others who served under him in
the exficdition against the Pequots, Humbly
showeth,

Whereas yr petitionrs understand that seve-
ral gentlemen have lands granted and l;iid out
at the Pequots County that was, and others
are likely to put in for more, who it may bee
never swet so much for it, as some off us bled
on it, and for your service —

These therefore humbly pray the Court to
consider of it, and in your wisdom to appoint
such a portion of land and some meet men to
lay it out as m your goodness shall think meet ;
and your petitionrs shall ever remain

Your ever obliged VV. Traske for himself
and other souldiers under him.
Consented to by the Magistrates.
Ri. Bellingham. Dept Govr.

In answer to this p' tition ye Deputies think

meet to grant Capt. Traske 400 acres of land

in the place desired, with reference to the

consent of our honored Magistrates hereunto.

Wm. Torret, Cleric."

Mr. Trask lived to the ripe age of 77 years.
"What an eventful period was the latter half
of his life, and how much did he witness of re-
Bults that his valor, industry and sell-sacrifice
helped, in a great measure, to produce.

He died May 16, 1666, and by order of the
town was buried with military honors. His
will was made only the day previous to his
death, when the valiant Captain surrendered,
andwas butju'»t alle to sign the letter (W.)
agairst the natiie of Wra. Trask Sen'r.

He left a wife, Sarah, and children, Mary,
Susan, William, John and Sarah. The bap-
tisms of his children are found in the let
church records, viz :

Mary, baptized 1, 11, 1636.

Susanna, " — , 10, 1638.

William, " 19, 7, 1640.

Mn, •« 13, 7, 1642.

Eliza. •'- 21, 7, 1645.

In his will he speaks of his dwelling-house
and orchard. To William he gave " all the
meadow that lyeth between the upper and the
lower mill, and ail the upper mill-pond."
The locution of his mill, dwelling-house, &c.,
can now be traced.

"The house in which he died, in 1666, was
according to tradition, about 200 feet in the
rear of the present one, built by his son Wil-
liam, probably about 1680. which has been
the birth-place of his descendants for five gen-
ecations. The w^'ll dug hy the old pioneer two
centuries ago, still remains, the water of which
is in constant use. The original gr-st mill
erected by him in 1636 was situated on the
river back of his dwelling-house ; and it ia
said that remnants of the dam are now visible,
when the water in the pond is drawn off"
Edward Trask, probably a grandson, was one
of Capt. Lathrop's seventy men slain at Bloody
Brook, Sept. 18, 1675.

The descendants of Capt. Trask are still liv-
ing in Salem, Danvers. and vicinity. One of
them, Wm. B. Trask, Esq., of Dorchester, to
whom I am much indebted, is collecting mate-
rial for a memoir of the Captain and genealogy
of bis descendabts.*

WILLIAM JEFFRT,
or Jeffries, was settled in this neighborhood
before the arrival of Gov. Endicott. It is not
known when he came over. He probably lived
some time at Jcffry Creek (now Manchester)
which bore his name, and which lies between
the two settlements of Cape Anne and Naum-

He was called William Jeffries, Gentleman,
in the Company's first letter of instructions,
21st April, 1629, and generally had the then
comparatively rare title of Mr. prefixed to his
name. He was an Episcopalian. It is sup-
posed that Jeffry and Blackstone, of Boston,
belonged to Robert Gorges' party .who settled at

* References— "Essex Reg. 1852, 370, and 10
101, 1857, 257; Mass. Hiat. Coll., 25, 109; Hubbard
Farmer, Prince, Felt, Young, Town Rec, Church
Rec, Mass. Rec, &o.

196

Wessagassett in September, 1623. They acted
as thii agents of John Gorges, who succeeded
to his brother's patent, and were empowered
by hiia to put John Oldham in possession of
his afterward contested territi>ry. Jeffry was
admitted freemm among the first, May 18,
1G31. There was a Sargent Jeffri -s in the Pe-
quod war. in 1637, honorably montioned by
Capt. Mason, in his narrative, and also in
Winthrop's letti^r to the Governor in connec
tion with Ensign Davenport, who belonged to
the Salem company, as we think JeflFry did
also.

In 1638 Wm. Jeflfry rpmoved to the neighbor-
hood of the Rhode Islmd plantations, and in
1641 and 2 was- among the proprietors ot Wey-
mouth, where he wasc imuiis.-ioneil to join par-
ties in marriage. On 16 Oct 1660, General
Court granted liira 500 acres of land "on the
South si le of our pitent to bd a final issue of
all claims by virtue of any grant heretofore
made by any Indian whati'ver."

This allusion to an Indian grant was on ac-
count of a claim of his to JefiVy's Neck, in
Ipswich, on the plea of a purcliase of the In-
dians, and having made his claims before the
Court sufficimcly ul-ar, he received this grant
in ii'u therefor ; this unsurveyed-tract of land
he sold to VVm. Hudson, wlio in 1665, pe-
titioned General Court that Lieut. Joshua
Fisher and company might be appointed to lay
it out, who were accor^lingly directed so to do.
provided it encroached not upjn any other lor
m^T ;;rant.

Jeffry i< tlioughtalso to have had possessions
at an eirly da^.e, at the Isle of Shoals, proba-
bly nothing m )r3, however, than the erection
of fish fl ikes tliere.

It ha-j been supposed that he was an old
acquaintance and intimate friend of the noto-
rious and tioublestime Mortim, of Merry
Mount, ^ho in a letter to Jeffry, dated May,
1634. addresses him as "M v very good gossip;"
it is however, equally certain that six years be-
fore, Jeffry had c >ntributed a sum towards de-
laying the expenses attendant upon the arrest

and extradition of the same individual ; this
may have been compulsory or in the nature of
taxation or assessment. Morton, as is well
known, again returned to this country, to be'a
further irritation to the Massachusetts author-
ities.

The condition of the country in regard to
roads after twenty years of Dccupancy may ba
learned by the foUowin^ order at Town Meet-
ing, 26, 8, 1646 :— '-That William WoOdbury,
Richard Brackenbury. Ensign Dixie, Mr Co-
nant, Lieut. Lithrop and Lawrence Leach,
shall (urthwit'i lay out a way between the
Ferry at Salem and the head of Jeffry's Creek,
and that it be such a way as men may travel
on horseback or drive cattle, and if such a way
may not be found, then to take spsedy course
to set up a foot bridge at .Mackerel Cove."

Of the descendants of Win Jeffry. we have
learned nothing, unless tiie following person
be one of them : — '-Ed^^ard Jeffri-s, who was
drowned on the 25th diy of May, 1683, as he
was going from on b >ard the ketch called the
Adventure, Andrew Ellet, jr.. [Elliott. J being
master, Irom Mackerel Cove to the Ferry place or
thereabouts, on Beverly side." The inventory
of his effects, valued £10 4 s. is recorded Essex
Probate book 2: 23.

This surname is now extinct in Salem. The
elderly portion of our c ininuni;y, however,
remember a family of the name who formerly
resided in Salem, as Jiimes Jeff.y died
in 1807. aged 74, and his brother John died
in 1812 at about the same age ; William,
another brother, who died in 1772. is proba-
bly the same who tau^^ht the Grammar School
in 1753 to 5. A sister, Margaret, married
Stephen Cleveland, Oct. 28, 1772, late of Sa-
lem, whose posterity now reside among us.
Tliis family, ccn.-^ising of six sons and two
daughters, were the children of James Jeffry,
who came from Portsmouth, N. H., to Salem,
in 1722, at the age of 16 years. lie was the
son of James Jeffry. who was born March 10,
1676, in the Parish of St. Agnes, Cornwall,
England, and who came to this country and

197

lived many yoars at P.)rts:uoat^>. Ho was the
Bon of Cypii I" and Ann Jrffry.*

In the r<ir>j:oin2 paper, which vr« have en
titled the Old Planters of Salmi . we have pre-
■ented a few gleamnj;* of the life* and dainu;*
of those whose names are known to ue ; but

* Rffi-rrncrs — Young's Chroa. of Mass , 171; W n-
throp'a Jlis. ; Reo. of Mass. ; Com. of H. W. S.
Cleveland.

