HANDBOUND AT THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/essexinstitutehi01esseuoft o 7- HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF IHJB ESSEX INSTITUTE '\7'OXjTT»fXX: X;. salem:: Publislied for the Essex Institute^. BY HENRY WHIPPLE & SON, 1859. F It v./ 613107 %_ CONTENTS. lotroduction, ' 1 LesUr-'a lietreat, 2 The Ilathnrn -s, 2 Abstrauts iVom Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the of- fice of the Clerk of the Courts, Salem Copied by Ira J. Patch 3 Materials f jr a History of the IngersoU faaiily in Salem, 12 A Revolutiunary Letter, 13 Kelics of a '■ Peculiar Inatitution " in Salem, 14 TSTuinbei* 1. Ancient Pulpit Notices, 14 Curious Indenture between a Master and Servant in 1713, , 14 KarratiTe of the Piracy of the Ship friouJship, of Sa» lera, by CM. Eodicott, 15 Extracts from the first book of BirtliS, Marriages and Deaths of the City of Salem. Cupied by Ira J. Patch 35 Nu-inber 2. Extracts from Records kept by Rev. John Fiske, during his ministry at Salem, 4'c Odd Notes,— Normau Kings, 1066—1151 Meiliciues in " Old Times," Trees in the streets of Salem, in May, 1S59 Abotr«cts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on .le in the of- fice of Uie Clerk of the Courts Salem, Minutes fur a Genealogy of the Jacobs familj, by C. M. Eiidicott, Brick Buildings in Salem, in 1806, Biographical Sketches of Rev. Joseph Green, Rev. Peter Clark, and Rev. B. Wadsworth, ministers in Salem Village, (now Danvers,) by S. P. Fowler General Court in Salem, in 1774 66 37 Samuel Browne's Letter to Capt, John Tjuzell, voyage 44 to the West Indies, December 19, 17-'7, 66 46 Notice to Proprietors of Beverly Bridge, iu 1788,. ... 66 47 Richard Weight and John Bushueil's depusitiuna be- fore Gov. Endicott, 20, 4, 1655. • 67 48 Some Remark^ on the Commerce of Salem, from 1620 to 1740, with a Sketch of Philii> English, a mer- 52 chant iu Salem, from about 1670 to abuul 1733-4, 55 \>j G. F. Chever 67 66 Number 3, Some Remarks upon the Commerce of Salem, from 1626 to 1740, bv George F. Chever. Continued., 77 Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the Of- fice of Clerk of Courts, Salem, Mass 91 Cnrius Bill of Lading of a 'Whightt llors," 7 TLe Okl Planters of Salem, who were settled here before the arrival of Governor Endicott, in 1628, by Geo. D. Phippen 97 Letter of Hon. B. Goodhue, M. C, to Elias Uaskett Derby, City of New York in 1787 Ill Privateer Junius Brutus m Expedition to Rhode Island in 1778 112 Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and Deaths of the City of SUem. Continued 113 A Genealogical Ramble l]5 The Very Family ne ISTiimber 4r. 86me remarks on the Crtmmerce of Salem, from 1626 to John Lyford 1 48 1740. with a Sketch of Philip English, a Merchant John Woodbury J50 in S ilem, from about 1670 to about 1733-1, (contin- William Woodbury jSj- ued), by Genrpe P. ('hever, 117 John Balch 151 Abstracts from WilU, Inventories, &c., on file in the Of- Materials for a Genealogy of the IngersoU Family, by fice of Clerk of Courts. Salem, (continuerl) 143 B. F. B I53 The " Old Planters" of Salem, who were settled before Notes on Americon Currency, No. 1, by M. A. Stick- the arriv ,1 of Gov. Endicott in 1623, '.continued) by ney jgj Geo. D. Phippan 145 The Endicott House in Salem 158 Number 5. A' Sketch of Philip English— a merchant in Salem from about 1670 to about 1733-4— by Giorge F. Chever,. .157 Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the O.TiCf of Cl>;rk of Courts, Salem, Mass. Continued. Cojiicd by Ira J. Patch, 181 Thomas Gray 188 John Tilley 188 Thomas Gardner, 190 • Bichard Norman 191 John Norman 191 Nathan Keed. Sketch of, 184 Richard Norman, jr 192- The "Old Platiters" of Salem, who were settled here before the arrival of Gov. Endicott, in 1638 — Concluded — by George D.Phippen. — viz: Peter Palfray 185 Walter Knight 186 lYiUiam Alien 187 . William Trask 193 William Jefifry 195 . John Lyford 197 Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and Deaths, of the City of Salem. Continued. Copied by Ira J. Patch. ■ 2a0.> HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX INSTITUTE. Vol. I. April, 1859. No. 1. INTRODUCTION. The principal object, that the founders of the Essex Historical Society had in view, at the organization of said Society, (which, in 1848, was incorporated with the Essex County Natural History Socie- ty, under the name of the Essex Insti- tute,) was the collection and preservation of all authentic memorials relating to the civil history of the County of Essex, in the state of Massachusetts, and of the eminent men who have resided within its limits, from the first settlement ; and thus to provide ample materials for a cor- rect history of this part of our Common- wealth. In furtherance of the plans contemplat- ed by these early Pioneers in our local his- tory, it is proposed to issue, occasionally, as circumstances may permit, a serial pub- lication, to be called THE HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX IN- STITUTE. This publication will contain abstracts of Wills, Deeds, and other documents which are deposited in the offices of the County of Essex; Records of Bibxhs, Mabbiages, Deaths, Baftisxs, &c., gleanings firom Town and Chtteoh Rec- ords, in said County ; Inscriptions and Epitaphs from the old Burial Grounds; also, such other materials of a kindred nature as may be obtained from other sources. Selections from the reports and com- munications of a historical character, which have been read at the meetings of the Essex Institute, will appear in its pages, or such abstracts of the same as may be deemed advisable. Genealogical sketches of the familiSfe of the early settlers, will occasionally be inserted ; several have already been pre- pared with much care and accuracy. Al- so, brief biographical notices of those in- dividuals who have been identified with the prominent interests, or have held re- sponsible positions in the public afiairs of this section of the state. Finally, such facts and statements as Avill tend in any manner to elucidate the history of this county, in all the various relations to society, will be duly chroni- cled. It will be our earnest endeavor to make this publication the medium of communication with the public, of all materials of the above-named character, which may come into our possession, pro- vided that sufficient patronage be ex- ' tended to authorize its continuance. — When we consider that this County is one of the earliest, settled by Europeans, in New England ; that the various records extend back nearlv to its first settlement ; and that the descendants of these Pioneers, or their immediate followers, are now scat- tered over every section of this Union, it is reasonable to infer, that, if our work is faithfully executed, a liberal response will be given. We cordially invite the co- operation of all friends of historic re- search, in this undertaking. LESLIE'S RETREAT. Messrs, Editors: I have in my possession a humor- ous letter, written shortly after "Leslie's Retreat," at the North Bridge in Salem, in 1775. I send you an exact copy of this letter for publication, if you think it of sufficient importance to print. It may be of interest to some persons, as showing that the ex- citement on the occasion alluded to, extended as far aaithe towns on the Merrimack River. b. Amesbury, March %, 1775. Honr^d Sir — An account of the Amesbury Expedition May not be disagreeable to you as you are a Son of Liberty. having ben informed that a few Days ago a Small Party of Troops took a Sail & a Walk for an airing &c. It was suppos'd their de- Bigns was to seize some Military Stores at Sa- lem. The alarm soon reach'd us & Set all the Country round us in motion. Happening at that (time) to be at dinner I saw upwards an hundred men from Various Parts of Merri- mack river, moving towards the scene of ac- tion. Cyder being exceeding Scarce & the Last Season but an indifferent one for That, ^ey Look'd pale & meagre & seemed to Trem- olo under tho burden of their guns & bread & Cheese, which some ill Natured People attrib- fited to their Fear, but very unjustly : indeed had they really ben Cowards they Would not have had much reason to be afraid, because they knew the Soluiers must have done their BuBsinees & returned to Boston, before they could reach Salem, and this they soon Learnt to be the Case on their first Halt, which was at a Tavern, when they meditated a return, which was Performed in martial order. But bloody Minded men as they were, they resolved not to go home without doing some execution, and therefore they valiantly attacked and de- molished several Barrels, whose Precious blood they drew and intirely exhausted, flushed with Victory they made a much better appear- ance than when I first saw Them. However such another Victory would have brought them all to the ground, if not have ruined them, as it was they were scarce able to Crawl home ; and most of them haveing disgorged the blood of the slain which they had so plenti- fully drank, returned as pale and feeble as they set out, and Look'd as Lank as tho' they had ben drawn thro' the river instead of Pass- ing over it. So much for this military Expe- dition. Your Effectionate Son WM. G ALLISON. Addressed — To COLL. JOHN GALLISON Marblehead. The Hathornes. Messrs. Editors: I was present this morning at the Auction Sale at " Hollingworth Hill"; and in my rambles over the old place, I found in a book printed in 1610 a record of the births of William Hathorne's children, written by himself, on a blank leaf. I thought tho item was wortli saving, and have sent it to you for publication. CHILDREN OF WILLIAM HATHORNE. Sarah, born, 11th 1 mo. 1634—5. Eleazer, " 1st 6 " 1637. Nathaniel «' 11th 6 " 1639. John, " 4th 6 " 1641. Anna, " 12th 10 " 1643. William, " 1st 2 " 1645. Elizabeth, " 22d 5 " 1649. Salem, March 12, 1859. fl? ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac, ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF .COURTS, SALEM, MASS. COPIED BY lEA J. PATCH. Bethiah Cartvoright, Ath mo. 1640. Will of Bethiah Cartwright of Salem, dated ^d May, 1G40, mentions her sister, Elizabeth Capon, in Walderswich, in Sussex ; Marj Norton, the wife of George Norton in Salem ; John Jackson, son of John Jackson ; Marga- ret, wife of John Jackson, of Salem ; Eliza- beth Peilen ; Elizabeth Wickson. Witnesses — Elizabeth Wickson, Thomas Warren. (The above will was the first to be brought into Court.) Samuel Smith, 10th mo., 1642. Will of Samuel Smith, of Enon, dated 5th Oc- tober, 1642, mentions wife Sarah bequeaths her ^'My farme in Enon, with all the housen vpon it, as alesoe all the frutes vpon it, as come, hemp, and the like, for bar owne proper vse for the tearme of bar lif, vpon consideration that she shall discharg me of that promise vp- on maridge, which is vnto my Sunn, William Browne, fiftie pounds ; alsoe that she shall giue vnto his two children, William and John Browne, 20 lb. betweene ym all, which shall be paid by my exequeters hereafter named." eon Thomas, daughter Mary, his wife Sarah and son William Brown, ex'ors ; and his son, Thomas Smith, supervisor of his will, proved 27th, 10th mo, 1642. Inventory of above estate taken 18th, 9 mo., 1642, amounting to £395 098 02d ; re- turned and sworn to 28th, 10 mo., 1642. Ann Scarlet , ^th mo.^ 1643. Will of Ann Scarlet, of— dated 2d Ist mo., 1639, mentions brother Samuel, in old Eng- ]land, her children Mary, Margaret and Joseph, her sister Dennis, her brother, James Lind, her brother Browning and his wife, her broth- er Joseph Grafi|K)Q, admTf John Sanders, 10th mo., 1643. Will of John Sanders, of Salem, dated 28 October, 1642, mentions son John Sanders, un- der age, his father Joseph Grafton. Good- man Hardie and Joseph Grafton, his adm'rs. His wife living. Abr'm Belknap, 12 mo., 1643. Inventory of estate of Abraham Belknap of Lynn, who deceased the beginning of the 7th mo., 1643, taken 16th, 12 mo 1643 amounting to £53 lOs 3d. Signed by Mary Belknapp. Hugh Churchman, 5th mo,, 1644. Will of Hugh Churchman of Lynn dated 4th, 4th mo. 1640, mentions William Winter and wife, and their son Josiah and daughter Hanna, both under age, widow Ambrose. Ed- ward Burt, Mr. Whiten and Mr. Hobert. Wm. Winter, sole ex'or. Probated 9th 5 mo. 1644. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £24 9s lid, returned by Hugh Burtt, Eobert Dri> ver. John Mattox, 5th mo., 1644. Inventory of estate of John Mattox, who deceased 22d April, 1643, amounting to £14 03s 09d, returned by Goodm Edwards and Prince, 6th day 5th mo., 1644. Thomas Payne, 5th mo., 1644. Will of Thomas Payne, dated 10th 2d mo., 1638, mentions his wife, son Thomas, a wea- ver, dan, Mary, two sons, is part owner of Ship Mary Ann, of Salem, his kinsman, Hen- ry Bloomfield, son Thomaa, Ex"or, and Mr. John Fiske, of Salem, Supervisor. Probated 10th 5th mo., 1644, Robert Lewis 5th mo., 1644. Inventory of Robert Lewis, deceased 4th of May, 1643, amounting to £26 128 8d ; re- turned by Goodm Edwards and Prince, 6(b of 5tbmo., 1644. Joan Cummins, 5th mo., 1644. Will of Joan Cummins, of Salem, dated -, mentions son John, Goodman Cornish, Mr. Noris, grandchildren Mary Bourne and Johannah Borne ; to the Church twenty shil- lings, Goody Cotta, Goody Wathin, Goody fileld. Goody Broagham, Ann Shiply, Good- man Boyce, Goody Corning, John Browne's wife, Deborah Wathin, Dec Gott, and Good- man Home, exors. Probate 10th 6th mo., 1644. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £33 Os Od, returned by Jeffrie Massey, Jarvis Garford, George Eardry, 17th 3d mo-, 1644. Robert Pease, Qth mo., 1644. Inventory of estate of Kobert Pease, of Sa- lem, amounting to £39 12s 6d, returned by Jo Alderman Myhill Shaflinge, 3d 11th mo., 1644, mentions his widow, Maria Pease, admx. 2 sons, John and Kobert. John Talby, llth mo., 1644. Inventory of the estate of John Talby, a- mounting to £28 18s 5d, returned by Peter Palfrey and William Lord, llth mo., 1644! Margery Wathen, llth mo., 1644. Inventory of the estate of Margery Wathen, widow, amounting to £39 138 5d, returned by Peter Palfrey, Wm. Alfard and Nathaniel Porter, 28 6 mo., 1644. Deacons Charles Gott and John Home appt by J. Endicott Govt to settle the estate, 3d llth mo., 1644. Isdiel West, llth mo., 1644. Inventory of estate of Isabel West, amount- ing to £51 128 Od, returned by Henry Skerry. Robert Cotta, and George Ropes, 2d llth mo., 1644. Jane Gaines, 5th mo., 1645. Inventory of estate of Jane Gaines, of Lynn, amounting to £43 5s 7d, returned by Nicho- las Brown and Edmund Needham, 10th 5th m9^7 1645. Robert Hawes^ Wife, 7th mo., 1645. Will of Robert Hawes' wife, testified to by witnesses William Googes, Katherine Darlin Sarah Bartlett, who heard her on her death bed, on the 12th June, 1645, dictate her will/ mentions the young child Thomas she had by Robt. Hawes, £20, her three sons, Robert Edwards and Matthew EdwardSjRobert Hawes' daughter, Alise, his sons, Robert and Mat- thew, her sister, Ellen Hibbert, in Old Eng- land, two maids who tended in her sickness, viz: Kathrin Darlin aud Sarah Bartlett. — Probate 10th 7th mo., 1645. Margaret Pease, 10th mo., 1645. Will of Margaret Pease, widow, of Salem, dated 1st 7th mo., 1644, mentions grandchild John Pease, son of Robert Pease, Thomas Watson of Salem, to be foffeye of trust. Ann Isball testifies to taking great pains with her when sick ; also that said Pease made a be- quest to Edith Barber after her will was writ- ten. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £19 28 8d, returned by John Alderman and John Bulfinch, 1, 11 mo., 1644. Wm. Place, 2d mo., 1646. Inventory of estate at Thomas Weeks's house, of William Place, deceased 14th 2d mo., 1646. Also an inventory of tools in hands of Richard Waters, returned 5th 6th mo., '46 : acct of charges of Thomas Weeks against estate of Wm. Place, incurred during his last sickness, amounting to £3, Wm. Googs, 4th mo., 1646. Inventory of estate of William Googe, a- mounting to £28 lis 6d, returned by Na- thaniel Handforth and Francis Lightfoot. Ann, his widow, app'd admx., left 3 small children. Probate 30th 4th mo. , 1646. John Thome, 6th mo., 1646. Eliz'h Harwood, Margaret Jackson, and Eliz'h Esticke, testify as to the 'vrill of John Thome, that they heard him "say these woards vinsit that hee did giue unto Ann Pallgrave all his estate, as money, goods, ap- arell & debts, out of which sayd aparell it was the will of the sayd John that John Jack- son, Junior, should haue his best Hatt, and further moure it was his will that James Thom- as should haue something out of the estate, if the sayd Ann Paulsgrave so pleaseth." Dat- ed 27th July, 1646. Probate 4th 6th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £27 16s 2d, returned by Jeffrey Massey, Geo. Emery and John Herbert, 4th 6th mo., 1646. R. Bartholomew, 6th mo., 1646. "Boston the 6th, 11th '45. Brother Henry, heare in clossed is a notte of whatt estatte I have shippt with me, & what is here owinge to mee wth whatt I owe in England, wch is all I owe in the world as I know off these things only the bills of Ex., I haue consigned to Mr. Edward Shrimpton, in London, hee is ye brassers bro at Boston, to him I have wrighten yt in case God should not bringe me to London, yt he would these goods, pay my debts, and returne ye remayn- der to you. I should haue been glad to haue Been you before I went, but if god should not returne mee againe, but take mee away by death, my desire is yt the returns of these goods come to yo'r hands, that they may be thus disposed of, viz : To your two chUdren £40 apeace ; to my bro William's 3 chil- dren, £20 apeace ; to my mother, yr likinge, £10; to Mr. Gearringe, beinge very poore, £10 ; and the remaynder of my estate, bee it whatt it will, more or less, all that is mine I dessire may be equally devided betweene our bro Thomas, Abraham, and Sister Sara, (only what Jacob Barney owes to mee I give it to him,) but for my other debts, house, ground, &c., devide as before. This is my desire, and that I would haue done if- God should please to take me away. I desire to cast myself only vppon him, and to reet myself only in the 2 armes of his mercy in Christ Jesus, intreat- inge of him to stay my soule there in the worst bowers, even in death itself, vnto him I leave you with yors together with myself and all his, and rest, yor faithful and loving Brother, RICHARD BARTH0L0MEV7." SupEKSCErpTioN. — "To my Lovinge Brother, Henry Bartholomew." Probate 4th 6th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £286 Qs Id, returned by Wm. Hathome and Jeffrey Massey, 4th 6th mo., 1646. Francis Lightroot, lOth mo., 1646. WiU of Francis Lightfoot, of Lynn, dated Dec. 10, 1646, mentions brother John Light- foot, of London, in case he be living, or his children. Sister IsabeU Lightfoot, living in "Linckhoonshire, in ffrestone, near olde Bos- tone," brother Idell, Samuel Cockett, Hannah Idell, Dorythe Whiting, Elizabeth Whiting, Samuel Cobit ; his wife executrix. Probate 29th 10th mo., 1646. Debts due. — To James Ayer, for keeping sheep and swine ; to Mr. George BurrUl ; to Goodmn Mansfield : to Allin Breed. Debts owning, by Samuel Bennet, Hugh Ally, Edward Ireson, John Witt. Anne Lightfoot, widow, app'd admx. by the Court. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £51 Os 2d, returned by Nath. Ingalls, WUliam Tilton, and Edward Burthum, 29th lOth mo., 1646. Emma Mason, lOtA mo., 1646. Inventory of the estate of Widow Emma Mason, deceased the 26th 3d mo., 1646, a- mounting to £26 16s 8d, returned by George Corwin and Walter Price, 30th 10th mo., 1646. Estate ordered to be divided, to the el- der brother a double portion, and the remain- der equally between the rest of the children. Michael Salloios, 10/A mo., 1646. Will of Michael Sallows, of Salem, dated 14th 9th mo, , 1646, mentions Micha Sallows^ 6 hia youngest son, his daughter Martha, son Thomas, Robert, John and Samuel, and Ed- ward Wilson, his son in law, Edward Wilson, and Robert Sallows, ex'rs. Probate 31st 10th mo., 1646. Edward Wilson and Robert Sallows having declined, Jeffrey Massy, John Jolhson and George Emery are appointed ex 'rs in their stead. 31st 10th mo., 1646. Mary Hersoine, lOfh mo., 1646. Inventory of estate of Mary Hersoine, wid- ow, of Wenham, deceased the 2d 7th mo., 1646, amounting to £21 17s Id, returned by John Fairfield, Wm. Fiske, and George Nor- ton, 29th 10th mo., 1646. Geo. Pollard, 10th mo., 1646. Will of George Pollard, of Marblehead, da- ted 13th 3d mo., 1646, mentions Goodman Tyler of Lynn, John Hart, Jr., Christopher Nicholson, son of Edmond Nicholson, appoints Mr. Walton of Marblehead, ex'or. Mr. Mav- erick and Wm . Charles to assist Mr. Walton. Probate 31st 10th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £66 4s 3d, returned 31st 10th mo. , 1646. Edioard Candall, 10th mo., 1646. Inventory of estate of Edward Candall, de- ceased the 15th of November, 1646, amount- ing to £5 12s, returned by Wm, Ager and Peter Palfrey. Joane Cummins, 11th mo., 1646. Inventory of Joane Cummins, amounting to £39 3s 4d, returned by Henry Skerry and George Emery, 14th 11th mo., 1646. Mrs. Goodale and John Lowle, 5th mo., 1647. Adm'n granted on estate of Mrs. Goodale, unto Mr. Edward Rawson, Richard Kent and Henry Choot of Newbury, until order of Gen'l Court. Ad'm granted on estate of John Lowle, of Newbury, unto Wm. Ger- rish, Richard Lowle, Richard Noyes, John Saunders, and Richard Knight, until order of Gen'l Court, 6th 5th mo., 1647. Wm. Clarke, 5th mo., 1647. Inventory of estate ot Mr. Wm. Clarke o( Salem, amounting to £587 38 2d, returned by Mrs. Katherine Clark. John Fairfield. 5th mo., 1647. Will of John Fairfield, of Wenham, dated 11th 10th mo., 1646, mentions wi.fe Elizabeth, Benjamin, youngest son, under age, son Wal- ter, his cousin, Matthew Edwards, wife Eliza- beth, sole executrix, and Mr. Henry Bartholo- mew and Robert Hawes, both of Salem, to bo supervisors. Probate 7th 5th mo., 1647. — John Fau-field died 22d 10th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £113 38 7d, returned by Eliz'h Fairfield, wid- ow, adm'x, 7th 5th mo., '47. Charges against said estate— for the keeping of two children, the one 2 yr old, 5 mo., and the other 8 yrs old, 2 mos,, £10 ; for 1 child, old, 5 mos., £1. The estate being divided into four parts ia to each £9 128 lOd. Christopher Young, 5th mo., 1647. Will of Christopher Young, of Wenham, dated 19th 4th mo., 1647, mentions three children, who are to be sent to Great Yar- mouth, in Norfolk, Old England, to his father in law, Mr. Richard Elvin, and his mother in law, Mrs. Elvin ; the said father and mother in law, with John Phillips, of Wenham, to be his feoffees of trust. Said Phillips to adopt bis son if he be living ; mentions bis sisters, the wife of Joseph Young, and the wife of Thomas Moore, of Salem ; gives his great bible to his daughter Sarah, and his otiier bible to his daughter Mary, and a book entitled "God's all sufQciency to Christians,'' to his son ; gives a book entitled the "Deceitfulness of many Hearts" to bis dear friend, EzdrasRead, appts. William Browne, of Salem, Ezdras Reed of Wenham, and the wife of Joseph Young, ex'rs his friend Henry Bartholomew, supervisor. — Probate 8th 5th mo., 1647. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £5 lis, returned by Phineas Fiake, William ITiske, and Edward tspaulding, 7th 5th mo., 1647. Luke Heard, Jih mo., 1647. Will of Luke Heard, ot Ipswich, as testified to by John Wyatt and Simon Tompaon, who heard him make his will, to wit : To his eld- est son, Jobn, £10, to be paid at 21 years of age ; to his son Edmond, £5, to be paid at 21 years of age ; his books to his two sons, to be equally parced between them; "alsoe this is my will yt my two sonnes be brought up to writing and to reading, and then when they shal be fitt, to be putt forth to such trades as they shall choose," his wife Sarah, sole execu- trix. Probate 28th 7th mo., 1647. Bond of Joseph Bigsbyand Sarah Heard, widow, both of Ipswich, to the Court of Ips- wich, in the sum of £30, dated 15th 10 mo., 1647. Signed Joseph Bigsby, the mark | of Sarah Heard. Witness — Margaret Rogers, John Rogers. "The condition of this obligation is such, yt ye above bounden Joseph Bigsby and Sarah Hearde, (in case they proceed together in marriage intended,) if they or either of them shall doe or cause to bee done these things following : 1. That the two children of the said widow, wch were left unto her by her late husband, Luke Hearde, of Ipswich, Linnen weaver, be well brought up and due meanes be used to teach them to read and write well as soone as they are cappable, 2. That at the age of thirteen yeares at the furthest, they be put forth to be apprentices in such trades as Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, their Grandfather Wyat, and Ensigne Howlet, in writing under their hand, or any two of them in like manner shall advise unto, and the chil- dren like of. 3. That onto the said children be paid, at the ago of one and twenty yeares, fifteen pounda given them by will of their father, viz : ten pound to the elder, at his time of one and twenty yeares, and five pounds to the younger when he shall bee at the like age ; also that the bookes bequeathed them by their father be given them by equall division, according to his will. 4. That five pounds more be paid to the children of the said Sarah, (if living,) or ei- ther of them at her will and discretion, as shee shall see cause to divide it in even or unequall portions to them, or to give the whole to the younger in case the elder be better provided for. 5. That the said Joseph and Sarah shall doe, or admit to bee done, any such further order as the Court of Ipswich shall see meet to require upon the motion of thej,said advis- ors, for the securing of the forementioned dues to the children, as well as for the freing of the said Joseph and Sarah from any entangle- ments on the children's part, by reason of her exequetrixship, or otherwise from hence arising beside the direct and true meaning and intent of these conditions. 6. That whereas, there is a portion of land in Asington, in Sufiblke, in England, wch shall bee the right of the said Sarah after the decease of her mother, (the tenor whereof ia not certainly known to us,) if the said Iand9 bee not entailed, then the said Joseph shall not claim any title hereunto by virtue of mar- riage wth the said Sarah, but the said Sarah shall have the whole and sole power to dispose of it, both the use and the gift of it, when and to whom she shall thinke meet. That then this obligation shall bee void and of none effect, otherwise to stand and bee of force." Signed Joseph Bixby, the mark | of Sarah Heard. Witnesses — Margaret Rogers, Jobn Rogers. Richard Woodman, 10th mo., 1647. John Gillow and Henry Bartholomew tes- tify as to'will of Rich'd Woodman, of Lynn, as follows : four pounds to the elders of Lynn, 8 iortie fibillings apieco ; all the residue of his goods he would give to Joseph Belknap, Kich- ard Moore, and his master, John Gillow, equally divided. Appoints Joseph Belknap, exor. Probate Ist 10th mo., 1647, John Pride, Idth mo., 1G47. Inventory of estate of John Pride, of Salem, amounting to £88 16s. JRich'd Bayley, 1st mo., 1648. Will of Rich'd Bayley, of Ro-wley, dated 15tli 12th mo., 1647, mentions son Joseph Bayley, wife Edna, brother James Bayley, and Michael Hopkinson, his nephew, John Bay- ley, Thomas Palmer, his wife Edna ext's. Probate 28th 1st mo., 1648. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £106 18s 10 d, returned by Joseph Jewett, Maximillian Jewett and Mathew Boyes, 27th 7th mo., 1648. John Balch, ^th mo., 1648. Will of John Balch, of Salem, dated 15th May. 1648, mentions Annis his wife, eldest son Benjamin, second son John, youngest son Freeborn, wife Annis and son Benjamin ex'ors, and John Proctor and William Wood- bury, overseers. Witnesses, Peter Palfrey, Nicholas Patch, Jeffrey Massey. Probate 28th 4th mo., 1648. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £220 13s 4d, returned by John Porter, Peter Palfrey, Jeffrie Massy, and Nicholas Patch. John Jarret, 7th m,o., 1648. Inventory of estate of John Jarret, of Rowley, amounting to £69 16s 2d, returned 7th mo ,,1648. Edmond Ingalls, 9M »io., 1648. Will of Edmond Ingalls, of Lynn, dated 28th August, 1648, mentions wife Ann, and appoints her ext'x, leaves Katherine Skipper with his wife. Son Robert, daughters Eliz- abeth, Mary, dau Faith wife to Andrew Al- len, sons John, Samuel, dau Sarah wife to William Bitnar, son Henry, brother Francis Ingalls and Francis Dane, son in law, over- seers. Probate 14th 9th mo., 1648. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £135 8s lOd, returned 14th 9th mo., 1648. Allen Kenision, 10th mo., 1648. Will of Allen Keniston, of Salem, dated 10th 9th mo., 1648, mentions Capt. Hathorne £5, Capt. Davenport, £3, John Bayley, either a heifer or a cow, Mr. Curwin and Mr. Price, 20s apiece, his wife Dorothy to take the rest, and appoints her ext'x. Gives to Mr. Norris 50s, to Mr. Sharpe, 40s, and to Mr. Bartholomew, 40s. Probate 27th 10th mo., 1648. Wm. Sauthmead, 12th mo., 1648. Inventory of estate of William Southmead, of Gloucester, amounting to £43 10s, Pro- bate 20th 12th mo., 1648. George Varnum, 1649. Will of George Varnum, of Ipswich, dated 21st 2d mo., 1649, mentions wife, son Samu- el, dau Hannah (single,) appoints Thomas Scott and son Samuel, ex'ors. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £86 17s, 6d, taken 12th 8th mo., 1649. Miles Ward, 1th mo., 1650. Inventory of Istate of Miles Ward, ofSar lem, what debts to receive, and what debts to pay, related by himself, in Virginia, the 3d of the 1st mo., 1650. "In England, given by his father as a leg- gacie, for tie pounde, to bee payd to the sd Miles by his brother, wch he both giueth and bequeath to his foure children." His wife living. Thomas Cook, 7th mo., 1650. Inventory of estate of Thomas Cook, a- mounting to £40, returned by Wm. Barthol- omew, and Wm. Vamey. Hugh Burt, Idth mo., 1650. Will of Hugh Burt, of Lynn, dated , mentions his wife, and appoints her ext'x, 2 children, uncle and aunts in England. Pro- bate 21st 10th mo., 1650. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £65 158 lid, returned Slst 10th mo., 1650. Edmund Lewis, 12th mo., 1650. Will of Edmund Lewis, of Lynn, dated 18th 11th mo., 1650, mentions eldest son, John Lewis, his wife to be sole ex'or, son Thomas Lewis. Probate 25th l2th mo., 1650. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £122 7s 6d, returned 25th 12th mo., 1650. Joseph How, Ath mo., 1651. Will of Joseph How, of Lynn, (Jated 10th Feb., 1650, mentions his wife, daughter Eliz- abeth, mother How. Probate 26th 4th mo., 1651. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £107 10s 8d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1651. John Osgood, 9th mo., 1651 Will of John Osgood, of Andover, dated Apr. 12th, 1650, in his 54th year, bom in 1595, July 23, mentions son John, Stephen, daughters Mary, Elizabeth, Johannah, daugh- ter Sarah Clement, daughter Rakah, son John and wife, ex'or. Probate 25th 9th mo., 1651. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £373 7s, returned by Sarah Osgood, ext'x, 25th 9th mo., 1651. James Boutell, 9th mo., 1651. Will of James Boutell, of Lynn, dated 22d 6th mo., 1651, mentions son James, daughter Sarah, appoints wife Alice ext'x., son John. Probate 26th 9th mo., 1651. Inventory of above estate returned •26th 9 th mo., '51- Henry Birdsalh, 9th mo., 1651. Inventory of estate of Henry Birdsalls, a- mounting to £47 19s^ returned 9th mo., 1651. 3 Walter Tibbetts, 1651. Will of Walter Tibbetts, of , dated 5th 4th mo., 1651, mentions his wife, making her ext'x, grandchild Richard Dicke, daughter Mary Haskell, wife of Wm. Haskell, Joseph, son to Wm. Haskell, William, another son of Wm. Haskell, son in law Edmund Clarke, John and Joseph Clarke, Elizabeth Dicke, Elenor Luscombe, Salome Trill. John Hardy, 4ih mo., 1652. Will of John Hardy, of Salem, dated 30th 1st mo., 1651, mentions Roger Haskell, his son in law, and his 4 children, viz: John, William, Mark and Elizabeth, Elizabeth, daughter of my son Joseph Hardy, daughter Elizabeth Haskell, wife Eliz'h, and appoints her his ext'x. Probated 30th 4th mo., 1652. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £393 4s 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and Walter Price. Thomas Warren, 1th mo., 1652. Deposition of Rebecca, the wife of Water Joy, aged about 27 yrs., the 17th 7th mo., 1652, says that Thomas Warren, who dyed with Prince Rupert, was cousin German to Wm. Sergent, of Glocester, and that there is none nearer of kin in this country, and I, be- ing a little related, do desire Wm. Sergent may adm'r on the estate and be accountable, before me. Increase No well. I, John Hill, formerly living in Bristol, in Ould England, being hear, testifieth. That Thomas Wathing, son to Edmun Wathin, is cousin to Wm. Sergent, the said Wm. being his father's sister's son. This deponant further saith, that this Thomas Wathing went with Rolert Gray in Captain Wal serves. 27th 7th mo., 1652, before Wm. Towens, Robert Tucker, Robert Elwell. John Cross, 7th mo., 1652. Inventory of estate of John Cross, Ipswich, amounting to £382 58 2d, returned by Richard Kimball, Sp., and Robert Lord, 7th mo., 1652, 16 Henry Somerby, 9th mo., 1652. Petition of Judith Somerby, widow of Hen- ry Somerby, Newbury, mentions son Daniel tinder 18 years, daughters Sarah and Eliz'h under 16 years — 18th 9th mo., 1652. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £164 4s, returned by Edmund Greenleaf, Richard Browne, and Anthony Somerby, 30th 9th mo., 1552. Wm. Averill, March, 1653. Will of Wm. Averill of Ipswich, dated 3d 4th mo., 1652, mentions 7 children, Abigail bia wife, appoints her ext'x. Witnessed by Andrew Hodges and Reginald Foster. Probate 29 th March, 1653. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £50, returned by A. Hodges and R. Foster, 29th March, 1653. Thomas Wathen, 'ith mo., 1653. Inventory of estate of Thomas Wathen, a- mounting to £3 15s, returned by Zebulon Hill and Stephen Glover, both of Gloucester. Geo. Cole, 4M mo., 1653. Inventory of es'ate of George Cole, of Lynn, amounting to £32 Os 8d, returned by Edward Burthum, Nathaniel Handsoth, 28th 4tb mo., 1653. Wm. Stevens, 4th mo., 1653. Will of Wm. Stevens, of Newbury, dated May 19, 1653, mentions eldest son John, son Samuel, both under 21 years, appoints Eliz'h his wife, ext'x— 30th 4th mo., 1653. Died May 19, 1653. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £166 143 6d, returned by Eliz'h Stevens, ext'x. Samuel Bitfield, George Little, Anthony Som- erby, Francis Plummer, and Nicholas Noyes, appraisers. Taksn Juno 13, 1653. Wm. Tilion, 5th mo., 1653. Inventory of estate of Wm. Tilton, of Lynn, amounting to £128 4s lOd, returned by Fran- cis Ingalls, Henry Collins and Edward Bur- thum. Thomas Millard, 9th mo., 1653. Will of Mr. Thomas Millard, of Newbury, declared in the presence of Wm. Colton and Ann, his wife, and John Butler, on the 30th day of August, A. D., 1653, mentions wife Anne and 2 children, Rebecca and Eliz'h, the children to have their share when they are married, and his wife not to hinder them, when they are eighteen yoars of age. Pro- bate 25th 9th mo., 1653. Died Sept. 2, 1653. Inventory of above estate^ amounting to £343 3s 4d, returned by Richard Towle and Anthony Somerby, 24th 9th mo., 1653. John Robinson, 9th mo., 1653. Inventory of estate of John Robinson, a- mounting to £57 8s 6d, returned by Elias Stileman and Richard Prince. Wm. Bacon, 9th mo., 1653. Will of Wm. Bacon, of Salem, as declared in presence of George Emery and Elizabeth Boyce, mentions son Isaac, under 21, if he dye before 21, his (Wm. B.) wife to have his share. Ann Potter, wife Rebecca Bacon. — Overseers, Joseph Boyse, Lawrence South- wick. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £184 16s, returned by Thos. Gardner, Sr., and Joseph Boyce, 9th 9th mo., 1653. Abraham Warre, 1654. Will of Abraham War, of Ipswich, married man, dated 22d day 2d month, 1654, mentions daughter Sarah and wife, to bring her up in the fear of the Lord, and to have a care of her as if she were her own, his wife ext'x. Wit- nessed by Roger Sampson, Wm. Simonds, John Warren. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £47 5s Id. Wm. Varney, March, 1654. Inventory of estate of Wm. Varney, of Ips- 11 wich, amounting to £57 23 8d, returned 30th Ist mo., 1654. John Cooly, March, 1654. Inventory of estate of John Coolye, of Ips- wich, amounting to £66 Ms 8d, returned by Edward Browne and Robt Lord, 28th let mo„ 1654. Richard Hollingworth, iihmo., 1654. Inventory of estate of R. IJollingworth, of Salem, amounting to £365 14s 6d. returned by Walter Price and Samuel Archard, 25tb 4th mo., 1654. Dan' I Rolfe, 4tA mo., 1654. Inventory of Daniel Rolfe, of Ipswich, a- mounting to £73 178 8d, returned by Daniel Thurston, John Gage, Robert Load, prized 24 June, 1654, mentions father Humphrey Bradstreet, Goodman Weeks, of Salem. Geo. Burrill, 4/7i mo., 1654. Will of George Burrill, Sr., of Lynn, dated 18th October, 1653, mentions sons Francis, John, free, George, free, his son Francis' child. Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cobbett, and Thos. Laugh- ton, with his son Francis, to see the willful- filled. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £848 lOs, returned by Edward Burcbam, Francis Ingalls, taken 21st 4th mo., 1654. Wm. Wake^Ath mo., 1654. Will of Wm Wake, dated 17th 2d mo., 1654, mentions daughter Kathrin Wake, in England, if she be living, and brother John Wake, in England. Ililliard Veren and Wal- ter Price to be overseers. Witnesses, Thomas Smith and Jonathan Porter; Inventory of above estate, amounting to £60 88 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and Elias Stileman, taken 22d 4th mo., '54. Thos. Trusler, 4/A mo., 1654. Inventory of estate of Thos. Trusler, (died 5th Ist mo., 1654,) amounting to £188 12 8d, returned by Thos. Browne ton, Sr and Robert Moul- Thomas Buxton, Ath mo., 1654. Inventory of estate of Thomas Buxton, a^ mounting to £52 8s, taken 5th 4th mo., 1654, returned by Thomas Gardner, Sr.. and Mi- chael Shaflin. Wm. Ager, Ath mo., 1654. Will ol Wm. Ager, of Salem, dated 3d 1st mo., 1654, mentions Joseph Ager, if he be living, if not, his (J. A.) son Benjamin to have his father's share, mentions son Jona- than, daughter Abigail Kibben, wife Alice, appoints his wife ext'x. Witness, Nathaniel Pickman, Tabitha Pickman, Elias Stileman, jr. Probate Nov., 1654. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £43 14s 8d. taken by Em'd Batter and Elias Stileman, 20th 4th mo., '54. Thos. Scruggs, 4iA mo., 1654. Inventory of estate of Thomas Scrugss, tak- en 24th June, 1654, amounting to £244 10s 2d, returned by Roger Conant, Nicholas Patch, and Wm. Dodge. Deed of Margery Scruggs, widow, dated 24th 4th mo,, 1652, to her son in law, John Rayment, of all her right of dower in her hus- band Thomas Scruggs' estate, for certain val- uable considerations, as set forth in said deed on file 4th mo.^ 1654. Witnessed by Roger Oonant, Nicholas Patch, William Dodge. Wm. Fiike, 7th mo., 1654. Inventory of estate of Wm. Fiske, of Wen- ham, taken 16th 7th mo., '54, amounting to £141 I2s 6d, returned by Phineas Fiske, Aus- tin Eillam and Edward Eemp. Geo. Williams, 9th mo., 1654:. Will of Geo. Williams, of Salem, dated 23d 7th mo., 1654, mentions his wife Marie, John eldest son, his dau Marie Bishop and her 2 children, sons Sam'l, Joseph and George,- daughters Sarah and Bethia, bis daughter Sa-' 12 rah to have a double portion, "in respect of her infirmitie." Ilia wife Marie and son John joint ex'ors. Thomas Norton, Henry Wood- berry and Jeffrey Massy, overseers. Witness- es, John Home, Elias Stileman, Jr., Thos. Cromwell. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £326 lis lid, taken 18th 8th mo., 1654, by Eliaa Stileman, Jr., Rich'd Bishop. To be Continued. MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF THE INGER- SOLL FAMILY IN SALEM. In an old Manuscript book, running from 1685 to 1695, in which the wri- ter, Capt. Samuel Ingersoll, of Salem, record- ed many matters relating to the sale ot his cargoes, disbursement of his voyages, and his own and his wife's birth, and their marriage, and the dates of births and names of his chil- dren, and many miscellaneous memoranda, I find the following formula for a Hair Restor- er, which may perhaps be as useful as many of the present day nostrums. It is, however, defective, in that it does not specify whether the 'Metson' is for internal or external use, nor whether it is as efficacious for a woman as for a man. "A Metson to make a man's hear groe when he is bald : "Take sum fier flies and sum Redd wormes, and black pnayls, and sum hune bees, and dri them, and then pound them to powder, and mixt them in milk or water." On another page is the following record : •'Samuel Ingersoll was born the 6th day of October, 1658. Sarah, his wife, was born the 11th day of December, 1665, and we ware marred ye 28th April, 1684. Sarah, our Daf- ter, was born ye 12th October, 1686. Marga- ret was born ye 8th ot April, 1690. Susana was born ye 4th Day of December, 1692." This Samuel Ingersoll was the son of John, who was the son of Richard Ingersoll, or In- kersall, the first of the name in New England. He emigrated from Bedfordshire, England, in 1629, and settled at Salem. He was recom- mended to Gov. Endicott by Matthew Cra- dock, the Governor of the Company in Eng- land. He was granted a farm of 80 acres, at Riall Side, which descended to his sons John and Nathaniel. He was authorized in 1637, to establish a ferry over the North river, in Sa- lem, and to charge one penny for every passen- ger. He died about 1644, Anne, his wife, was a member of the Church at Salem, 1634. After Richard's decease, she married John Knight, of Newbury, and died 1677: His children were George, Nathaniel, John, Sarah, Joana or Jane, Alice and Bathsheba. George Ingersoll, son of Richard, was born in England, 1618, and came to Salem with his father. In 1655, he lived at Falmouth (now Portland,) where he built one or two mills, and in 1657 he was of Gloucester, where he had previously lived in 1652, and was a Representative to the General Court from that town in that year. Alice, daughter of Richard Ingersoll, was married to Josiah Wolcott, Bathsheba to John Knight, Jr., of Newbury, Sarah to William Haynes and afterwards to Joseph Houlton, and Jane to Richard Pettingall. Nathaniel, son of Richard Ingersoll, mar- ried Hannah Collins, and lived at Salem Vil- lage, and was Deacon of the church there. — He had one daughter who died before he did. He appears to have been a very worthy man and much respected in the community. He died early in 1718-19, his wife surviving him. By his will he left fifty shillings to the church at the village to purchase some Silver Cupa for the more adorning the Lord's table, and he left two acres of land to the inhabitants of the village for a training place forever. The bulk of his property, after his wife's decease, he left to his adopted son, Benjamin Hutchin- son, subject to the payment of some legacies to several of his relatives. John Ingersoll, son of Richard, and father of Samuel, was born in England, 1625, and married Judith, daughter of Nathaniel Felton. 13 His children were John, Niithaniel, Ruth, Richard, Siirah, Samuel, Joseph and Hannah. Samuel, the owner of the Manuscript, ap- pears to have been a shipmaster, and his voy- ages seem to have been to Barbadoes, New- foundland and Saltatudoa, and from some en- tries ot ''great and little general ;" beseems oc- casionally to have gone on fishing voyages. — Ue died about 1C95, and his widow became the second wife of Philip English. Estate £538 153. As illustrating the relative value of land and stock, I give some items of the appraisement of the estate of Richard Ingersoll, as made by Townsend Bishop and Jclirey Massy, October 4th, 1C44 : 7 Cows, £34 ; 2 Young Steers, £4 ; one Ball, £7 ; p-'oxen, £14: 2 horses and mare, andaYopng Colt, £25, a Farm of 80 acres, £7 ; among other items was a Moose Skin Suit. B. F. B. A EEVOLUTIOXARY LETTER. The following letter, written to Joshua Ward, Esq., of Salein, by a gentleman who afterwards held a conspicuous position as one of the most respected members of our community, exhibits the condition of our troops during the revolutionary itrnggie, and on that account may not be devoid of interest. A. N. Camps Near West PoiSjt, Feb'y 12, 1782. Dear Sir: — Poverity Drives me to treble you at this time that is to se if you will be so kind a? to Creadet me for the Following artecels to it — for Lin- nen a nough for six shirts and 12 yards of Jane of a Dark Snuf Co\1&t it Being for a Pattnn for two Pare of Overalls and two Wescoats — and a patton of White Bibed Stuff for a Wescoat & Briches such as would answer for Somer ware what you should think most Proper if you will Creadet me for the a bove artecels while I Come whome or while we draw wages you Shall be well Paid for the Same and you will great- ley a Bleage me at this time — as I am entirley Des- tetnte of money and am not able to get these things at Uiis time without Some gentlemon will give me ! Short Creadet for them — and it will be very Difecolt I for me to Do without them as I have the Command ' of the Light Infentry Company and our Regt is un- der marcheu orders Seposed to go to Alboney and if . we go into that Conterey most Sertain my dutey will Consist in Scouten the woods which will be very un- cofetebel in Hot wather with thick Cloathen. Theirfore I am under tbe absolute Nesety of askea this Faver of you for which- 1 hope you will bo Pleased to grant and you shall be wal Paid as soon as Posable. Sir you must think that it is a hard thing that af- ter I have Kcskud my life for upward of six years in the Publiek Seivis to Be Brought so Low as to not be able to By a Small matter of Somer Cloathen But it is in fackt the Case Prohaps you will Say it is by Reason of my one enprudeus but I think it is not the case. I engaged in the Servis in 1777 and Re- ceaved the Nomenel Sum of my wages in old Conti- nelton Dollars and all I have Reccaved sens Jany I 1st 1780 is Sixty Hard Dollars and Sixty New omis- ion — it is true Some of the troops have Receaved some new omesion for the year 1781 but my Companey being at the Sotherd the money was Drawn for them for 3 months and it grue so Bad that the Coll. Saw Proper to Return the money again as it was of no Vallew in Virgeney where they were. I hope you wont think I am a Blamen yoa or En- ey other genilemon for it, I am ondly menshenen to you our Hard forten — but it dont all Diseorage ma in the least. I hant none what it was to Command one Dollar this 2 months nor I Dont no as I shall for six months to come but if I Can get a few shirts and a few thin cloathen I feal my Self Pritey wal Con- tented to be with out money for lam Dctarmend a^i I have beene so long in the servis to so it out if I am even a bleage to fight with even a Shirt. Sir, I must Beg your Parden fo» Trobelen you with so long a Scrall and Conclude Subscriben my Self your Most obedient and Humble Servent. S A . N. B. Sir if you Should be Pleased to Send the a bove articels by the Barer Pleas to Send a bill of tho Coast for I will Send the money as Soon as in my Power if I dont Come whome my Self. S. A. their would want a Small matter of Corsen Lisa for Pockets and waggon Linens. 14 RELICS OF A " PECULIAR INSTITUTION " IN SALEM. Among my old papers, I find the following scraps, which, together with some other old matters of a quaint and curious nature, which I propose to send you from time to time for publication, sferve to illustrate the manners.and customs of our Ancestor^ in "ye quiete and peaceable Tosfrne of Salem." "Janeuary ye 4th 1710 Rescued of Wm. Pickering fifteen pounds in money being in full for an Indian Gerll sd Pickering boft of me in augustt Lastt. Fra's Holmes. p. Salem, May 11, 1732. This Day Sold to Mr. Myles Ward Jnn'r A Negro Girle Caled Betty for fifty five pounds and took oble- gation for the same. James Lin Jail. Witness, James Lindall, Jun'r, Sarah Lindall, Ter- tius. A]?fClBNT PULPIT NOTICES. Messrs. Editors: — The certificate, of which I send you a copy, refers to the old custom of notifying Town Meetings, Trainings, and other secular occa- sions, at the Thursday Lecture in the Meeting House; It reminds us of a little incident which was said to have taken place in one of the churches in New Or- leans one Sunday, a few years since. The officiating clergyman, at the close of his sermon, made the fol- lowing announcement: "I am requested to give no- tice that there will be a Horse Race in the rear of this house, immediately after divine service. My hearers, I trust you will all be present." B. Salem, Match 19, 1859. This may signify to whom it may conceme, that on February the 18th, 1701, being our Lecture day at Salem, Joseph Neal, being at meeting, continued quietly and orderly at the time of the publick wor- ship, and read not the papyr (paper) of Notification for the Commoners' meeting till such time after the public worship as is usual with us, when training days are warned, or Town meetings appointed ; and he was not forbid reading of it as I know, or any tlissatisfactioQ signified against his reading of it, whilst he was reading of it. I was in the meeting all the while the papyr of Notification for the Com- moners' meeting was reading, and can testify to the truth above written, if I Should be callccd there to. NICHOLAS NOYES. Salem, March 30, 1702. CURIOUS INDENTURE BETWEEN A MASTER AND SERVANT, IN 1713. Messrs. Editors: — The following Indenture ia, I think, worthy of being preserved in print, as a re- cord of at least two by-gone institutions, viz: "bound Servants," and the custom of teachiilg servants "lo read a chapter well in the Bible." b. m. Hi This Indenture, Made the first Day of September, RRae, Annae Nunc Magnae Brittaniae Duodecimd annoq Dom., 1713, Witnesseth that Nicholas Bour- guess, a youth of Quarnsey, of his own free and vol- untary will, and bv and with the Consent of his present Master, Capt, John Hardy^ of Guarnseyj aforesaid, Marriner, hath put himsclfe a Servant Vnto Mr. William English, of Salem, in the County of Essex, within the Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, Marriner, for the space of four yeares from the Day of the Date hereof, vntill the aforesaid Terme of four yeares be fully Com- pleat & Ended, During all which time the said Ser- vant his said Master, his heircs, Executors, admin- istrators or assignees Dwelling within the province aforesaid, shall well and faithfully serve, their law- ful commands obey; he shall not absent himselfe from his or their service without Leave or Lyoenso first had from him ot them; his Master's Money, goods or other Estate he shull not PurloiOej embea- le or wast; at unlawful 1 Games he shall not Flay; Tavernes or Alehouses he shall not Frequent; forni- cation he shall not Committ, nor Matrimony Con- tract; but in all things shall Demean himselfe as a faithfuU Setrant During the Terme aforesaid, and the aforesaid Master, on his part, doth for himselfe, his heires and assignees. Covenant, promise and agree to and with the said Servant; that he or they shall and will provide & find him with sufficient Meat, Drink, Cloathing, washing & Lodging, & in Case of Sickness, with Phisick, and attendance During the Terme aforesaid, and to Learn him to read a Chapter well in the bible, it he may be capa> ble of Learning it, & to Dismiss him with two suits of