[Appendix to page 150,]
JOHN LYFORD.

The following additional facts, in relation to the
f»mily of the Rev. John Lyford, are derived from
extracts taken from book 1, folio 27, of the Sulolk
Deeds, kindly furnished by J. W. Dean, of Boston,
from which wj learn, with cimsidcrablo confidence,
that Mr Lyfurd had died, testate, previous to October,
1641, devising his property, consisting chiefly of
tobacco, which may have boon the currency in which
the minister tax was collected in Virginia; and that
his widow h.ad married Edmund Ilobart, of llingham,
ftnd that two of his children, viz: Mordecai and
Buth, were then living at that place. As the ex-
tracts are short, and as so few facts remain to us rel-
ative to Lyford and his family, they are presented
entire. Not many years aftor tliis we find Lyfords
in Exeter, N. II. whither descendants had probably
removed from llingham:

" 4, IC4'2. Be it known vnto .tII men by

these prseuts, that I, Ruth Loyford of llingham in
the Bay of Massacuseits, in New England, have
fully acquit^d and di.-cliarged Edmund llubbi-rt,
senior, my St(!p Father, of a legacyu of 210 li. of To
bacco, given me by my Father .John Lcyforl, by his
last will and Tesraiuont, of woh gifft [ acknowlidge
myselfe fully sattisfyi-d <fc content-nl. 21 Otitob r,
1641. In wittness whereof 1 have heervnto sett my
band and seale, the day & yeare above written.

haal .fe so.alo
In ye presence of The: Nicolls A Mordicay Leyford.''

" 4, 1642. Do it known vnto all men by

these prsents that I Mordicay Lyford, of llingham
in the Bay of Massacusutts in New England, have
fully aeqnited and disciiarged E Imund llubhord se-
nior my ritep Father, of a legaoye of .)()') li. of To-
bacco, and one cow a id ono h -yfjr, given ma by my
Father Jo: Lyford. of wch gifft I doe ackno,vlidge
myselfe fully sattisfyed <fc contented. 3 nf .June
1642 In wittness whereof I have subscribed my
han 1 & sett to my seale the day and year above
written.
In ye prsenco of Clement Bate, John Beale his X

marke.''

5Q

in drawing these remarks to a close, it !■
with gome I egret that we bad not entitled it
tbo Old Planters of Massachusetts; lor tho
early hutory of 8aleui, is the tiititory of tbt
Colony, and of the Commonwealth for the
time being, not one line of which can ba
spared from the history of our common coun-
try.

In our attempt at de.«ignatin«; the spot on
which they s^-ttled in Salem, we have followed
Hubbard, F-It, Rantoul, and other writert.
astiisted by the accepted tradition, and havf
sta.ed that upon the dispersion of the Cap*
Anne colonists, they settled upon the compar-
ativeiy small peninsula lying between Naum-
kea<?. now North River, and Shallop, or Col-
lin.s' Cove, — there, no doubt. Conant and somt
of his followers built their first small and un-
substanti.il cottages. But when wa consider
tiiat they were at peace with tho few Indians,
who frtquented the neighborhood, whose lives
had been spared from the distemper that had
t-in years before so nearly depopulated tids re-
gion, we do not perceive the necessity of the
first settlers hovering very cIomiIv toi'etlicr •—
surrounded a.s they were by such a vast terri-
tory, waiting for occupancy aod po.-jsession ;

so many jutting capes and headlun-ls, suitable
for ihe fifiheries; so many shelten d coves and
safe harbors, bordered on all sides bv woode
or other lands easily cleared and subdued
for cultivation. These pioneers, foreseeing
that the time would soon come wlien mant
other adventurers would claim a »liare in these
unappropriated wilds, would very naturally se-
lect tlie f'est localities, and spread out t!iei»
individual possesbions over a larger number of
acres than was compatible with the limited
lecality above mentioned, and consequentiv we
believ-' if ever the req.ii:.ite zeal be put forth
among tiie first pub.ic grants or private con-
veyances of land for a more accurate localiza-
tion of the first abodes of the Ol-i Planters,
it will be found that they embraced a much
wider extent of surface, or were more separ-
ately and distantly looated than is now g«ao*
rally su{{osed.

198

Five of the most prominent of them v?e
know, soon accepted farms (of their own selec-
tion) from the new government, and which
thej had, no douht, previously improved on
the C'vpij Anne side of the stream, or, more
•ccurateiy, at Bass iiiver. Their withdrawal
from the niiclous of the town, resulted in part
from dissatisfaction engendered by what they
regarded aa too light an estimate by the new
dr Massachusetts companj of their abilities,
rights and improvements, and we believe if
the old planters had had some other leader
than the virtuous and neaceful Conant, they
might have comhined with Mr. Oldham and the
Gorges, or other conflicting patent to a much
greater discomfiture of the powerful and wise,
but to them in the outset, somewhat inconsid-
erate and oppressive government.

The great highway of the first settlers, and
their means of travel and conveyance, can be
given in one word, — the sea, — for in place of
the endless variety of vehicles we now possess,
that willing beasts draw, or unwearied steam
impels, they bad little else than the shallocand
canoe. Tlie perils they often encountered, to
which their wives and children, their teachers
and magiftrates were alike exposed, furnish us
irith melancholy proof of this their evident
necessity. It was natural, therefore, for
them to explore the indented coast, and locate
here and there more or less permanently, as
fancy or interest dictated. The inland coun-
try was an impenetrable wilderness, full of
•tery description of peril, and its exploration
but slowly attempted.

Thus Ji-ffrey, an active, uneasy spirit, wan-
dered about the coast, settling now at one lo-
cality, then at another, appropriating territory
to himself, or buying it of some Indian Sa-
chem ; and so Tilley and Oldham, in their
fishing and trading vessels went hither and
thither, as self-interest or the orders of their
joint partners directed.

Norman, the tlder, soon settled on the
Darby fort «ide, or at Marblehead, and a
portion of the inhabitants of that place then

part and parcel of the great territory and ju-
risdiction of Salem, when they had found a
minister as counsellor and guide, asked the
privilege of settling across the water at Jeffrey
Creek, or Mancbe; ter, whose sheltered har-
bour and forest-clad hills skirted in pleasing
outline the northern shore. There the Aliens
and one or more Normane, of the old planters,
fixed their final abode. Thus it was, from
point to point, island to island, and harbour to
harbour, that the country along the coast and
up the rivers became settled ; here a few
fish-flakes, easily constructed from the neighbor-
ing woods, and an attendant shallop or two
dt noted a fishing settlement, and there
a few cottages clustering around a house of
worship, began a more enduring plantation ;
thus settlements increased at varied intervals
along the great margin of waters.