Apparell for all parts of his Body — the one for Lord's Days, the other for working Days. In Testi- IS luoriy & for Confirmation whereof the parties afore- tiiiiiied bare Interchangablj set their bands and Scales the Day & Yeare first above written. nicollas bourgaize, John Hardy. Signed, Sealed <t Delivered in presence of us, — Marg't Sewall, Jun'r, Susannah Sewall, Stephen Bewail, Not. pub. & Justice peace. NARRATIVE OF THE PIRACY, AND PLUNDER OF THE SHIP FRIENDSHIP, OF SALEM, ON THE WEST COAST OF SUMATRA, IN FEB- • RUARY 1831, AND THE MASiACRE OF PART OF HER CREW: ALSO, H^R RE-CAPTURE OUT OF THE HANDS OF THE MALAY PI- RATES. BY CHARLES M. ENDICOTT. kead at a meeting of the Emsex Institute, Jan. 28, 1858. Before proceeding with the narrative, I will say a few words upon the character of the na- tives of this coast ; the impression having gon^ abroad, and has even been stated in our pul- pits and elsewhere, that the wrongs they have experienced at our hands have led to their bad faith and perfidy ; and that we. Americans, are, after all, responsible for it. That this is a base calumny and has no foundation in truth, we shall first endeavor to show. *{It may be proper perhaps to state in the Outset, that the whole of the pepper coast is inhabited by emigrants from Acheen, the res- idence of the king^, and the capital of his do- minions ; and although they are generally fepoken of by us as Malays, are nevertheless a distinct race from them, speaking an unwrit- ten language wholly unlike the Malay tongue and difiering from them in everything but their religion. The Acheenise have an imper- fect and vague tradition, which savors more of fable than reality, that they are the descend- ants of a people, who, at a very remote period, emigrated from the Mediterranean, or, as they express it, from "Roma," (by which is meant, no doubt, a colony of Phenicians,) who, in *The matter contained between these brackets Was published in the Boston Courier by the author of this account; in the sommer of 1652. the course of their extensive maritiino enter- prises, visited the northern part of this island by way of the Red Sea, and formed a settle- ment at Aclieen, where intermarrying with the natives their posterity have ever since re- sided. The coast from Acheen southward was ori- ginally peopled by Malays, but wherever the Acheenise iiave made settlements the aborigi- nes have invariably been exterminated, either by secret assassination or poison : and by such and kindred foul practices they have possessed themselves of the whole of the pepper coast, and scarcely a real native Malay is now met with. All writers, for centuries past, have agreed in representing these people as the most subtle, crafty and treacherous of all the nations of the East. Our dealings with them generally (I will not say always — for bad and unprincipled men are sometimes found en- gaged in all trades,) but generally our deal- ings with them are such aa of necessity they must be with a people from whom we can never obtain redress for any bad faith or dis- honesty ; who acknowledge no laws, have no tribunals of justice to which we can appeal for broken faith or violated contracts, and hold themselves bound by no ties of integrity or honor ; for it would be as difficult to carry out equitably any compact made with themj if it should conflict with their interests, as it would be vain to expect mercy from the fero- cious tenants of their forests. That they have at times been over-reached at their own play in their attempts to defraud and impose upon us, and that the measure they mete unto oth»- ers has been measured to them again, will not be denied ; and that our interests have also frequently suffered severely by their fraudu- lent practices, is equally certain. If we were not always on the alert to detect and counter- balance their frauds, and sometimes even to aniicipate them, we should be obliged to aban- don the trade altogether. But the Munchau- sen stories which are sometimes banded about, are often without any foundation in truth, and 16 are not unfrequently the ofispring of the brain of individuals, who hope to gain in this way a character ibr great shrewdness in their deal- ings. But these trials at circumvention, in ■which thoy as often gain the advantage as lose it, do not certainly justify the piracy and murder of our countrymen trading upon their shores. So far from becoming corrupt, perfidious and treacherous, by our intercourse with them, it will bo found, by a little research, that these attributes in their characters existed, in as eminent a degree, upwards of two centuries ago, as at present ; and setting aside the in- significance into which the king's power has dwindled, the accounts of them then would an- swer as well as any description which could now be given. In Mavor's historical account of early voyages, is one of Commodore Bieu- lieu's to the East Indies in 1619 — 22, under- taken for commercial purposes, under the auspices of the French government. Mons. Bieulieu is represented as an officer of distin- guished character, both for the integrity of his conduct and the extent of his abilities. — The account he has given of his enterprise is universally admired, for candid statement, and easy, unaffected detail. lie left France October 2, 1619, with three vessels under his command, and in the course of his voyage vis- ited Acheen, to obtain the king's peruiis.sion to traffic within t is dominions, lie describes his reception by the king, and the pomp and magnificence of his court at that time, and also details several instances of his majesty's savage cruelty in mutilating his subjects upon the moft trifling pretext, to which he was a painful eye-witness. Finally, after along ne- gotiation, and submitting to much extortion, he succeeded in obtaining t^e desired permis- sion, and, in his first attempts to avail himself of it, he gives the following account : "The avarice of this monarch was not less detestable than his cruelty. No representa- tions or presents could get the better of it. Not- withstanding I had procured a license to pur- chase pepper of his subjects, the first person who sold me any was laid in irons. At last I found it impossible to procure a grain, unless I con- sented to take it of him at his own price ; and after I had agreed for three hundred bahars at nearly double its value, to my astonishment, I found he exacted seven per cent, by way of custom, for the very pepper I had purchased of himself. I afterwards contracted with a per- son wiio was distinguished for his knowledge of the laws of Mahomet, and even passed for a prophet himself, but finding some black sand among his pepper, I remonstrated. At last I found he weighed out the commodity wet^ and although a complaint to the king might have procured mo revenge, I chose rather to submit to the loss than enter into a dispute with this sanctified personage. Wearied out at length with the impositions of the tyrant ^ and disgusted with the chicanery of his subjects, I resolved to depart." This author also adds, "The inhabitants of Acheen are the most vi- cious of any on the coast. They are proud, perfidious and envious. With an outward show of being strict Mahometans, they are the most consummate hypocrites. If they on- ly suspect that any one bears them any ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by false accusations," Commodore Bieulieu's account is corroborated by all the early English navigators, who visited Acheen under the direction of the East India Company, im- mediately after its first charter by Queen Eliz- abeth in 1600. The character of these people, since that period, has undergone no radical or material change ; it is essentially the same in all respects, now as then. We omitted to re- mark that Commodore Bieulieu had one of the vessels under his command burnt by the natives, and all the plunder detained by the king. We think no candid, liberal and un- prejudiced mind will seek far, or look deep, for motives to stimulate such a mercenary people to acts of violence on our ships when- ever opportunities offer ; and that no other incentives are needed than such as are found 17 inherent in their own breasts, that is, a love of plunder, to deeds of crime and outrage.] This, let it be borne in mind, was their char- acter in the year 1020, the very year of the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, at Plymouth. One can therefore appreciate how far we, Ainericans, who had then no existence as a nation, and who had no intercourse with these people for 170 years after this period, are re- sponsible for these traits of character, and how far we therefore have corrupted their in- tegrity. Having now finished our preface, we will commence our narrative. And here ^e would remark, in compiling this account, we have met with a serious ob- stacle, which has baffled all our skill to over- come— that is, how to avoid the too frequent and objectionable use of the little personal pronoun I, which must strike every reader of the narrative, in common with myself. We trust, however, the peculiar circumstances of the case will be considered and appreciated, and thai charity extended to me which the subject seems imperatively to demand. The ship Friendship, of this place, under my command, belonging to the Messrs. Pickman and Silsbeea, sailed from Salem for the west coast of Sumatra, with a crew of seventeen men, including officers and seamen, on the 26th of May, 1830. The persons composing the ship's company, were as follows : Charles M. Endicott, Master ; Charles Knight, Ist Mate ; John Barry, 2d Mate ; William Bray, Carpenter ; George Chester, Algornon War- ren, John Davis, John Massey, George Col- lins, William Parnell, Gregorie Pedechie, Charles Converse, Philip Manning, John Pat- terson and John Byrne, Seamen ; William Francis, Steward ; George Migill, Cook ; and after the usual succession of fair winds and foul, calms and storms, arrived safely at her place of destination on the 22d September fol- lowing. We touched first at the port of Qua- lah Battoo, (i.e., in English, Rocky Eiver,) in Lat. 3® 48m North. This place is inhabited ^by natives from the Pedir Coast, on the north 5 of the island, as well as Acheeniire, and 19 therefore governed jointly by a Pedir and Acheenise Rajah . We remained here for the purposes of trade, until the 5th of November following, at which time, having obtained all the pepper of the old crop, and the new pep- per not coming in until March or April, wo left that port, and m prosecutioft of our voy- age visited several others, and finally returned to Pulo Kio, (i. e., in English, Wood Island,) about two miles from Qualah Battoo, the lat- ter part of January, 1831, intending to re- main there until the coming in of the pepper crop. One bright moonlight night, shortly after our arrival at this place, I was awakened by the watch informing me that a native boat was approaching the ship in a very stealthy man- ner, and under suspicious circumstances. I immediately repaired on deck, and saw the boat directly in our wake under the stern , the most obvious way to conceal herself from our observation, and gradually approaching us with the utmost caution, without the least noise or apparent propelling power, the oars being struck so lightly in the water thai its surface was scarcely ruffled. Having watched their proceedings a few minutes, we became convinced it was a reconnoitering party, sent to ascertain how good a loot-out was kept on board the ship, and intending to surprise us for no good purpose, to say the least, if they were not discovered. We therefore hailed them in their own dialect, asking them where they came from, what they wanted, and why they were approaching the ship m such a stealthy, tiger-like manner. We could see that all was instantly life and animation on board her, and after a few moments we received an answer that they were frieftds from Qualah Battoo, with a load of smuggled pepper, which they were desirous to dispose of to us. We how- ever, positively forbade them to advance any nearer the ship, or to come along side ; but, after considerable discussion, we at length gave our consent for them to come abreast th^ 18 ship at a respectful distance, and we would Bend some of our own men on board to ascer- tain if their story was correct ; and if there was nothing suspicious about her, on their giving up their side arms we would rig a whip upon the main yard, and in this way take on board their pepper, and allow one man to come on board ship to look after it. All our own crew had, in the mean time, been mus- tered and armed, and a portion of them placed as sentinels on each side the gangway. In this manner we passed on board some 50 or 60 bags of pepper. We were afterwards in- formed by the 2d officer, that while this was going forward, the chief officer, who subse- quently lost his life, was secretly scoffing at these precautions, attributing them to cow- ardice, and boasting he could clear the decks of a hundred such fellows with a single hand- spike. This boat, we subsequently ascer- tained, was sent by a young man named Po Qualah, the con of the Pedir Rajah, for the express purpose which we had suspected ; the pepper having been put on board merely as an excuse in case they should be discovered. It was only a sort of parachute, let off to see from what quarter the wind blew, as a guide in their future evil designs upon us. Ascer- taining, however, by this artifice, that the ship was too vigilantly guarded, at least, in the night, to be thus surprised, they set them- selves at work to devise another plan to decoy us to Qualah Battoo, in which, I am sorry to say, they were more successful. A few days after this occurrence, a deputa- tion was sent to invite us to Qualah Battoo, representing that the new crop of pepper was beginning to make its appearance, and they could now furnish us with from one to two hundred bags per day, and would ho doubt be enabled to complete loading the ship in the course of forty days. Being in pursuit of a cargo, and having been always on friendly terms with the natives of this place, who I did not consider worse than those of other |)arts of the coast, and feeling beside some se- curity from the fact that we had already been warned by some of our old friends not to place too much confidence in any of them, all of whom, in consequerice of the low price of pep- per, and from various otlier causes, were actu- ally contemplating piracy along the whole coast, whenever a good opportunity should of- fer, we considered, with a suitable degree of caution, the danger was but triflirg,and there- fore concluded a contract with them, and pro- ceeded at once with tlie ship to Qualah Battoo. Strict regulations were then established for the security and protection of the ship. Two of the most important were, that, in the a'^sence of the captain, not more than two Malaya were to be permitted on board at the same time ; and no boats should be allowed to ap- proach her in the night time upon any pre- tence whatever, without calling an officer. — Then mustering all hands upon the quarter deck, I made a few remarks, acquainting them with my apprehensions, and impressing on their minds the importance of a good look-out, particularly in the night, and expressed my firm conviction that vigilance alone would prevent the surprise and capture of the ship, and the sacrifice of all our lives ; that the words of Po Adam, which they had so often heard him utter, "must look sharp," had no idle meaning. Having thus done all we could to guard against surprise, and put the ship in as good a state of defence as under the circum- stances was possible ; keeping her entire ar- mament in good and efficient order, and firing every night an eight o' block gun, to apprise the natives that we were not sleeping upon our posts, we commenced taking in pepper, and so continued for three or four days, the Malays appearing very friendly, and every- thing went on satisfactorily. On Monday, February 7, 1831, early in the morning, while we were at breakfast, my old and tried friend, Po Adam, a native well- known to traders on this coast, came on board in a small canoe from his residence at Pulo Kio, in order to proceed on shore in the ship's 19 boat, which shortly after started with the 2d offii-er, four seamen and myself. On our way Po Adara expressed much anxiety for the safe- ty of the ship, and also an entire want of con- fidence in Mr. Knight, the first ofiicer, which, however, I then considered unfounded, re- marking in his broken English, "Ae no look sharp, no undersland Malay-man." On being asked if he realli/ believed his countrymen would dare to attack the ship, he replied in the affirmative. I then observed to the 2d officer, it certainly behooved us, the boat's crew, who were more exposed than any of the ship's company, to be on our guard against surprise, and proposed when we next came on shore, to come prepared to defend ourselves ; but did not think the danger sufficiently immi- nent to return to the ship for that purpose at the present moment. When we reached the landing we were kindly received, as usual, — a man who was a stranger to me, of rather