Upwards of two and one quarter centuries
have p:i8sed away since Conant and his follow-
ers built their humble dwellings on the banks
of yonder stream and dropped the first seed in
the soil of Massachusettn. Their descendants
have since numbered thousands. About eight
geni rations have been born, and have either
acted or are now acting their parts upon the
same stage of their ancestors early trials, but
how varying the scenes witnessed by each.
Most of the old planters lived to be aged, and
unless they were "inspired by some superior in-
stinct,"* they could hardly have imagined such
reenlts as they were privileged to behold ere
they fell asleep in the land of their adoption.

What a debt of gratitude do their descend-
ants owe them for the enterprise, foresight and
perseverance, that planned and carried through
those early projects that have been crowned
with such stupendous results.

Inasmuch as we are grateful for what our
ancestors have done for us, let us be jealous of
their honor, and when with pride we look
down the long array of worthies that adorn
the history of our Commonwealth, let us not

* Hubbard.

199

forget the old planters of Naumkeag, strug-
gling to sustain the infant settlement through
the dreary winters of 1626 and 27. We, their
descendants, can form but a very imperfect
idea of the impression that this rude and in-
hospitable country then presented.

There in, however, one aspect which must
forever remain much the same, and the one
which WHS most deeply engraven on the minds
of the settlers. It we launch out upon the
bosom of the Bay on some pleasant day in
June, when the clear sky and sleeping waters
blend in one mirror of light, and the air is
redolent with the fragrance of young leaves
and opening flowers ; or. later, under the lofti-
er skies of September, after the atmosphera
has been winnowed by the rains of August,
and all nature is in her fullness of apparel,
we shall see much that greoted the eyes of
Winthrop when in the Arbella, he led the
fleet of 1630, or that Endicott beheld when he
landed here, two years earlier.

How agreea.hle the contrast presented on
these two occasions, compared with the advent
of the Leyden Pilgrims at Plymouth ten or
twelve years before.

The ocean, with its restless watersi, still
••throbs its everlasting pulse," and "reflects
the eternal mechanism of the skies." The
same hills touch the horizon, and similar
breezes fun the shore now. as at first witnessed
by the f torm-tossed Puritans and Pilgrims.

On the north , reposing upon the bosom of the
fea, lies Cape Anne, and far down to the
louth. Cape Cod stretches out her crooked arm
oyer the waters, while between them ILes the
curving outline of Mas^iachusetts with its
reeky roast. Here is the very vestibule of
New England, — the gateway through which
tntered the effective Puritan element of Amer-
ean institutions. Here, at the beginning of
the 17th centary, it was that Gosnold explored

and named the southern boundary — Cape Cod
— from the abundance of that fiah found in
its vicinity. Here Captain Smith, in rapturei
with the country sailed in and eut as he sur-
vejed the coast. Here the Dorchester mer-
chants laded their ships with codfish, beaver
skins, clapboards and medicinal roots. Here,
near the Southern cape, the Pilgrims of 1620,
amid the blasts of winter, cast their lot in th«
naked wilderness; and near the northern cap«
at first her ofispring, but afteward her rival,
sprang the Colony of Mnssuchusetts, which
soon outstripped and enfolded her into one.

The forests that everywhere clothed the
hill sides, arched the streams, or bordered the
sea, and breathed the sweet cadencies of sum'
mer winds, or heralded the storms, for centu-
ries— have gone forever, and in their places have
arisen our cities and towns, wiih their templss
and seminaries of learning, our factories and
workshops, our comfortable abodes and culti-
vated fields.

Tha winds that waft seaward our sTiipa to
the ends of the earth, murmur with the din of
industry and the rumbling of steam cars, that
bear the burdens of trade, and thousands of
passengers between marts of business and the
homes of a happy people, instead of being la-
den with the war whoop of the savages and
the dismal cry of the wolf and the bear.

Here it was that that seed was scatterad
which the "Lord sifted a nation" to find. —
Here was the nursery of civil and religioui
freedom, which has spread its offspring tar and
wide over the land, "from the sea on the east,
to the sea on the west." The sun that rii«a
from between the capes of Massachusetts till it
sets at the golden gate of California, ihinei
upon the joint heritage of the Puritans. Sure-
ly then may we thank God that we are their
tons, and pray that H» may forever save the
Commonw«alth of MassaebuNtta, and the
union of the States.

200

IXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF BIRTHS,
MARRIAGES AND DEATHS OF THE CITY OF
SALEM.

Copied by Ira J. Patch.

[Continued from page 115.]

Rich'd Crannever & Elizabeth Woolland
married by M.iJDr Williiun Hathorne, 7th
April, '65; son Wiiiiiiin born je 27th De-
cember. '65; da. Elizabeth home 13th Septem-
ber, 1668 ; son Richard. 12ch July, 1671 ; Ed-
ward, borne 28th March, 1674.

Isaack Cooke maried to Elizabeth Busstone
8d May, '64:; thoir dani^hter Elizabeth, borne
23d Sapteuiber. 1665 ; son Isaack born ye 9th
11th mo. 1666; theire daughter Mary borne
12tli 9th mo. 1668.

Mr Rich'd Croad, his dini;'iter Sira borne
by Frances, his wife, ye 3J 12rli, '65 ; theire
■on William, borne the 9th 12ch mo. I(j67;
d*u;;htdr llanna, b >rri3 the llth 9th mo. 1671 ;
Bon John borne ye 25 12th mo. 1672.

Mr. John Corwin & Marjiarott Winthrop

were married the May. 1665 ; tlieir son

Georae born ye 26th Fobruary, 1666 ; theire
dau'r Elizabeth borne ye 28th Aprill, 1668 :
their daughter Lucy borne the 11th May. 1670;
Paughter Hana born ye 4th 2d ino 1672.

Giles Coreo maryod to Mary Britz llth
April. "64.

William Curtice, his daughter Elizabeth
borne by AHs, his wife, llth mo. 1668 ;
daughter Il.inna borne 6th mo. 1670.

Ji)hn Cole and Mary Knight were married by
Major Wm. HatJM.rne the 28th May 1667 ;
Bon John bo 18 May 1668 ; son Thomas borne
in November 1669 and dyed the same year.
Mary, borne 1st, 7 h mo. 1671 ; Hanna borne
12th 10th mo 1674.

Venus CollFox maryed to Mary Dayo the
20th A'igust 1636: their daughter Elizabeth
borne 14th J:\no '67 ; daughter Mary borne
24th I Ith luo 70 ; II lua borne 7th May, '72,
and di ni 3 montiia after ; son John home 18th
7th mo 1674.

George Cockea and Mary Mason were marjd
23d February '67 ; their son George home (h«
24th 9 mo. 1668 ; James borne the 3d of Da-
cembor, 16'^0 ; Mary bom 20th June, 72.

Cornelyus Concklin deceased ye 2l8t March,
1667-68.

Mrs. Elizabeth Corwin ye wife of Capt.
George Corwin, deceased j« 15th 7th mo
1668.

Capt. George Corwin and Mrs. Elizabeth
Brooks, widow, were married ^he 22d 7th mo.
1669 ; theire daughter Penellopee was born«
7th 6th mo 70 ; daughter Susaua borne 10th
10th mo 1672.

Peter Cheevers and Lidda IJaly were maried
the 19tb 2J mo 1669 ; their sons Peeter and
Samuel, being twins, borne the 29th lOih mo.
1678.

Henry Colhorno & Sara Golt were maryed
10th mo 1665; their dau. Cristian. borno
25th 10th mo. 1666, and died 1st 6 mo "67 ;
son Henry borne the 25ch January, 1667, and
dyed 17*-h 4th mo. '69 ; Sara borne 212] mo.,
1671 ; Johanah borne 20th 7th mo, 1673, and
died ye 21th 7th mo. '73 : Maiy borne tha
17th 10th mo. 1674.