pre- possessing appearance, pretended to be very much pleased with my knowledge of the lan- guage, for which he was profuse in his com- pliments, and, to hear me speak it, followed close upon my footsteps through the bazars, and was very assiduous in his attentions. — Such circumstances being, however, of almost daily occurrence, there was nothing particu- lar in this to excite suspicions of any evil in- tent, and we were soon upon easy and famil- iar terms. The natives were bringing in pep- per very slowly ; only now and then a single Malay would make his appearance with a bag upon his head, and it was not until nearly 3 o'clock in the afternoon tbat sufficient was col- lected to commence weighing ; and between 3 and 4 o'clock the first boat started from the shore. The natives were, however, still bring- ing in pepper, with a promise of another boat- load during the day. This was, however, a mere Bubterfuge to keep us on shore. As the boat was passing out of the river, I noticed her stop upon one of the points, and believing it the ; object of her crew to steal pepper, and secrete it among the neighboring high glass, two men were sent down to look after them. They | soon returned, remmkiag there appeared to be nothing wrong. The ship lay about three- fourths of a mile from the shore, and betweea the scale-house and the beach there was a piece of rising ground, so that standing at the scales we could just seethe ship's topgallant yards. I had observed a vessel in the offing in the course of the day, apparently approach- ing this place or Soosoo, and, being at leisure, walked up towards the beach to ascertain if she had hoisted any national colours. The instant I had proceeded far enough to see our ship's hull, I observed the pepper-boat, which was at this time within two or three hundred feet of her, as she rose on the top of the swell, appeared to have a large number of men in her. My suspicions were instantly aroused that there was something wrong, and I re- turned to inquire into the circumstance of the men who were sent down to the mouth of the river. I was Ihen informed, for the first time, as they approached the boat 6 or 7 Malays jumped up from the high grass and rushed on board her ; and as she passed out of the river, they saw her take in from a ferry boat, that was passing, about the same number ; but as they all appeared to be '■'youngsters,'^ to use their own expression, they did not think the circumstance of sufficient importance to men- tion it. They were reprimanded for sufih an omission of duty, accompanied with the re- mark, "your youngsters, as you call them, will, I suspect, be found old enough in iniqui- ty, at least, to capture the ship, if once ad- mitted upon her decks." The words of Po Adam, that morning, that "Mr. Knight no look sharp, no undersland Malay-man,''^ now struck mo with their full force and a fearful foreboding, and 1 appealed to Mr. Barry, the 2d officer, for his opinion as to what would be Mr. Knight's probable course, remarking "Ae certainly will not disobey his orders." Mr. Barry, however, expressed his fears as to the result, remarking be knew so well the contempt which Mr. Knight entertained for these peo- ple, "tbat be will probably conclude your pre'- 20 cautions to be altogether uDoecessary, and that he can allow them to come on board with impunity, without your ever knowing any- thing of the circumotance, and no harm will come of it." This view of the case certainly did not have the effect, in any degree, to al- lay my anxiety, and I observed, "if your pre- dictions prove correct, the ship is taken ;" but concluding it to be altogether too' late for ua on shore to render any assistance to the ship, and still clinging to the hope that Mr, Knight would, after all, be faithful to his trust, Mr. Barry and two men were directed to walk up towards the beach without any apparent concern, and watch the ruovements on board. I should have remarked, on my own way up to the beach, just before, I passed near a tree, under the shade of which a group of 10 or 12 natives were apparently holding a consultation, and, as I approached, all conver- sation ceased. The object of this meeting, as I was attervvarda informed, was to consider whether it would be better to kill us before at- tempting to take the ship, or o/ient-arrf; and the conclusion arrived at was to be sure of the ^Vi^ first, the killing of us appearing to them as easy, to use their own simile, as cutting off the heads of so many fowls : the manner how had already been decided, the time when was all there was to be considered, — a native hav- ing been already appointed, and the price fixed for the assassination of each of the boat's crew. The price set upun my life was 1000 dollars, for the 2J officer's, 500 dollars, and for each of the seamen 100 dollars. It was the busi- ness of my officious friend, whom 1 met that morning on landing, to bestow that delicate little piece of attention upon me. As soon as Mr. Barry had reached an eleva- tion where he could iairly see the ship's hull, I noticed a quick convulsive movement of his limbs, and that he turned short round, and ■walked, without hastening his steps, directly towards me ; — passing me, however, without discovering any emotion, our eyes not being pyen directed towards each other, and said, "there is trouble on board. Sir," — to the ques- tion "What did you see?" he replied, "Men jumping overboard." Convinced at once, of our own perilous situation, and that our escape depended on extremely cautious and judicious management, I answered "We must show no alarm, but muster the men, and order them immediately into the boat " At this moment we did not know, of course, whether it was the natives or our own crew who were jumping overboard, there was nothing certain further than that the ship was undoubtedly attacked, and we on shore must look out for our lives.— The men got into the boat in their usual delib- erate manner, and winded her head round to- wards the mouth of the river, when Philip Manning, one of the crew, who had yet no suspicion of what was going on, reminded me I had not locked the chest containing the weights. And here I ought, perhaps, to re- mark that in this trade the weights are as much a matter of contract and bargain as the price of pepper, and for the bettor satisfaction of both parties I had recently adopted the plan of locking up the weights over night in a chest kept on shore tor that purpose. This was in the first place to prevent the Malays taking out the lead, and in the next, convincing them that we did not violate our part of the contract by putting any secretly in. Such is the mutual want of confidence manifested in Qur dealings with each other on this coast. Everything being now in readiness, we push- ed off from the shore, the Malays having no suspicion of our design, believing we intended to remain for the other boat load of pepper, and thinking it to be our intention, by our ap- parently unconcerned manner, to cross the river for a stroll in the opposite Bazar, as was our frequent custom. The moment the boat's stern had left the bank of the river, Po Adam sprang into her in a great state of excitement, to whom I exclaimed, "What ! do you come too, Ad- am?"— he answered "You got trouble, cap- tain, if they kill you, must kill Po Adam first." He suggested we should immediately steer the 21 boat as far as possible from the western bank of the river, which was here not more than one hundred feet w^ide, when I remarked to the boat's crew, "now spring to your oars my lads for your lives, or we are all dead men." Ad- am exhibited the utmost alarm and consterna- tion, encouraging my men to exert themselves, and talking English and Acheenise both in the same breath,— now exclaiming in Acheenise, di-yoong di yoong hi !" and then exhorting them to "pull, pull trong !" The men work- ed with a will at their oars, and what with their efforts and the assistance of a favourable current, we made rapid progress out of the river. As we doubled one of the points we saw hundreds of natives rushing with wild impet- uosity towards the river's mouth, brandishing their weapons, and otherwise menacing us. — Adam upon seeing this was struck with dis- may, and exclaimed '"if got blunderbuss will kill all," — but luckily they were not provided with that weapon, and we therefore escaped its dangers. A ferry-boat was next discovered with ten or twelve Malays in her, armed with long spears, evidently waiting to intercept us. I ordered Mr. Barry into the bows of the boat, and with Adam's sword to make demonstra- tions of being armed, and also to cun the boat in such a manner as to run down the ferry boat, which I concluded was our only chance to escape. Our own boat being a pinnace of soma twenty-five feet in length, high out of water, and the ferry boat a long low canoe, the thing appeared quite feasible. With head- long impetuosity we were rushing towards our antagonist, nerved with the feeling of despera- tion. The distance between us was rapidly di- minishing. With profound stillness and breath- less anxiety we awaited the moment of collision, like a fated boat over the cataract of Niagara, with scarcely one chance in a thousand to es- cape death. The points of their pikes could be plainly seen. Already I observed Mr. Bar- ry with his sword elevated, as if in the act of etriking. But when we had approached with- in some twenty feet, her crew all at once, aa if by the direct interposition of Providence, ap- 6 peared completely panic struck, and made an effort to get out of our way. It was, howev- er, a close shave, — so close that one of their Epears was actually over the stern of our boat, which with my hand, as wc passed, I pushed aside. It was long before the countenances of those men, as they sat resting on their spears, faded from my recollection, so indelibly were they engraven on my memory. They often visited me in my dreams, and disturbed even my waking hours. We are not at all inclined 10 a belief in special providences, but this in- cident to my mind is as remarkable as the ces- sation of surf, related by Riley, which enabled him to escape from the shore out of the hands of the Arabs on the West Coast of Africa. The Malays on the last point of the river as we passed, appeared perfectly frantic at our es- cape, and ran into the water up to their arm- pits, in their endeavors to intercept us, wav- ing their swords above their heads, and shout- ing at the tops of their voices. Having now run the gauntlet, all danger for the present was passed, and during the breathing spell which it allowed us, we quietly proceeded the remainder of the distance out of the river with- out any further incident or molestation. We had now time calmly to contemplate the scene through which we had just passed, with hearts, I trust, grateful to God for his kind protection and safe guidance in the midst of its perils. — This was the part of their plan, otherwise well conceived, which was defective, — they had ta- ken no measures to prevent our escape from the shore, not believing for a moment that our lives were not at their disposal, unprotected and defenceless as they caw us. The whole scene would furnish an admirable subject for the pencil of the artist, —the fragile boat running the gauntlet, and forcing her way through the narrow passage out of the river — maugre the efforts of hundreds of Malays who are endeavoring to intercept her; the neighbor^ ing bazar and the points of the river crowded with natives, many of whom are actually in the water up to their arm-pits, while othera are running to and fro, and all in a state o 22 the greatest excitement, vociferating to the ex- tent of their voices. The doomed ship laying tranquilly in the roads, with sails turled, and a pepper boat alongside, with a multitude of natives in every part of her, and none of her own crew visible, with the exception of a man on the top gallant yardj and some 10 or 12 heads just even with ttie surface of the water. High mountains in the back ground densely clothed with wood, and a long range of low thatched houses, with here and there a few co- coanut trees surrounding them, and a sandy beach of miles in extent, on which the surf is beating most furiously. Its well drawn sketch could not fail to gratify the lovers of marvel- lous and thrilling adventures. Having thus cleared the river, which was like passing the limits of the valley of the shadow of death, our first attention was directed to the the ship, and judge of our feelings when, after a moment's observation, we were convinc- ed she was captured. None of our crew, ex- cept one man aloft on the fore top gallant jard, could anywhere be seen, and the pirates were conspicuous in every part of her. waving their cloths, and making evident signals ot success to the natives on shore. Without consideration my first impulse was to propose boarding her, and was very properly reminded that if the ship with her full armament had been taken with 80 many of her crew on board, we could do comparatively nothing in out unarmed state, towards her recapture ; and the idea was as Boon abandoned as entertained, — if, indeed, it was ever seriously entertained at all. We however continued to row up towards the ship until we could see the Malays pointing her muskets at us from the quarter deck, and that they appeared also to be clearing away the stem chasers, which we knew to be loaded to their muzzles with grape and langrage, which would be exceedingly unwelcome visitors in our defenceless situation to encounter. At this moment, three large Malay boats crowded with men, were seen coming oat of the river, and to pull directly towards up. While debating what to do, and whether it would not be best to pro- ceed at once to Muckie for assistance, wiiich was some 25 miles distant, where wo knew two or three American vessels were laying, heavy clouda commenced rolling down over the mountains, and the rumbling of distant thunder, and sharp flashes of lightning, gave sure indications that the land wind would be accompanied with del- uges of rain, rendering the night, at least the first part ot it, one of Egyptian darkness, in which it would be almost impossible to grope our way safely along shore towards that place. Under those discouraging prospects, Po Adam advised us to proceed to Pulo Kio, and take shelter in hia fort. Submitting ourselves al- most wholly to his guidance, we at once pull- ed away for that place, but before we reached it his heart failed him, and he represented his fort as not sufficiently strong to resist a vigo- rous assault, if one should be made, and would not therefore be responsible for our lives,— but suggested we should proceed to Soosoo, which being some two miles further remote from the scene of the late outrage, he concluded we might be safe. We accordingly proceeded for Soosoo river, whic h we had scarcely entered when Po Adam's confidence again forsook him, and he advised us not to land. We therefore only filled a keg with water from the river and came out over the bar, intending to make the best of our way to Muckie, having more confi- dence, alter all, in the elements, than in the treacherous specimens of humanity with which we were then surrounded. The night now came on dark and lowering, and just as we had left Soosoo river, the land wind, which had been some time retarded by a strong sea breeze, accompanied with heavj thunder and torrents of rain, overtook us, and came pelting down upon our unprotected heads. Sharp flashes of lightning occasionally shot across the gloom, which rendered the scene still more fearful. We double manned two of the oars with Mr. Sarry and Po Adam, and I did the best I could to keep the boat'B head down the coast, it being impossible to see any object on shore, or even to hear the Burf, by which we could judge our dlfitan 23 fnuii it. Having proceeded in this way until we begi^n to tiiink ourselves near North Talla- puw,oir which was a dangerous ehoal, it be- came a matter of concern how we should keep clear of it. We frequently laid upon our oars and listened, to ascertain if we could bear it break, but the noise of the elements rendered it impossible. Directly we felt the boat lifted upon a high wave, which we knew immedi- ately must be the roller upon this shoal, which passing, broke with a fearful crash some three or four hundred feet from us. It is almost unnecessary to say, had we been that distance nearer the shore, it would have been the last known of the Friendship's boat's crew, as the boat would undoubtedly have been dashed to pieces on the shoal, and all on board her must have perished. But through the kind protec- tion of an all- merciful God, we were preserved from such a fate. Having thus providentially passed this dan- gerous spot in safety, the weather began to clear a little, and here and there a star made ita appearance, and looked compassionately down upon us. The off shore wind, too, be- came more steady and the rain ceased. To clear the boat ot the quantity of water which had rained into her, now occupied our first attention, which, however, we found a slow and tedious process, as we bad nothing larger than a tin pot to bail with. We also com- menced