Michaell, the son of Michaell Combes, borna
by Joane, his wife the 22 J Miroh, 1668-9;
theire son Joshua borne the 23d 12th mo.
1670.

Thoa. Clungen, his daughter Elizabeth borne
by Eliza, his wife, in August, 1670.

Mr, Phillip Cromwell and Mary L^men,
widdow, were maried the 19th November
1674. D.rithy, his former wife, dyed 28th of
September, 1673.

Abraham Cole and Sira Davis were maried
the llth of Juno, 1670; theire son Simuell
born 14th Miy, 1671, and deceased a month
after ; Daughter Sara borne the 29th of Au-
gist, 1672; Abraham, horn 6th Jan 1674.

Francif* Collins, his son William, borne hj
Hanna, his wife, 9th 7th mo. '69, deceased 9
months after ; Abig:iile born in October, 1671.
Benjamin born 14th May, 1674.

Index of Names.

Abbot, 33, 113.

Abbott, 96, 169.

Abby, 33.

Acosta, 130.

Adam, 18, 19, 20, 21,

22, 27. 31, 32.
Adams, 33, 85, 112.
Adden, 112.
Ager, 11, 38.
Alden, 164, 165.
Alderman, 4, 38.
Alfard, 4.
Alford, 38.
Allen, 8, 38, 95, 102,

103, 104, 112, 156,

165, 171, 183. 185,

186, 187, 188, 198.
Allin, 33, 85.
Ally, 5.
Ambrose, 3.
Ames, 38, 39, 111.
Anderson, 96.
Andrew, 33, 53, 66, 111,

113.
Andrews, 50, 54, 85, 91,

143.
Andros, 84, 91, 127, 170.
Annable, 181.
Anthrop, 39.
Antram, 182.
Antrum, 33, 39, 92.
Appleton, 55, 63.
Archard, 11, 143.
Archer, 33, 71, 112, 158,

187.
Arnold, 84.
Ashby, 33.
Ashtori, 113.
A.«pinwall, 186.
Attwatcr, 33.
Auger, 38.
Austin, 113.
Averill, 10.
Avery, 39, 50.
Ayer, 5, 6.
Ayres, 95.
Babadge, 34.
Babbadge, 113.
Cabson, 95.

51

Bachelor, 36, 114.

Backster, 33.

Bacon, 10, 34, 36, 50.

Badcock, 65.

Baggerly, 39.

Bailey, 36.

Baker, 34, 48, 55, 74,

96.
Balden, 35, 191, 192.
Baldin, 35.
Balch, 8, 38, 51, 101,

102, 103, 104, 109,

110, 143, 147, 150,

151, 152, 153, 156,

185, 186, 190, 192,

193.
Balhack, 177.
Ballard, 49.
Baltimore, 155.
Bancroft, 119, i22, 123,

127.
Bank, 53.
Bankes, 38.
Bann, 38.
Barber, 4.
Barbolton, 66.
Barker, 50, 58, 96.
Baraard, 62.
Barnes, 33, 34, 183.
Barnett, 34.
Barney, 5, 35, 38, 39,

92, 96.
Barr, 113.
Barry, 17, 19, 20, 21,

22, 31. 33.
Bartholomew, 5, 6, 7, 8,

33, 39, 143, 144, 183,

190.
Bartlett, 4, 49, 53.
Bartoll, 93, 114.
Barton, 36, 114, 172.
Bassett, 96, 111.
Batchulder. 144.
Batcheler, 36, 39.
Batchellor, 36.
Bate, 197.
Batter, 9, 11, 35, 38, 41,

48, 49. 51, 92, 93. 95,

96, 113, 182, 183.

Baxter, 35, 36.
Bayley, 8.
Bayly, 114.
Beachum, 34. 35.
Beadle, 34, 35, 113, 158,

175, 183.
Beal, 112.
Beale, 197.
Bean, 112.
Beckett, 80.
Bedell. 80.
Beecher, 189.
Belfluwer, 95.
Belknap, 3, 8, 33, 34.
Bell, 113, 152.
Bellamont, 78, 82.
Bellingbam, 195.
Bfllyhac, 177.
Bennct, 5, 114, 182, 183.
Bennett, 36.
Bentley, 157, 158, 159,

160, 163, 164, 165,

160, 178, 179.
Best, 35.
Betty, 34.
Bickford, 112.
Bieulieu, 16, 31.
Bigsbv, 7.
Birdsiile, 114.
Birdsalls, 9,
Bishop, 11, 12, 13,33,

34, 38, 48, 92, 164.
Bitfield, 10.
Bitnar, 8.
Blacey, 153.
Black, 112.
Blacke. 38.

Biaokleeeh, 38, 39, 84.
Blackstone, 195.
Blake, 79.
Blethin, 36.
Bloomfield, 3.
Bly, 34, 36.
Blyth, 113.
Bly the, 154.
Bond, 150.
Bonner, 175.
Boone, 35.
Booth, 36.

Bootsman, 33.

Borne, 4.

Bosworth, 139, 161, 183.

Boudinot, 111.

Bouen, 35.

Bound, 38.

Bourguess, 14, 15.

B(mtellc, 9.

Bott, 113.

Bowdidge, 172.

Bowditch, 135, 154, 167,

160, 172, 184.
Boyce. 4, 10, 35.
Boyes, 8, 50.
Boyle, 50, 51.
Boys, 50.
Boyse, 10, 113.
Brackenburg, 182.
Brackcntury, 38, 52, 67,

101, 102, 105, 156,

180, 191, 196.
Bracket, 35.
Bradford, 72, 75, 140,

148, 149, 150.
Bradish, 78, 112.
Bradley, 187.
Bradstreet, 11, 71, 81,

82, 9t, 119,170.
Brapg, 92, 113.
Braman. 66.
Brankett, 124.
Bransom, 1 1 2.
Brattle, 106.
Bray, 17, 25, 36, 114,

154.
Brayne, 38.
Breck, 111.
Breed, 5, 144.
Brewer, 183.
Brewster, 148.
Bridges, 34, 36, 58, 183.
Bridgman. 50, 187.
Bright. 38.
Britz, 200.
Broagham, 4.
Brocklebank, 96.
Brooks, 112, 138, 200.

202

Brown, 3, 4, 34, 54, 66,
68, 80, 81, 82, 83, 92,
93, 95, 96, 109, 112,
143, 144, 153, 171,
172, 173, 180, 182.
Browne, 3,4, 6, 10, 11,
33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 49,
66, 82, 84, 86, 92, 93,
95, 120, 121, 136,
143, 144, 157, 160,
166, 168, 171, 172,
175, 176, 177.

Browning, 3, 35, 38.

BufBngton 114.

Buffum, 36, 49, 50, 115.

Bulfinch, 4.

Bulflowcr, 33, 95.

Bullock, 34, 51, 114.

Bunker, 51.

Burbank, 112.

Burch, .53, 36.

Burchal, 39.

Burcham, 11.

Burchmore, 113.

Burden, 90.

Burdin, 95.

Burke, 159.

Burnap. 33.

Burnape, 182.

Burnell, 94.

Burnet, 142.

Burnham, 53.

Burrell, 34.

Burrill, 5, 11, 144, 183.

Burroughs, 57.

Burt, 3, 9, 35, 95, 96.,

Burtai, 94.

Burthum, 5, 10.

Bush, 34, 114.

Bushnell, 67.

Bushrode, 100.