ripping up some gunny bags which were left in the baat, and tying them together for a sail, under which we found the boat bounded along quite briskly ; we therefore laid in our ours, all bands being now quite exhausted, and proceeded in this way the rest of the distance to Muckie, where we arrived at about 1 o'clock, A. M. We found here the ebip James Monroe, Porter, of New York, brig Gov. Endicott, Jenks, of Salem, and brig Palmer, Powers, of fioston. On approaching the roads, we were first bailed from the Gov. Endicott, and to the question " What boat is that?" the response was, ''the Friendship's, from Qualab Battoo," which answer was im- mediately followed witb the question "Is that you, Capt. Endicott?" "Yes," was the an- swer, "with all that are left of us." It was but the work of a moment to clamber up her sides on to her decks, where we were instantly surrounded with captain, officers and crew, all anxious to learn the particulars of our sad misfortune. W^e could tell them only of our own adventures ; the circumstances of the cap- ture of the ship, and the massacre of part of her crew, were to be hereafter revealed. Having communicated with the other ves- sels, their commanders repaired on board the Gov. Endicott, when it was instantly conclud- ed to proceed with their vessels to Qualah Bat- too, and endeavor to recover the ship. These vessels were laying with most of their sails un- bent, but their decks were quickly all life and animation, and the work of bending sails pro- ceeded so rapidly that before 3 o'clock all the vessels were out of the roads and beading up the coast towards Qualab Battoo. Both the land and sea breeze were light throughout the day, and it was not until about the middle of the afternoon that we sighted the ship. Ev- ery arrangement was now made for her cap- ture. It was our intention to throw as many of the crews of the Gov. Endicott and Palmer as could be prudently spared, on board the James Monroe, being the largest vessel, and proceed with her directly into the roads, and lay her alongside the Friendship, and carry her by boarding, — the other vessels following at a short distance. But as soon as we had completed all our arrangements, and while we were yet several miles outside the port, the sea breeze began to fail us, with indications that the land wind, like that of the day before, would be accompanied with heavy rain. We however stood on towards the place until the off shore wind and rain reached us, when all three vessels were obliged to anchor, and sus- pend further operations until the next morn- ing. Before dark 1 bad taken the bearings of the ship by compass, intending, if circumstan- ces favored it, to propose a descent upon her during the night ; but the heavy rain contin- ued the most part of it, and we were baffled 24 in that design. The first indicationa of day- light found us upon the decks of the Monroe, watching for the ship, which, in the yet in- distinct light, could not be discerned in the roads. The horizon in the offing was also searched unsuccessfully with our glasses ; but as objects became more distinct we at last dis- covered her close in shore, far to the westward of her late anchorage, inside a large cluster of dangerous shoals, to which position, as it then appeared, the Malays must have removed her during the night. What I now most appre- hended was that they bad got her upon one of the reefs, and if so, her recapture would have been useless ; but when the day had sufficient- ly advanced to enable us with our glasses to make a careful examination of her position, to our great relief we ascertained this was not the case. One thing was however, certain, we could not carry out our original design of run- ning her alongside in her present situation ; the navigation would be too dangerous lor either of the ships, and must therefore be abandoned. At this moment we saw a Prou, or Malay trading craft, approaching the roads from the westward, with which I communica- ted, and of which I hired a canoe, and sent a messenger on shore to inform the Rajahs if they would give the ship up peaceably to us vre would not molest them, otherwise we should fire both upon her and the town. This ■was considered the most advisable course ; all the fleet being in pursuit of cargoes, some ap- prehensions began to be entertained lest hos- tilities should be the means of breaking up their voyages, or at least vitiating their insur- ance. After waiting considerable time for the return of the messenger, during which we could see boats passing close in shore from the ship loaded with plunder, we concluded this delay was'jonly a subterfuge to gain far- ther time for that purpose, and we fired a gun across the bows of one ot them, which arrested her progress. In a few minutes the canoe which we had sent on shore was seen putting off. The answer received, however, was one of defiance, — "that they should not give her up so easily, but we might take her if we could.''^ All three vessels then opened their fires upon the town and ship, which was re- turned by the forts on shore, the Malays also firing our ship's guns at us. The first shot from one of the forts passed between tlie masts of the Gov. Endicott, not 10 feet above the heads of the crew, and the second struck the water just under her counter. This vessel had been kedged in close to the shore within point blank shot of the fort, with springs upon her cable, determined on making every gun tell. The spirited manner in which their fire was returned soon silenced this fort, which mount- ed 6 six-pounders and several small brass pieces. It appeared afterward, by the testi- mony ot one of ray crew, who was confined here, that the firing was so effectual that it dismounted their guns and split the car- riages. The other two forts, which were sit- uated at a greater distance from the beach, continued firing, and no progress was made towards recapturing the ship, which, after all, was our only object. It was now between 3 and 4 o'clock ; and the land wind began to make demonstrations ol another rainy night, and it was certain if the Malays were allowed to hold po8ses8}on of the ship much longer, they would either get her on shore, or burn her. We then held a council of war on board the Monroe, and concluded to board her with as large a force as we could carry in three boats ; and that the command of the expedition shouldof course devolve upon me. Justatithis juncture the ship ceased firing, and we ob- served a column of smoke rise from her decks abreast the mainmast, and that there ap- peared to be great confusion on board. We subsequently ascertained that they blew them- selves up by setting fire to an open keg of pow- der, from which they were loading the guns, after having expended all the cartridges. Ev- erything being in readiness for our expedition, we pushed off. The ship lay with her port side towards us, and, with the intention of 25 getting out of the range of her guns, pulled to the westward at an angle of some 33 deg., un- til we opened her starboard bow, when we bore up in three divisions for boarding, one at each gangway, and the other over the bows. We were now before the wind, and two oars iD each boat were suflBcient to propel them ; the rest of the crew, armed to the teeth with maekets, cutlasses and pistols, sat quietly in There had been evidently a fruitless attempt to cut it off. While we were clearing the chain, and preparing to kedge the ship off into the roads, the Malays, still bent upon an- noying us, and unwilling to abandon their prize, were seen drawing a gun over the sandy beach upon a drag, directly under our stern, which, having fired, it jumped off the carriacre and was abandoned. The rain, with the land their places, with their muskets pointed at the i wind, now set in again ; it was, however, the ehip as the boats approached. The Malays now, for the first time, seemed to comprehend our design, and as we neared the ship, were struck with consternation, end eomuienced deserting her with all possible dispatch, and in the greatest confusion. The numerous boats of all descriptions, alongside, were im- mediate! v filled, and those who could find no wci'k of but a short lime to kedge the ship off into deep water, and anchor her in compara- tive security alongside the other ehipa in the roads. The next morning a canoe was seen ap- proaching the James Monroe, from Pulo Eio, with five or sis men in her, whom wa took, as a natter of course, to be natives ; but we were other means of conveyance, jumped overboard | soon hailed from that ship, and informed that and swam for the shore. The beach waa con- sequently lined with boats, and the Malays took to ihe jangle with the greatest precipita- tion, 80 that when we reached the sbip, the.-o was, to all appearance, no one on board. Still fearing some trea'*hery, we approached her with the same caution, and boarded her, cut- lass in hand, in the same order we should have done had we known her to be full of men. — Having reached her decks, and finding them four of the number were a part of our own crew, I proceeded immediately on board and found them to be Wm, Parnell, John Muzzey, Algernon Warren, seamen, and Wra. Bray, carpenter. Their haggard and squalid appear- ance bespoke what they had suffered. It would eeem impossible that in the space of four days, men could, bj any casualty, so en- tirely lose their identity. They bore no sem- blance to their former selves, and it was only deserted, before we laid aside our arms a strict | by asking their names that I knew either of search was instituted throughout the ship, j them. They were without clothing, other with instructions to cut down any who thould j than loose pieces of cotton cloth thrown over be found, and give no quarter. But ehe was completely forsaken, — not a soul on board. Her appearance, at the time we boarded her, defies description; suffice it to say, every partot her bore ample testimony of the Bcene of violence and destruction with which she had been vis- ited. That many lives had been sacrificed, her blood-stained decks abundantly testified. We found her within pistol-shot of the beach, with most of her sails cut loose, and flying from the yards. Why they had not succeeded in their attempts to get her on shore, was soon apparent. A riding turn in the chain around the windlass, which they were not sailors e- nough to clear, had no doubt prevented it. 7 their persons, their hair matted, their bodies crisped and burnt in large, running blisters, besides having been nearly devoured by mas- quitos, the poison of whose stings had left evi- dent traces of its virulence ; their flesh wasted away, and even the very tones of their voices were changed. It is no exaggeration to say their appearance forcibly reminded me of the print of Capt. Riley and his men, at their first interview with Mr. Willshire, under the palace walls, near Mogadore. The few pieces of cloth, which covered their nakedness, being all their flesh could bear, and these it was ne(y essary first to oil, to enable them to do eveD Itbat. They had been wandering about in the a^ jungle without food ever since the ship was taken, and the story of their sufferings was a painful one. Their account of the capture of the ship was as follows: — When the pepper- boat came alongside, it was observed by the crew that all on board her were strangers, and not one was recognized as having been off to the ship before. They were also better dressed than boatmen generally, all of them havinr^ on white or yellow jackets, and new ivory-han- dled creises. No notice appeared to be taken of these suspicious circumstances by the mate, and all except two men, who were left to pass up pepper, were admitted indiscriminately to come on board. One of the crew,^named Wm. Parnell, who was stationed at the gangvray to pass along pepper, made some remr.rii, to call bis attention to the number of natives on board, and was answered in a gruffy manner, and asked if he was afraid. No, replied the man, not afraid ; but I know it to be contrary to the regulations of the ship. He was ordered, with an oath, to pass along pepper, and mind his own business. The natives v/ere also seen by the crew sharpening their creises upon the grind- stone, which stood upon the forecastle, and a man named Chester, who was subsequently killed while starting pepper down the fore- hatch, asked them in pantomime, for he could not speak the langur.ge, what so many of them wanted on board, and was ans-^rered in the eame livay, that they came off to see the ship. He was heard by one of the crewr to say, "we must look out you do not come for anything worse," at the same time drawing a handspike within his reach. The Malays had dis- tributed themselves about the decks in the most advantageous manner for an attack, and at some preconcerted signal a simultaneous assault upon the crew was made in every part of the ship. Two Malaya were seen by the steward to rush with their creises upon Mr. Knight, who was very badly stabbed in the back and side, the weapons appearing to be buried in his body, up to their very hilts. — Cheater, at the fore hatch, notwithstanding bis distrust and precaution, was killed out- right, and supposed to have fallen into the hold. The steward, at the galley, was also badly wounded, and was only saved from death by the creia striking hard against a short rib, which took the force of the blow. Of the two men on the stage over the ship's side, one was killed, and the other so badly wounded as to be made a cripple for life. The chief officer was seen, after he was stabbed, to rush aft upon the starboard side of the quar- ter deck, and endeavor to get a boarding pike out of the beckets, abreast the mizzen rigging, where he was met by Parnell, to whom be ex- claimed, ^ do your duty ;'^ at the same instant two or three Malays rushed upon him, and he WQ8 afterwards seen lying dead near the same spot, with the boarding pike under him. On the instant the crew found the ship attacked^ they attempted to get aft into the cabin for arms, but the Malaya had placed a guard ou each side of the companion-way, which pre- vented them ; they then rushed forward for handspikes, and were again intercepted ; and being completely bewildered, surprised and defenceless, and knowing. thai several of their shipmates had already been killed outright be* fore their eyes, and others wounded, all who could swim plunged overboard, and the others took to the rigging, or crept over the bows out of sight. The decks were now cleared, and the pirates had full possession of the ship. The men in the water then consulted to- gether what they should do, concluding it cer- tain death to return to the ship ; and they de« termined it would be the safest to 'swim on shore, and secrete themselves in the jungle; — but as they approached it they observed the beach about Qualah Battoo lined with natives, and they proceeded more to the westward, and landed upon a point called Ouj'ong Lamab Moodah, nearly two miles distant from the ship. On their way they bad divested them- selves of every article of clothing, and thej were entirely naked at the time they landed. As it was not yet dark, they sought safety and seclusion in the jungle, from whence they emerged as soon as they thought it Eafe^ and 2? Walked upon the beach in the direction of Cape Felix and Annala'ooo, intending to make the best of their way to the latter place, with the hope of meeting there some American ves- •el, on board which they would find shelter and protection. At the approach of daylight they sought a hiding-place again in the bush- es ; but it afforded them only a partial pro- tection from the scorching rays of the sun, from which, being entirely naked, they expe- rienced the most dreadful efiects. Hunger and thirst began also to make demands upon them; but no food could anywhere be found. They tried to eat grass, but their stomachs re- fused it. They found a few husks of the eo- coanut, which they chswed, endeaToring to extract some nourishment from them, but in vain. They staid in their hiding-piace the whole of this day, and eavr Malays passing along the beach, but were afraid to discover themselves. At night they pursued their jour- ney again, during which they passed several small streams, where they slaked their thirst, but obtained no food. About midnight they came to a very broad river, which they did not venture to cross. The current was very rap- id, and they had no means of conveyance oth- er than their own limbs, and having been 36 hours without food of any kind, they did not dare attempt it. This river I have alv/ays supposed to be Qualab Toepah, about midway between Cape Felix and Annalabco. Here, then, they wete put completely hors de com- bat ; they found for want of food their ener- gies were fast giving way, and still they be- lieved their lives depended on not being discov- ered. I have since been struck with the Re- marks of Dr. Kane, on the effects of a want of food, which are so much like the account given by my men, that I cannot refrain from inserting it. "The first symptom," says he, does not show itself in hunger, but in a loss of power often so imperceptibly brought on that it