Butman, 55.

Butler, 10, 112.

Buttolph, 34, 35, 114.
Buttrick, 55.
Buxston, 36.
Buxstone, 200.
Buxton, 11, 34, 35, 36,

92, 113, 144.
Byrne, 17.
Cabot, 98, 113, 158.
Cadwall.ider, 111.
Cain, 112.
Camplin, 115.
Candall, 6.
Cantlebury, 115, 182.
Capon, 3.
Carlton, 34.
Carrell, 115.
Carroll, 111.
Carteret, 157, 158.
Cartwright, 3.
Cary, 163.
Chadwick, 55.
Chalkhill, 155.
Chamberlain, 113.
Chaplin, 50.

Chapman, 153.
Chard, 78.
Charles, 6.

Charles 1st, (King,) 89,
90, 125, 126, 139, 140,
141, 155, 169.
Charles 2d, (King,) 89,

90, 124, 125, 126.
Cheelcraft, 50.
Cheever, 61, 113.;
Cheevers, 200.
Chester, 17, 26.
Chevalier, 159.
Chever, 67, 77, 117, 129,

157.
Chipman, 113.
Choot, 6.
Churchman, 3.
Clark, 6, 9, 56, 61, 62,

63, 65, 91.
Clarke, 92, 93, 113, 182,

194.
Clearke, 115.
Cleaves, 54.
Clement, 9, 93.
Clerk, 39.

Cleveland, 55, 196, 197.
Clifford, 74.
Clough, 112.
Cloutman, 112, 113, 138.
Clungen, 200.
Clymer, 111.
Cobbett, 11, 181.
Cobit, 5.
Cockerel], 95.
Cockes, 200.
Cockett, 5.
Codnor, 94.
Coe, 153.
Coffin, 93, 95.
Coggin, 189.
Coker, 95.
Colborne, 200.
Culdfox, 200.
Cole, 10, 110, 200.
Collem, 183.
Collens, 114.
Collins, 10, 12, 17, 35,
74, 96, 143, 144, 178,
200.
Cotton, 10.
Combes, 200.
Comer, 51.
Comings, 183.
Conant, 11, 38. 67, 92,
93, 99, 100, 101, 102,
103, 104, 105, 106,
107, 108, 109, 110,
143, 14.5, 146, 147,
149, 150, 152, 156,
185, 186, 189. 190,
192, 193, 196, 197,
198.
Concklin, 200.
Connant, 115.
Converse, 17, 28.
Cook, 8, 113, 144, 187.

Cooke, 92, 114, 200.

Corley, 112.

Corlye, 11.

Coomes, 114.

Cooms, 153, 154.

Cooper, 168, 169.

Coree, 116, 200

Corey, 56, 57, 60.

Corning, 4, 143.

Cornish, 4.

Corwin, 5, 94, 96, 123,
157, 177, 180, 190,
200.

Corwine, 182.

Cory, 164.

Cotta, 4, 38.

Cotty, 40.

Cox, 97, 153, 154.

Coy, 50.

Cradock, 12, 68, 70, 87,
107, 108, 110, 139.

Cranch, 151.

Cranfield, 164.

Crannever, 200.

Creek, 91.

Croad, 114, 183, 200.

Cioade, 85, 182.

Cromwell, 12, 35, 49,
60, 71, 89, 90, 91,
125, 127, 165, 169,
187, 200.

Crosby, 154.

Cross, 9, 114.

Crow, 100.

Crowell, 112.

Crowninshield, 154.

Cummings, 4, 6.

Currier, 63.

Curtice, 200.-

Curtis, 114.

Curtise, 114.

Curwen, 8, 57, 73, 157,

160, 167.
Curwin, 191.
Cushing, 56.
Cushman, 98, 112, 148.
Cussins, 53.

Culler, 54, 55, 65, 114.
Daland, 65, 113.
Dalton, 112.
Dam pier, 122.
Dana, 64.
Dane, 8, 58, 184.
Darby, 100.
Darlin, 4.
Darlington, 129.
Davenport, 8, 38, 139,

194, 196.
Davis, 17, 28, 136, 200.
Daye. 200.
Deacons, 112.
Deakin, 96.
Dean, 56, 197.
Dellodore, 35.
Deneson, 35.
Dennis, 3, 112, 113,

192.

Dennison, 35, 191.
Derby, 56, 111, 157,

175, 186.
Dermer, 75.

De Kuyter, 81, 124, 169.
D' E.«taing, 112.
Dewing, 113.
Dicke, 9.
Diconson, 50.
Digweed, 38.
DiKe, 102.
Diman, 62, 63, 154.
Dimsdale, 155.
Divan, 96.
Dixey, 38, 48, 67.
Dixie, 194, 196.
Dixy, 38.

Dodge, 11, 48, 50, 62,
55, 92, 113, 147, 152,
154, 186.
Dollaver. 95.
Dolliver, 92, 93, 112,

143, 144.
Doohttle, 143.
Dorey, 157, 158.
Dorman, 54, 96.
Douglass, 55, 61.
Dow, 65.
Downes, 30.
Downing, 37, 39, 185,

180.
Drake, 113, 189, 190

191.
Driver, 3, 96, 112, 183.
Dudley, 54, 105, 106,

110, 189.
Dummer, 126.
Dunbar, 03.
Dui can, 182.
Duncom, 189.
Dunton, 39, 165, 174,

180.
Durand, 94.
Durm. 35.
Eardry, 4.
Easty. 52, 163:
Eaton, 113, 144.
Ebborne, 113.
Ebburne, 51.
Eborne, 38, 94, 144, 181.
Edmonds, 112.
Edwards, 3, 4, 6, 39, 49,

76, 77. 78.
Elforde, 38.
Elizabeth, (Queen,) 16,

140, 154.
Ellet, 190.
Elliot, 1, 12.
Elliott, 129, 196.
Ellis, 160, 176.
Ellsworth, lllj
Elmore, 111.
Elvin, 6.
Elwell, 0.
Emerson, 144.
Emery, 6, 6, 10. 50,
144. .

203

Endicott, 4, 12, 15, 17,
23, 32, 38, 52,
54, 67. 71, 90, 97,
101, 102, 103, 104,
105, 106, 107, 108,
109, 110, 140, 145,
162. 156, 159, 185,
186, i'Ji, 194, 199.
Engel, 171.

English, 13,14,57,67,76,
77, 7b, 80, 83, 84, 85.
117, 121, 135, 139,
153, 157, 158, 159,
160, 161, 162, 163,
164, 165, 166, 167,
168, 169, 170. 171,
172, 173, 174, 175.
176, 177, 179, 180,
181.
Engol, 172.
Eusly, 174.
Esticke, 5.
Estis, 168.
Epes, 160.
Eppes, ls6.
Faben3, 56.
Fairfield, 6, 185.
Fairservice, 112.
Falconi-r, 72, 75.
Faller, 49.
Fannuck 112.
Farmer, 190, 195.
Farrin.iU'n, 50.
Farrow, 144.
Faulkner. 59.
Fay. 4i».
Fenley, 112.
Fellows, 95.
Fells, 149, 130.
Felt, 53, 68, 72, 74, 78,
80, 84, b6, 90, 105,
109, AO, 112, 113,
120, li2, 123, 124,
129. 137, 138, 140,
115, 148, 150, 151,
152, 156, 157, 163,
167, 173, 175, 186,
187, 188, 190, 191,
195, 197.
Felton, 12, 39, 50, 51,
54, 92, 144, 153, 182.
Field, 4
Fisher, 196.
Fiske, 3, 6, 7, 11, 37,

39, 113.
Flagg, 113.
Fletcher. 105, 166.
Flinders, 183.
Flint, 65, 92, 182.
Fogge, 38.
Folsom, 112.
Foot, 172.
Foote, 95, 154.
Forrester, 113.
Foster, 10, 54. 57, 113,

1S2.
Fowler, 51, 56, 153,154.

Francis, 17, 28.

Friend, 50.

Frier, 190.

Frost, 53.

Fry, 58.

Frye, 80, 113.

Fuller, 50, 109, 144.

Fysack, 155.

Gaffoid, 39. ,

Uage, 11.

Gaines, 4.

Gale, 111, 121.

Gallison, 2.

Gansby, 174.

Gardiner, 94.

Gardner, 10, 11, 34, 38,
48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 92,
93, 94, 100, 104, 113,
136, 145, 154, 182,
183, 187, 189, 190,
191.

Garford, 4, 38, 48.

Gearinjje, 5.

Gedney, 38, 39,156,191.

George 1st, (King) 155.

Gerrish, 6, 60, 118, 119,
168.

Gerrold, 113.

Gerry, 111.

Gibbs, 145.

Gidney, 44.

Gionies, 41.

Gigles, 38.

Gilbert. 51, 98.

Giles, 38, 114, 115, 116.

Gillis, 30.

Gillow, 7, 8.

Gilinan, 111.

Glover, 10, 112, 143.

Goufrey, 136.

Goffe, 110.

Goldtbrite, 191.

Goldwhatye, 38.

Golt, 34, 93, 200.

Guodale 6, 64.

Goodell, 182.

Goodhue, 111, 113.

Goodwin, 38.

Googes, 4.

Gookin, 35.

Gordon. 130, 134.

Gorges, 70, 98, 108, 141,

151, 195, 196. 198.
Gosnold, 71, 199.
Gott, 4, 39.
Gould, 66, 112, 113.
Gover, 112.
Goyt, 144.
GniJton, 3, 39, 94, 183,

186, 190, 191.
Graham, 74.
Graim, 96.
Grant, 112, 113.
Gray, 9, 49, 55, 56, 104,

143, 187, 188.
Green, 39, 56, 59, 60, 64.
Greenleaf, 10, 96.

Grcnough, 156.

Greenwood, 113.

Gregg, 55.

Gregory, 29.

Griffen, 111.

Grose, 39

Gruver, 50, 51.

Hacber, 94.

Hacker, 95, 96.

Hadley, 136.

Hall, 112.

Haly, 200.

Hamelton, 112.

Hamilton, 112.

Hamuiatt, 129.

Hammond, 32.

Handforth, 4, 183.

llandsoth, 10.

Hardie, 3. 48.

Hardy, 9. 14, 15, 39, 48,
80, 86

Harraden, 55, 113.

Harradine, 136.

Harris, 94.

Harrison, 135.

Hart, 6, 38, 39, 49, 58,
59.

Hartley, HI.

Hartshorne, 95, 183.

Harvey, 51.
Harwood. 4, 183.
Ha^call, 151.

Haskell, 9.

Haskett, 154.
Hatborne. 2, 5, 8, 33,
34, 35, 55,93.94, 113,
114, 143, 154, 159,
166. 170, 172, 185,
194, 200.
Hawes, 4, 6.
Hawkins, 185.
Uaynes, 12, 153.
Hazelton, 112.
Heard, 7
Hecter, 50.
Heister, 111.
Henry 2d, (King) 157.
Henry 8tb, (King) 140.
Henderson, 121.
Herbert, 5.
Herculeous, 112.
Herrick, 36. 38, 50, 51.
Hersoine. 9.
Hewes, 145, 146.
Hibbert, 4.
Hide, 34.

Higginson, 85, 99, 102,
108, 109, 110, 113,
149, 157, 180, 182,
183, 188.
Hisigison, 39, 73.
Hill, 9, 10, 51,52.
Hiller, 113.
Billiard, 102.
Hills, 190.
Hinds, 39.
Hiz, 35.

Hobart, 197.
Hobert, 3.
Hod-es, 10, 55, 154.
Hod^is, 143.
Holden, 41.
Holgrave, 38, 39.
Hollingsworth, 2, 11,
73, 75, 80, 81, 84,
121, 158, 159^ 160,
173, 176.
Hollis, 125.
Holme, 38.
Holmes, 14, 39.
Holt, 63.
Hol'en, 65.
Holton, 113.
Holyoke, 103, 184.
Homan, 112.
Hood, 50, 51.
Hootoo. 22, 122.
Hopkinson^ 8.
Horn, 185.
Home, 4, 12, 38, 51, 93,

191.
HornisJ, 50.
Houlton, 12, 153.
Hovey, 112.
How, 9, 51.
Hewlett, 7, 51.
Hubbard, 33, 54, 99,
100, 101, 103, 105,
106, 108, 145, 148,
150, 151, 153, 186,
190, 191, 193, 195,
197, 198.
Hubbert, 197.
Hudson, 196.
Hull, 169.
Humfry, 41, 42.
Humphrey, 95. 100, 106,

129, 145, 185.
Humphry, 192, 193.
Hunt, 154.
Huntin<:ton, 111.
Hurst, 171, 172.
Hutchinson, 12, 38, 70.
72, 7a, 80, 110, 125,
148, 178.
Idell, 5.
Ingalls, 5, 8, 10, 11, 95,

96.
Inger3oII.12.13,38, 121,

153, 154, 176.
Inkersoll, 191.
Ireson, 5.
Isbald, 4.
Jackman, 49.
Jackson, 3, 4, 5, 39, 49,

112, 151.
Jacobs, 52, 53, 54, 55,

164.
James, 68, 92, 93, 139,

155.
James 1st (King), 170.
Janes, 93.
Jarret, 8.

204

Jeffrey, 104, 184, 185,

198,
Jeffries, 195, 196.
Jeffry, 195, 19G, 197.
Jenks, 23, 30, 93.
Jewett, 8, 50, 9(3.
Jiggles, 92.
John.-on. 33, 38, 41, 73,

93, 91, 102, 103, 110,

111, 186, 193.
Jolbson, 6.
Jones, 112 183.
Jordan. 4S

Josselyn, 82, 130, 169.
Joy, 9
Kane, 27.
Keazur, 49.
Kemp, 11.
Kendall, 38.
Kenist-n, H, 39.
Kent 6, 95.
Kertland, 94.
Kutherell, 39.
Kibben, 11.
Kid.l, 78.
Kiltaiu, II.
Kimball, 9, 182.
King, 38. 50, 54, 115,

121, 138, 161.
Kinsiuiiii, 92
Kitonen, 93, 172.
Knap, 112.
Knight, 6.12, 17, 19,20,

26, 48. 49. 52, 96, 98,

102, 104 153, 154,156,

186, 187, 200.
Knolcutt, 85.
Lake, 1-13.
Lambert. 33, 113, 175,

183
Lamson, 55, 95.
Lan>;, 55, 113.
Langdun, 1 1 1.
Larrabee, 153,
Laskin, 38, 92.
La'hrop, 43, li.0, 151,

195, 1^6.
Land, 90, 143.
Laught'in, 11.
Lawrence, 55.
Leach, 38, 92, 95, 112,

144, 183 196.
Lee, 111, 159.
Lsecli, 67
Lefavor, 158.
Legs, 94
Lemon, 35, 200.
Leonard. 111.
Leslie, 2

Leveit, 72, 73, 74, 112.
Lewis, 3, 9, 64, 76, 129,

143.
Leyford, 197.
Lightfcot, 4, 5.
Lighton, 183.
Lind, 3.
Lindall, 14, 104, 157.

Little, 10.