becomes evident only by an accident," — Buch, for instance, as the inability felt to cross this river. Since further progress towards Annalaboo appeared impossible, they resol7e<2 to retrace their steps, endeavor to pass Qualah Battoo in the night, without being discovered, and reach the hospitable residence of Po Ad- am, at Pulo Kio. They accordingly took up their line of march towards that place, im- mediately, and reached, as they supposed, the neighborhpod of Capo Felix by the morning, when they again retreated to the jungle, where they lay concealed another day, being Wednes- day, the day of the recapture of the ship, but at too great distance to hear the firing. At night they again resumed their journey, and having reached the spot where the Malays landed in so much haste when they deserted the ship, they found the beach covered witfi canoes, a circumstance which aroused their suspicions, but for which they were at a loss to account. They now concluded each to take a canoe, as the most certain way of passing Qualah Battoo without discovery, and so pro- ceed to Pulo Kio. As they passed the roads, they heard one of the ship's bells strike the hour, and the well-known cry of '■^AlVs welly^ but fearing it was some decoy of the natives, they would not approach her, but proceeded on their way, and landed at Pulo Kio, secreting themselves once more in the jungle, neap the residence of Po Adam, until the morning, when four naked and half-famiahed white men were seen to emerge from the bushes, and ap- proach bis fort with feeble steps, who, as soon as recognized, were welcomed by him with the strongest demonstrations of delight ; slapping his bands, shouting at the top of his lungs, and in the exuberance of his joy committing all kinds of extravagances. They now heard of the recapture of the ship, and the escape of the boat's crew on shore, which it had never occurred to them were not already numbered with the dead. They were clothed as we have described, and a breakfast of boiled rice pre- pared, being the first food that they had tasted for the period of 72 hours. Having refreshed themselves, they were conveyed by Adam and his men on board the James Munroe, in the pitiful condition of which we have before spo« ken. 28 In the course of the latter part of the same day, another canoe, with a white flag dis- played, was ohserved approaching the fleet from the direction of Qualah Battoo, contain- ing three or four Chinamen, who informed us that four of our men, two of whom were wounded, one very severely, were at their houses on shore, where their wounds had been dressed, and they had been otherwise cared for ; and that we could ransom them of the Rajahs at ten dollars each. To this I readily agreed, and they were soon brought off to the Bhip in a sampan, and proved to be Charles Converse andGregorie Pedechio, seamen, Loren- zo MigelI,cook, and William Francis, steward. Converse was laid out at full length upon a board, as if dead, — evidently very badly wound- ed. The story of the poor fellow was a sad one, lie, with John Davis, being the two tallest men in the ship, were on the stage over the side when she wo,s attacked. Their first im- pulse was, to gain the ship's decks, but were defeated in this design by the pirates, who stood guard over the gangway, av.C making repeated thrusts at them. They then made a desperate attempt to paes over the pepper-boat, Bnd thus gain the water, in doing which they were both most severely wounded. Having reached the water, Converse swain round to j the ship's bows, and grasped the chain, to which he clang as well as be was able, being badly crippled in one of his hands, with other severe wounds in various parts of his body. When it became dark, he crawled up over the bows as well as his exhaus- ted strength from the loss of blood would per- mit, and crept to the foot of the forecastle stairs, where he supposed he must have faint- ed, and fell prostrate upon the floor without the power of moving himself one inch further. The Malays believing him dead, took no heed of him, but travelled up and down over his bo- dy the whole night. Upon attempting to pass over the boat, after being foiled in his endeav- or to reach the ship's decks, a native made a pass at his head with his '^parrunff,^^ a weapon resembling most a butcher's cleaver, which he warded off by throwing up his naked arm, and the force of the blow fell upon the outer part of his hand, severing all the bones and sin- ews belonging to three of his fingers, and leav- ing untouched only the fore finger and thumb. Besides this he received a creis wound in the back, which must have penetrated to the stomach, from whence he bled from his mouth the most part of Khe night- lie was likewise very badly wounded in the ham just below the groin, which came so nearly through the leg as to discolor the flesh upon the inside. Won- derful, however, to relate, notwithstanding the want of proper medical advice, and with noth- ing but the unskillful treatment of 3 or 4 ship masters, the thermometer ranging all the time, from 85 to 90 deg., this man recovered from his wounds, but in his crippled hand, he car- ried the marks of Malay perfidy to his watery gi-ave, having been drowned at sea from on board of the brig Fair American, in the win- ter of LS33-4, which was, no doubt, occa- sioned by this wound, which unfitted him for holding on properly while aloft. Tlie fate of his companion Davis, was a tragical one. He could not swim, and after I reaching the water was seen to struggle hard to gain the boat's tackle full at the stern, to which he clung until the Iilalays dropped the pepper boat astern, when he was observed ap- parently imploring mercy at tlieir hands, which the wretches did not heed, but butcher- ed liiai upon the spot. Gregory was the man seen aloft when we had cleared the river, cut- ting strange antics which we did not at the time comprehend. By his account, when he reached the fore topgallant yard, the pirates commenced firing the ship's muskets at him, which he dodged by getting over the front side of the yard and sail and down upon the collar of the stay, and then reversing the movement. John Masury related that after being wound- ed in the side, he crept over the bowa of the ship and down upon an anchor, where he was sometime employed in dodging the thrusts of 29 a boarding pike in the hands of a Malay, un- til the arrival of a reinforcement from the shore, when every one fearing lest he should not get his full share of plunder, ceased fur- ther to molest the wounded. The story of the stcAyard has already been told. The ship, the first night after her capture, according to the testimony of these men, was a perfect pandemonium, and a Babel of the most discordant sounds. The ceaseless moan- ing of the surf upon the adjacent shore, the heavy peals of thunder, and sharp flashings of lightning directly over their heads, — the sigh- ing of the wind in wild discords through the rigging, like the wailings of woe from the manes of their murdered shipmates ; and all this intermingled with the more earthly sounds of the squealing of pigs, the screeching of fowls, the cackling of roosters, the unintelligi- ble jargon of the natives, jangling and vocifer- ating, with horrible laughter, shouts and yells, in every part of her, and in the boats along- side carrying off plunder ; their black figures unexpectedly darting forth from every unseen quarter, as if rising up and again disappearing through the decks, and gambolling about in the dark, so like a saturnalia uf demons, that it was easy to fancy the fum^s of sulphur were actually invading their olfactories, and the whole scene more fully realized their ideas of the infernal regions, than any thing with which their imaginations could compare it. It is the general impression that Malays, being Mussulmen, have a holy horror of swine, as unclean animals ; the very touch of which imposes many ablutions, and abstaining from food for several days together, — but, accord- ing to the testimony of my men, it was per- fectly marvellous how they handled, that night, those on board our ship, — going into their pens, seizing, struggling, and actually emhra- dng them, until they succeeded in throwing eyery one overboard. The morning succeeding her capture, affairs on board appeared to be getting to be a little znore settled, when several Chinamen came off .^ad performed the part of good Samaritans, .9 in taking the wounded men on shore to their houses, and dressing their wounds with somo simple remedies, which at least kept down in- flammation. In doing this, however, they were obliged to barricade their dwellirgs, to guard them against the insulting annoyances of the natives. Qualah Battoo bazar that day presented a lu- dicrous spectacle. Almost every Malay was decked out in a white, blue, red, checked, or striped shirt, or some other European ar- ticle of dress or manufacture, stolen from the ship, not even excepting the woolen table cloth belonging to the cabin, which was seen displayed over the shoulders of a native, — all seemingly quite proud of their appearance, and strutting about with a solemn gravity and oriental self-complacency, that was per- fectly ludicrous. Their novel and grotesque appearance could not fail to suggest the idea that a tribe of monkeys had made a descent up- on some unfortunate clothing establishment, and each to have seized and carried off what- ever article of dress was most suited to his taste and fancy. According to Gregory, who, not being wounded, remained on board, the ship was all day filled with Malays searching into every possible nook and cranny where they thought money might be secreted, and carrying off the veriest trifles which could be of no use to them. In the afternoon, on the appearance of the fleet from Muckie, they were determined on running her ashore, lest she jshould be re-tak- en, and with that view commenced weichinc anchor, and everything for some time gave as- surances of the fulfilment of their wishes. — The ship was already drifiing towards the beach, when the anchor came in sight, and they let go the .chain, ceased heaying at the windlass, and made a rush forward to see it. At this moment the weight of the anchor caused the chain to commence running out with great velocity, and when some 12 or 13 fathoms had thus disappeared, it jumped, and caught a riding turn around the windlass, which brought it to a stand. Poor Gregory 30 ■Was now bronght forward to clear it, — but he persisted it was past his skill, which of course they did not believe, and tied him in the rigging, and made demonstrations of rip- ping him open, flourishing their knives in fear- ful proximity about his person in a state of great exasperation. They next made a fruit- less attempt to cut it off with the cook's axe. Thus matters stood, when the land wind with heavy rain set in, and the natives sought shel- ter in the cabin, leaving the ship to her fatcj and she drifted to the westward into shoal wa- ter, where the anchor again took hold and brought her up in the place we discovered her the next morning, and where we boarded and took possession of her. Gregory was then ta- ken on shore, and confined in the fort, which was silenced by the Gov. Endicott. The ship was now once more in our posses- sion, with what remained of her cargo and crew. She was rifled of almost every movable article on board, and scarcely anything but her pepper remaining. Of our outward cargo ev- ery dollar of specie, and every pound of opium had of course become a prey to them. All her spare sails and rigging were gone — not a nee- dle or ball of twine, palm, marling spike, or piece of rope were left ! All our charts, chro- nometers and other nautical instruments — all our clothing and bedding, were also gone ; as well as our cabin furniture and small stores of every description. Our ship's provisions, such as beef, pork and most of our bread, had, how- ever, been spared. Of our armament nothing but the large guns remained. Every pistol, musket, cutlass, and boarding pike, with our entire stock of powder, had been taken. With assistance from the other vessels we immediately began making the necessary prep- arations to leave the port with all possible dis- patch, but owing to much rainy weather we did not accomplish it for three days after re- capturing the ship, when we finally succeeded in leaving the place in company with the fleet bound for South Tallapow, where we arrived on the 14th February. When we landed at this place with the other masters and super- cargoes, we were followed through the streets of the bazar by the natives in great crowds, exulting and hooting, with exclamations simiJ lar to these,— "Who great man now, Malay or American?" "How many man American dead?" "How many man Malay dead?" We now commenced in good earnest to pre- pare our ship for sea. Our voyage had been brok- en up, and there was nothing left for us but to return to the United States. We finally left Muckie, wbitiier we had already proceeded, on the 27th February, for Pulo Kio, accom- panied by ship Delphos, Capt. James D. Gil- lie, and the Gov. Endicott, Capt. Jenks, where I was yet in hopes to recover some of my nautical instruments. With the aesistance ofPo Ac^axn, I succeeded in obtaining, for a moderate sum, my sextant and one of my chronometers, which enabled me to navigate the ship. We sailed from Pulo Kio on the 4th of March, and ar- rived at Salem on the 16th of July. The in- tense interess and excitement caused by our arrival may still be remembered. It being nearly calm, as we approached the harbor, we were boarded several miles outside by crowds of people, all anxious to learn the most minute particulars of our sad misfortune, the news of which had preceded us by the arrival of a China ship at New York, which we had met at St. Helena. The curiosity of some of our visitors was so great that they would not be satisfied until they knew the exact spot where every man stood, who was either killed or wounded. Even the casing of the cabin, so much cut up in search of money, or other val- uables, was an object of the greatest interest. But the feeling of presumptuous exultation and proud defiance exhibited by the natives, was of brief duration. The avenger was at hand. In something less than a year after this outrage, the U. S. Frigate, Potomac, Com^ Downes, appeared off the port of Qualah Bat- too, and anchored in the outer roads, disguised as a merchantman. Every boat which visited her from the shore was detained, that her char- acter mighr not be made known to the natives. Several amusing anecdotes were told, ol the' 31 fear and terror exhibited in the countenances of the natives, when they so unexpectedly found themselves imprisoned within the wood- en walls of the Potomac, surrounded by such a formidable armament, which bespoke the er- rand that had attracted her to their shores. They prostrated themselves at full length upon her decks, trembling in the most violent man- ner, and appearing to think nothing but cer- tain death awaited them — which it required oil the efiForts of the officers to dispel. A reconnoitering party was first sent on shore, professedly for the purpose of traffic. — But when they approached, the natives came down to the beach in such numbers, it excited their suspicions that her character and errand had somehow preceded her, and it was consid- ered prudent not to land. Having, therefore, examined the situation of the forts and the means of defence, they returned to the frigate. The same night some 300 men, under the gui- dance of ^r. Barry, the former 2d officer of the Friendship, who was assistant sailing-mas- ter of the frigate, landed to the westward of the place, with the in^'ention of surprising the forts and the town, but by some unaccounta- ble delay, the morning was just breaking when the detachment had effected a landing, and as they were marching along the beach towards the nearest fort, a Malay came out of it, by whom they were discovered, and an alarm giv- en. They however pushed on, and captured the forts by storm, after some hard fighting, and set fire to the town, which was burnt to ashes. The natives, not even excepting the women, fought with great desperation in the forts, many of whom would not yield until shot down or sabred on the spot. The next day the frigate was dropped in within gun- shot, and bombarded the place, to imnress them with the power and ability of the United States to avenge any act of piracy, or oth- er indignity offered by them to her flag. — When I visited the coast again, some five tnonths after this event, I found the deport- tnent of the natives materially changed. There yraa now no longer exhibited either arrogance or proud defiance. All appeared impressed with the irresistible power of a nation that could send such tremendous engines of war as the Potomac frigate upon their shores, to avenge any wrongs committed upon its vessels ; and that it would in future be better policy for them to attend to their pepper plantations, and cultivate the arts of peace, than subject themselves to such severe retribution as had followed this act of piracy upon the Friend- ship. Perhaps, in justice to Po Adam, I