Littlefield, 54.

Lofty, 112.

Long, 49. 95,

Lord, 4, 9,11,38, 48, 93,

115.
Lothrop, 33, 96.
Luvr, 153.
Lowe, 84,
Li)wle, 6.
Lowt.hrop, 51,
Lowthropp, 52, 181.
Luff 185.
Lume, 96.
Luscombe, 9,
Lyfc.nl, 99, 100, 104, 105,

106, 145,148,149,150,

197.
Lyndsey, 160, 169.
Maechiavelli, 126.
Macclay, 111,
Mc'intire, 112. 184.
Me'Kenney, 112.
Mackleroy, lOO.
Maelunal on, 113.
Maekmallen, 36, 96.
Mc'.Veil, 112,
Mc'Pherson, 112, 183.
Madison, HI.
Mahomet, 16,
Manning. 17, 20, 186,
Mansfield, 5, 96, 113,

14.i.
Margerum, 67,
Markes. 36.
Marryn r, 189.
Marsh. 116.
Mar,<hall, 33, 39, 41, 96,

114.
Mar.^ton, '58, 92, 157

172, 175.
Martin. 55.
Maiy, (Queen), 140,
Masiin, 5, 55. 70, 96,

102, 150, 194, 196,

200,
Massey, 4, 5, 8, 17, 93,

144, 152, 182, 193.
Massy, 6 12. 13, 38.
Masury. 28
Ma.-iterson, 191.
Mather, 143, 164, 165.
Mattnx, 3.
Maury. 38.
Maverick. 0, 49, 93. 94,

114. 192.
Mavcricke, 126.
Mavor. 16.
Ma.Kwell, 54.
Mayson, 112,
Meachum 35.
Meaeh. 1 12.
Mehaney, 112.
Merrill, 48.
Metcalf, 35.
M'gholl 60,
Migill, 17, 28.

Milburn. 112.
Millard, 10.
Montjoy, 92.
Moodey, 158, 164, 165,

166,
Moody, 95,
Moor*}, 6, 8, 38, 92, 93,

111,
Morgan, 78, 112.
Morrell, 63,
Morris 111,
Morton, 196,
Mosely, 167.
Moses, 113,
Moulton, II, 36, 39, 41,

48. 49, 54, 55, 72, 73,

75, 95 182,
Muddle, 182,
Muhlenburg, 111.
Muse. 92.
Murrey, 25,
Myrrcl, 39.
Neal, 14.
Needham, 6, 94.
Nelson, 183.
Newell, 112.
Newhall. 50.
Newman, 146.
Newton, 136,
Nicholson, 6, 94.
Nicke, 94.
Nicolls, 197.
Nixon, 183.
Nooton, 112.
Noris, 4,
Norman, 35, 39, 81, 102,

103, 104, 105. 110,

156, 186, 187, 191,

192, 19.3. 198.
Norris, 8, 56, 93, 112,

113,
Northey, 66,113.
Norton, 3, 6, 12, 38, 92,

181.
Nottingham. 117.
Nours«, 55, 60.
Nowell, 9.
Noyes. 6, 10, 14. 49, 95,

96, 167, 180.
Noyse. 41.
Nut 136.
Oakman, 112.
Oderic, 96.
Oldham, 99, 100, 108,

148, 149, 150, 194,

196, 198.
Oliver, 104.
Olney, 39.
Oimes, 183.
Orne. 113.
Orrick. 112.
O.^born 55.
Osborne. 113.
Osburne, 39.
Osgood 9. 58,
Pag , 55. Ill, 113.
Paine, 50, 94.

Palrd, 174.
Palfray. 185, 186.
Palfrey, 4, 6. 8, 101,

102, 103, 104, 10,5,

109. 147, 150, 151,

152. 156.
Palfry. 38, 192.
Pailgrave, 5.
Palmer. 8 51.
Parker. 49, 96, 111, 164.
Parni'll, 17, 25, 26.
Parratt, 49.
Parris, 60.
Pardons, 56.
Partridge, HI,
Patch, 3 8, 11, 33, 48,

51, 52. 85, 91, 113,

136, 138, 143, 152,

IKI. 182, 200.
Patterson, 17, 111, 112,
Payne, 3.

Peabody, 32, 91, 96,184.
Peas, 78.
Pease, 4. 191.
Pecker, 50.
PedechiR, 17, 28.
Peele, 55, 113.
Peeters, 112.
Pence, 113, 145, 146,

189.
Pellen, 3.
Pen 181,
Pentland, 50,
Perkins. 48 50,
Perlans, 112.
Pesters. 41,
Peters, 38, 61, 75, 90,

113.
Peterson, 112.
Pettengill, 153.
Pcttingall, 4.
Phelps. 48, 49, 95, 182.
Philip, 124.
Phillips, 6, 54, 56, 103,

13b,
Phippen, 97, 113, 145,

55, 185, 186.
Phii^.ps, 59,
Pickard 50,

Pickering, 14, 39, 51, 53,
66, 80, 97, 113, 154,
157. 172, 192.
Pickman, 11, 17, 66, 92,

157 180.
Pickworth, 39, 112, 183.
Piedmonte, 159.
Pierce, 55.
Pigot, 112, 162.
Pike. 49.

Pilgrim, 170, 171.
Pingry, 93
Pinkerton, 76. .
Pitman, 112, 114, 171,

175. •
Place, 4.
Plaice, 103.
Plaisted, 157.

205

Piatt, 183.

Plummer, 10, 184.

Pollard, 6.

Pool, 154.

Poor, 55.

Pope, 3(5, :i8, 56.

Popham, 98.

Port, 39.

Porter, 4, 8, 11, 23, 54,

93, 96, 113, 144, 182,

184.
Potter, 10, 49, 50, 94.
Powell, 112, 159.
Powers, 23.
Powlew, 92.
Pratt, 138.
Prescott, 67.
Preston, 153, 154.
Price, 5, 8, 9, 11, 50, 93,

96, 114, 143, 177. 183,

19J.
Pride, 8.
Prince, 3, 10, 55, 72, 75,

92, 93. 100, 143, 148,

150, 153, 101, 184,

186, 195.
Proctor, 8, 152.
Pudeater, 104.
Pulsifer, 37.
Purbeck, 154.
Porchis, 93, 96.
Putnam, 60, 61, 62, 64,

113, 184.
Putney, 116.
Pye, 112.
Quelch, 78.
Raleigh, 98.
Randolph, 91, 117, 124,

125, 170.
Rantoul, 150, 153, 186,

197.
RatclifF, 68.
Rauson, 118.
Rawson, 6, 167, 170,

181.
Ray, 39.

Rayment, 51, 93, 114.
Raymond, 38.
Rea, 38, 56, 92, 96.
Read, 38, 93, 184.
Reade, 194.
Reed, 6, 184.
Rees, 78.
Remmocs, 112.
Rese, 121.
Rhodes. 183.
Richards, 94.
Richisson, 185.
Rigsley, 112.
Riley, 21, 25.
Rist, 59.
Roach, 112.
Robbins, 63.
Roberts, 182.
Robertson, 112.
Robins, 48.

Robinson, 10, 38, 39, 61,

93, 94, 144, 148.
Rogers, 7, 182, 183.
Rolle, 11.
Rootens, 183.
Rootes. 38, 182.
Ropes, 4, 55,113,153,164.
Rosewell, 106, 139, 140.
Row, 143.
Rowden, 144.
Rowland, 94, 144, 181.
Ruche, 182.
Ruding, 120, 155.
Rupert, 9.

Russell,71. 112,129,138.
Rust, 55, 56.
Sage, 56.
Saint, 112.
Sallows. 5, 6, 182.
Salmon, 76, 77.
Salter, 112.
Saltonstall, 110,190.
Sampson, 10.
Sanders, 3, 6, 38.
Saueefleld, 112.
Saunders, 55.
Savage, 104, 145, 190.
Savary, 56.
Sawyer, 52, 63.
Scarlet, 3, 38.
Schureman, 111.
Scott, 8, 111, 182, 183.
Scottow, 94.
Scruggs, 11, 38, 193.
Seudder, 51.
Seers, 95.
Seller, 135.
Sergent, 9.
Severy, 1 12.
Sewall, 15, 50, 78, 157,

160, 167, 168, 171,

172, 180.
Shaflin, 11, 39.
Shaflinge, 4.
Sharpe, 8, 38.
Shattock, 136, 190.
Sheldon, 65.
Shelton, 109, 149.
Sherman, 50, G3, HI.
Shiply, 4.
Shovel, 135.
Shrimpton, 5, 94.
Sibley, 95.
Sibly. 38.
Silsbee, 17.
Silsby, 144.
Simonds, 10, 39.
Sinclair, 112.
Skelton, 41, 187.
Skerry, 4, 6, 39,151,185.
Skipper, 8.
Small. 35, 54.
Smith, 3, 11, 36, 48, 50,

55, 56, 63, 94, 98, 99.

102, 111. 112. 113,

144, 175, 181, 182,

186, 199.

52

Smothers, 112.

Solter, 174.

Somerby, 10, 48, 49, 95,

90.
Sothwick, 35.
Soathcoat, 106.
Southmead, 8.
Southwick, 10, 39, 93,

94.
Spalding, 7.
Spaulding, 56.
Spencer, 34.
Spinney, 174.
Spofford. 183.
Spooner, 39, 18i, 1*1.
Sprague, 55. 167.
Stagg, 189. '
Stamwood, 95.
Standford, 96.
Standisb, 39, 99. 145.

194.
Starr, 160. "
Staynwood, 144.
Stearns, 55.
Stevens, 10, 53, 82, 90,

177.
Sticknev. 121, 125, 129,

138, 154.
Stileman, 10, 11, 12, 38,

48, 49, 93, 182, 183,
Still, 112.
Stillman, 167.
Stone, 56. 63, 81, 150,

151, 170, 171.
Storer, 5t.
Storev, 159.
Stoughton, 53, I9t.
Stretton, 39.
Strong, 111.
Sturgis, 111.
Sugthwiko, 50.
Sullivan, 112.
Swain, 63.
Swan, 39, 50,
Swa.se V, 172
Swett,'49.
SwinnertoD. 182.
Svlvester. 94.
Symond.«, 34, 30.
Talby, 4, 43.
Tappan, 49.
Tarbell, 60.
Tarr, 144.
Taylor, 53, 183.
Teague, 112.
Temple, 90, 126.
Tenney, 33, 37, 54.
Thatcher, HI.
Thomas, 5, 94.
Tliomkins, 41.
Thompson, 112.
Thorndike, 52, 182.
Thome, 4, 5.
Thornton. 99, lOI, 106,

109, 191.
Tho'son, 39.
Thurston, 11, 48.

Tibbetts, 9.
Tilley, 188, 189,

194, 198.
Tillotson, 132. 133.
Tilly, 145.
Tilton, 5, 10.
Tod, 50.
Tompson, 7.
Torrer, 195.
Touzell, 66, 83, 86,

158, 167, 168,

176, 177.
Towens, 9.
Towlo, 10.
Towns, 112.
Townsend, 55.
Trask, 104, 109,

189, 192, 193,

195.
Traake, 38, 51, 94,
Traverse, 112.
Tresler, 48.
Trewlove, 112.
Trill. 9.

Trurabul. Ill, 124.
Trumbull. 51, 1C8.
Trusler, 11.
Tucker, !', 54, 55,

112, 113.
Tuker. 111.
Turner, 38, 78, 112,

171, 172, 185. -
Tyler, 6, 58.
Tylly, 100, 104.
Vain, 136.
Valpy, 158.
Van Tromp, 124.
Varney, 8, 10, 144.
Varnum, 8.
Venner, 39.
Veren, 11, 49, 91,

118, 119, 113,

183, 190.
Veriu, 38, 48, 116.
Verev, 182
Very* 92, 115, 116.
Upham, 157, 163.
Wadsworth, 56, 60,

64, 65, 06, 111.
Wait, 112.
Waitt, 113.
Wake, 11.
Wakefield, 112, 153,

172, 173.
Waleott, 144.
Waldo, 113.
Walker, 39,41, 113.
Wallace, 112.
WaHburt, 112.
Walli--, 172.
Waltham, 189.
Walton, 6, 192.
Wal, 9.
Ward, 8, 13, 14. 48

55.66,113,174.
Wardwell, 59.
Ware, 63.

190,

!74,

112,
194,

94,
157,

104,
182,

63,

170,

50,

206

W^arner, 48.

Whipple, 112, 182.

Williams, 11, 38, 48, 63.

Warre, 10.

Whitcombe, 106.

113, 161, 191.

Warren, 3, 9, 10, 17, 25,

White, 100, 101,

105,

Willshire, 25.

113.

106. 107, 108,

111,

Wilson, 6, 55, 58.

Waters, 4, 39, 51, 52,

112, 145, 149.

Winchester, 55.

82.

Whiten. 3.;

Wingate, 111.

Wathen, 4, 10, 51.

Whiterig, 35.

Winslow, 98, 99,

100,

Wathin, 4, 9.

Whitfoot, 112.

104, 148.

Watson, 4, 38, 56, 93.

Whitforth, 112.

Winter, 3.

Watts, 64, 112.

Whiting, 5, 11.

Winthrop, 86, 87,

110,

Wayborne, 84, 91.

Whitmore, 104.

189, 190, 194,

197,

Webb, 112, 113.

Whitney, 183.

199, 200.

Webber, 175.

Wickes, 49.

Witt, 5, 33, 49.

Webster, 144,

Wicks, 143.

Witter, 95.

Weeks, 4, 11, 39,

Wickson, 3.

Wolcott, 12, 153.

Weight, 67.

Wigglesworth, 64.

Wolfe, 38.

Wellman, 112, 113.

Wilkins, 60.

Wood, 102, 112,

146,

West, 4, 67.

Wilks, 143.

181.

Weston, 39, 40, 42, 43.

Willard, 165.

Woodberry, 11, 34,

67.

Wheat, 185.

William (King),

127,

Woodberye, 156,

Wheatland, 138, 184,

128.

Woodbury, 8, 38, 51, 62,
101, 102, 104, 105,
106, 109, no, 114,
121, 150, 151, 152,
185, 186, 187, 192,
193, 196.

Woodcocke, 182.

Woodice, 92.

Woodis, 92, 115.

Woodman, 7, 48, 53, 64.

Woods, 64, 121.

Woolbridge, 112.

Woolett, 112.

Woolland, 200.

Worcester, 147.

Wright, 72. 73. 91.

Wyatt, 7.

Wynkoop, 111.

Young. 6, 106. 113, 150,
151, 153, 181, 166,
190. 191, 195, 197.

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