ought to remark, before closing, that the account cir- culated by his countrymen of his conniving at, if not being actually connected with this pi- racy, a falsehood with which they found the means of deceiving several American Ship- Masters, soon after the afliiir, is a base calum- ny against a worthy man, and has no founda- tion whatever in truth. The property he bad in my possession on board the ship, in gold ornaments of various kinds, besides money, amounting to several thousand dollars, all of which he lost by the capture of the ship, and never recovered, bears ample testimony to the falsity of this charge. His countrymen also worked upon the avarice and cupidity of the king by misrepresentations of his exertions to recover the ship, thereby preventing them from making him a present of her, which they pre- tended was their intention. His sable majesty, in consequence, absolved every one of his debt- ors, all along the coast, from paying him their debts. He also confiscated all his property he could find, such as fishing-boats, nets and lines, and other fishing tackle, and appropri- ated the proceeds to his own use, so that ho was at once reduced to penury. All this wag in accordance with Commodore Bieulieu's ac- count, already cited, upwards of two hundred years before, viz : "If they even suspect that any one bears them an ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by false accusations." The king also sent a small schooner down the coast, soon after, to reap further vengeance upon l^o Adam. Arriving at Pnio Kio, while Adam was absent) tbej rifled his fort of everything 32 valuable, and even took the ornaments, such as armlets and anklets, off the person of bis wife. Intelligence having been conveyed to Pt> A<3am of this outrage, he arrivei home in the night before the schooner had lelc Llid har- bor, and incensed, as it was natural he should be, at 8>_ base and cowardl treatment, he immediately ope^^d a fire upon her and sunk her in nine fee., jf water. She was after^ tvards fished up by the Potomao frigate, and converted into fire-wood. We do not know if Po Adam is now liviug, but BLme sixteen years since, we saw a letter from him to one of our eminent merchants,* asking for assistance from our citizens, and ptating truthfully all the facts in his case. I endeavoied at the time, through our then rep- resentative to Congress, to bring the matter before that body, but from some cause it did not succeed, and the poor fellow has been al- lowed to live, if not to die, in his penury. We will, however, permit him to state his own case, in his own language, which he does in the following letter, written »t his own dicta- tion : — QuALAH Battoo, 7th October, 1841. Some years have passed since the capture of the Friendship, commanded by my olc" Mend, Capt. Endicott. It perhaps is not known to you, that, by saving the life of Capt. Endicott, and the ship itself from destruction, T became, in conse- quence, a victim to the hatred and vengeance of my misguided countrymen ; some time since, the last of my property was set on fire and destroyed, and now, lor having been the stead- fast friend of Americans, I am not only desti- tute, but an object of derision to my country- men. You, who are so wealthy and so prosperous, I have thought, that, if acquainted with these distressing circumstances, that you would not turn a deaf ear to my present condition. I address myself to you, because through my agency many of your ships have obtained cargoes, but I respectfully beg that you will have the kindness to state my case to the rich pepper merchants of Sulem and Boston, firmly believing that from their generosity, and your 4*Io Joseph Peabody, Esq., of Salem, Masb. own, I e'lall not have reason to regret the warm and sincere friendship ever displayed towardr your Captains, and all other Ameri- cans. tii«ding on this Coast. I take the liberty, also, to subjoin a copy of a letter,* recently received from Capt. Ham- inond, of the ship Maria, of New York ; as he left this place lately, it will sho' ' whether I have been telling you otherwise than the mel- ancholy truth, or grieve without a cause. Wishing you. Sir, and your old compan- ions in the Sumatra trade, and their Captains, health and prosperity, and trusting that, be- fore many moons 1 shall, through your assis- tance, be released from my present wretched condition, believe me very respectfully, Your faithful servant, (signed) PO ADAM, in Arabic characters. Copy of the letter from Capt. Uammond above referred to : Soosoo, 21 July, 1841. To the Commander of any U. S. Ship df War, touching on the West Coast of Sumatra : This may certify that the bearef, Po Adam, at present residing at Qualah Battoo, has ap- plied to me to write this statement of his situ- ation, that he can present it as above. I therefore state the following : I have been acquainted with him for the last twenty-five yeaiiS, and have known him in prosperity and in adversity the same. It is well known that he was the principal means of saving the life of Capt. Charles M. Endicott, with his boat's crew, at the time that they captured the Friendship, of Salem, and by that act he has lost his property, and incurred the hatred and jealousy of the Acheenise. He is the most in- telligent man among them, and one of the best pilots; is ever ready to render assistance to any American, and as he is at present very destitute, it would be an act of charity, as well as duty, if the American Government would assist him in his present circumstances. He wishes to proceed to the United States to visit his ^Id triends, and wishes to go in some Ship of War, of our nation. I hope hia r-x^uest may be granted, as he would there fiud influencial men to represent his case to the Government of the United States. (signed,) JOHN HAxALMOND, Master of the ship Maria, of New York, and a resident of Salem. «8 EXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS, OF THE CITY OF SALEM. COPIED BY IRA J. PATCH. John Attw;iter, sonne of Mr. Jno. Attwa- 4;er, borne by Mehittabell his wife, .20th day of December, 1687. — sone Francis borne 2d Oc- tober, 1690. Jno. Adams — his daughter Elizabeth, borne by Sarah his wife, the 20th Octobor, 1682.— his daughter Sarah borne 13th October, 1684. Mary born 15 February, 1687. — John born March 16, 1689 — Margarett Borne March the .8th, 1695-6. — Ist daught'r, Margarett, Borne feb'y 11, 1692. & deceased May 14th 1694. Ebenez'r Abby, son of Samuel Abby & Mary, his wife, was borne at Salem Village July the Slst, 1683, cue. Marcy Abby, daughter as abovesaid, was borne the first ot March, 1684-5, cue. — Sarah Abby, diiughter .as abovesd, was born July 4th, 16 — . Hepsi- bah Abby, Daughter as abovesd, was born February' 14th 1688-9.— Abigail Abby, Daughter as abovesd. was bjrn November 19th 1690. — John Abby, eon, as abovesd, was born June 4th, 1692. — Benj'n Abby, son as abovesd, was born the 4th of June, 1694. Saiab Archer, daughter of Stephen Archer & Sarah his wife, born at Salem, \24 June, 1698. Phillip Attwood & Sarah Tenney, (now of Bradford,) was married July 23d, 1684. Mary Abbot, daughter of Robt. & Mary Ab- bot, was born Sept. 28th, 1706. Samuel Andrew, son of Wm. Andrew & Seeth his wife, was borne 4th August, 1693. Jonathan Ashby, son of Benja. Ashby & Hanah his wife, was borne 38th September, 1694. Abigail Allin, daughter of Joseph Allin & Abigail his wife, was borne at Salem June the first, 1696. Eliza Backster, daughter of Danyell Baok- Bter, by Eliza, hid wife, was born 7 mo., 1644 — their dau'r Susanna 7 mo., 1646 — their .au'r Rebecca born 11th mo, — their dauo''r Priseilla born in ^une, 1652. 9 Mary, dau'r of Tho's Barnes, by Mary hia wife, born the 12th of 8th mo., 1658, & died ye 14 8 mo., 1660. — their dau'r Mary bora 19tli March, 1661. Isaac Burnap Married to Hanna Antrum by Major Ilathorne, 8th 9 mo , 1658. James, son of Mr. William Browne, born by Sara his wife, _28th 10 mo., 1658, & died 6 mo. John Browne, Jun. Married to Uanna Hub- bard by Leift Lothrop, 2d June, 1658- — their son. John born ye 4th 2d mo., 1659, & died ye2l8t3dmo., 1659. Mary, dau'r of Sam'l Belknap, born by Sa- ra his wife ye 17th 6 mo,, 1658, So Mary borne Wh 8th mn., 1656. The wife of Old Rich'd Bishop died 24th 6 mo., 1658. Mr. Henry Bartholomew, his daughter Sa- ra, born by Elizabeth, his wife, ye 29th 11th mo., 1658. Benjamin Bulflower, died ye 24th 12th ma., 1660. Jeremiah Bootsman and Hester Lamber-t were Married by Major Hathorne, 8th of 8th mo., 1659. — their dau Mary born 4th July, 1660, son Jeremy born 4th November, 1662, son Mathew born 11th September, 1665. Mr. William Browne, son John borne about 10th 8th mo., 1669. — son Joseph borne in the month of August, .1672, son Benjamin borne in Auguat, 1674. George Burch — his dau'r Mary, born by Eliza his wife, yc 30th 9 mo., 1659. — dau'r Eliza born 4th June, 1662. — dau'r Mary de- ceased 20th 12th mo., 1662. — son John born 28 May, 1664. Jacob Barny & liana Johnson maryed by Major Hathorne, 18th 6th mo.. 1657. — their daugh'tr Hana born 30th 3d mo., 1659.— Uana the wife, dyed 5th 4 mo., 1659. Jacob Barny & Ann Witt were maryed by Capt. Marshall 26th 2d mo., 1660.— their 2d dau'r, liana, born 2 March, 1660. — Sarah born 12th 7th mo , 1662. Abigaile born 3d 8th mo., 1663.— John born 1st 0 mo., 1665. Jacob 21st 3d mo., 1667.— Ruth born 27t|i 7th mo., 1669. 34 Richard Bishop ajarried to widow Golt, by Maj. Ilathorne, 22d 5th mo., lOGO. — the wife Dulsabell died ye 28d Gth mo., 1G58.— Rich- ard Bishop deceased 30th 10th mo., 1074. Anthoyno Biixston — his son Anthony born ye Gth 7th mo , 1G.53, by Eliza his wife. — their son Samuell born 14th Gth mo., 1G55. — their son James born 8th Gth mo., 1G59 — their don Tho's born 24th 12 mo., 'GI. — son JameS died 15th 8th mo., 1GG2.— Tho's died 20 8th mo.. 1GG2. — their son Joseph born ye 17 5 mo., 1GG3. — dau'r Hanna born 27 January, 16G5. James Betty, his Dau'r Mary born by Sara his wife 9th 9th mo., IGGl. Cornelious Baker maryed to Hanna Wood- beJ-y, 2Gth April, 1G58.— their Daughter Hana born 14th 8 mo., IGGO, & diad Gth November, 1GG2. — 2d dau'r Hanna born 28 9 mo., 1GG2. John Buttolph Maryed to liana Gardner ye IGth 8th mo., 16G3, by Major Ilathorne. — their son John borne 11th 7th mo., 1GG4, & died ye 23d Aprill, 1665. — son Jona. born 9th 2d mo., IG— Sam'l, son of John Browne, Jun'r, borne by Hana his wife, ye 14th 1st mo., 1GG2, & died ye Slst lOth mo., 1GG3. — son John born ye 2l8t 12th mo., IGGl, before. — son Peeter March, 10G4, & died about 3 mo. after, — Abi- ell born 2l8t March, 1G72-3. John Biy & Rebecka Golt were Maryed by Majo. Hathorne the llth of 9 mo., 1GG3. — their son John borne 27th January, 16G4. Henry Bullock, ye elder, dyed the 27th 10th mo., 1GG3. Abram, son of Sam'l Belknap, by Sara his •wife, born 4 4th mo., IGGO, — son Samuel borne 2d 3d mo., 1G62. John Barnett (alias Barbant,) Married to Mary Bishop, 14th 8th mo., IGGl.— their Dau'r Mary born 30th 8th mo., 1GG2.— their Dau'r Familliar born 26th 7 mo., 1664. — Dau'r Eliza born 5th July, 1666. Jonathan Brown Maryed Abyhaile Burreil, by ye worshipfull Mr. Symoiids, 28 4 mo.. 1664. tfames Browne Maried with Hannah Bar- tholraew, by Majo. Ilathorne, the 5th 7 mo.^ 1664. — son James bo. 3d 12th mo., '65. — their son Bartholmew borne 31 March, 1669; son James deceased 10th mo., 1670. Daugh- ter Elizabeth born the 20th January, '70. — Daughter Ilanna born 9lh March, 1672. — sort James born 23d May, '75. Edmond Bridges, his Daughter Hanna borni 9th June. 1609. Abigail Beadle, daughter of Samuel Beadle, born by Susana his wife, ye 24th 7th mo., '61, and deceased 14th 8th mo., "61. Susana, wile of Samuel Beadle, deceased 13th 12 mo., '62. — ye said Samuel deceased ye 10th March, '63. Samuel Beachum, sf>n of 'Edward Beachum, deceased 20 9 mo., '62. Mary, the wife of Edward Beachum, deceased March 1667-8. — • their daughter Mary deceased the t-ame week. Mr. William Brown, Jun'r, Maried to Hanah Corwin by Maj. Hathorne, 29th lOi mo., '64. — son William borne ye 28 July, 1666. Ruth, dau'r of Christopher Babadg by Ag- nes his wile. bo. 21 Ist mo., '63. — their son Jon borne 15th April, 1606. — Agnes his wife deceased the 17th November, 16G7. — the said Christopher Ba'jadg & Hana Carlton, Wid- dow, were married the 5th 8th mo . 1674. — their daughter Hanna borne the 15th July, 1675. — daughter Mary borne Ist March, 1670-7. Danyell Bacon married to Susan Spencer by Major Ilathorne, ye Ist August, 1GG4. — their son Danyell bo. 14th October, '65.— daughter Alice bo. 28th 8th mo., '69, & deceased about 7 weeks after. — dau'r Susana born ye 18th July, 1670.— Mary borne 8th June, 1673.— Ed'd Bush & Mary Hidz maryed by Maj. Hathorne, 17th Octo., '65. — their son Ed- ward bo. the 2d 7sh mo., '67, & died ye 5th 12 mo., '67. Thomas Barnes, his son Benjamin born by Mary his wife, Ist Octob. '55. — their sort Tho's bo. ye year '57, & died ye same ye&r; the said Thomas Barnes the elder, was drown^ ed December, ('63.) 3S John Biilaen & Arrabella Norman were ' mo., 1673. — daughter 6u>ianna borne 20th of married by Maj. Dcnnis(Jn in Sept. ,1064. — ' April, 1676. — their sun Thomaa deceased the da liana bo. 1.5th October, 1667.— John borne 20th May, 1676. 1668. of Tho's Cromwelli deceased the 26 9th mo. Thomas, son 16 March, -63. John Bnttolph, his aon George borne by Ilanna his wife, the 15th of October, 1667. Thomas Brackett, his son Joseph deceased May ye 15, 16 — his daughter Lidea deceased 1 January, '67. — son Thomas deceased the 15th January, 1667. Mr. William Browne, Jr., his son William deceased 2-ith 8th mo., 1666. — iiis daughter liana, by Hana his wife, borne ye 16th March, 1067-8. — diiu'r Hana deoeiised 30 4 mo., '68. their son Samuel borne by Hana his wife, 8 8th 'mo., 1669. — son Wi'liam borne 5th 7tft too., '71. — son of John borne ye 2.9 mo., 1672. — son William deceased 18, 7, 72. — daughter Sara borne the 10th lOmo., 1674. John Baxter & Abigaile Whiterig were mar- led by Maj. Deneson, 25th November, 1667. their son John borr.e the 14th 10 mo., 1668. — their daughter Abigaill ye 15th 10th mo., 1670, their daughter Elizabeth the 25th May, 1673. — Mary borne tlie 26 10 mo., 1674. — the sd Mary died the 19th 7th mo., 1075. John Browne & llanna Collens were mar- led the 27th of January, 1668. — their daugh- ter Prissilla borne 1st 4 mo., '69. — Margarett borne 23d April. 1671. — Joseph borne 11th 7 mo., 1673. — Ilanah Collens borne 22d July, 1678. — their son William born first of Decem- ber, 1677. — Daugh'er Mary borne 4 January, 1692. John Buxton & Mary Small were married by Maj r Hathorne 30th of March, 1668.— their daughter Mary borae 3d 7th mo., 1669. Elizabeth borne ye 13th August, 1672. — son John borne the 29th 9th mo., 1675. — Mary his wife deceased the 27th 11th mo., 1675. Samuel Beadle maryed to Hana Lemon the Mrs. Sarah B.itter, tlie wife of Mr. Edmond Batter, deceased the 20th of the 9th mo., '1669. Mr. Edmond Salter & Mrs. Mary Gookiil were maryed ye 8th June, 1670. — their son Edmond borne the 8th J.anuary, 1673. Edward Beachum & Elizabeth Metcalf were maryed the 8th of November, 1670. John Best & Susana Durm were married ye 10th of 8th mo., 1670. — their son John ye 5th 7th mo., 167^. — daughter Susana borne the 28th 11 mo., 1673. Joseph Boyce & Sarah Meachum were mar- ried 4th 12 mo., 1667. — their daughter Sara was borne 4th 10 mo., 1668. Thomas Browning Deceased in February, 1670. Nathaniel Beadle & Mary Hix were maryed the 20th of Aprill, 1670. — his son Thomaa borne by Mary his wife, 21st 11th mo.. 1671. daughter Mary borne 20th 9th mo., 1673. — son Nathaniel borne the l7tb lOth mo., 1675. their son John borne the 29th 2d mo., 1678. daughter Elizabeth borne the 25 October, 1679. — their son John ye second borne ye 12th August, 1683. Peeter Baldin & Rachel] Dellocloce, widdoWj were married by Major William Uathome, ye 27th May, 1672. Thomas Bouenton & Sara Sothwick were maried ye 30th 10th mo.. '70.— their soa Thomas Borne Ist March. 1671. — eon Benja- min borne 24 July, 1675.— their Daughter Abigail borne the 25th July, 1695. Thomas Burt & jNIary Scthwick were mary- ed the 18 9th mo., 72. Jacob Barney, Jun'r, his daughter Dorcas bo.Tie by Ann his wife, 22d 2d mo., 1671.—^ their son Joseph borne the 9th March, 1672-3. 20th June, 1668. — their son Nathaniel borne son Israeli borne the 17th June, 1675.— son the 29th of March, 1669.— Samuel borne llth €th mo., 1672.— son Thomas borne 28th 9th Jonathan borne the 29 March, 1677.— son Samuel borne the 10th 12th mo., 1678.— daughter Hannah borne the 0 12 mo., 1680. 36 Robert Bray, his son Daniell borne by Tam- sen his wi'b, the 29th 9th mo., 1673. Georg Burch, his dau Mary borne by Eliza his wife, ye 26th 7-h mo., 1667. — Abigaile borne 16th August 1669, — son Georgo borne 27th April, 1671, sd Ge'org, the father, de- ceased 1st 8th mo., '72. John Bly, his son Benjamin by Rebecka his wife, borne the 8th of 8th mo., 1666. — Mary borne 25th May, 1668.— Rebecka 20th July, 1670.— Edmoud borne 14th 7th mo, 1672.— Hanna 8th 8th mo., 1674. — son William borne ye 17th 7th mo., 1676. John Batcheler & Mary Herrick were mar- ried the 14th of August, 1673. — their son John borne ye 26 2d m.j , 1675. — son Jona- than borne the 29th March, 1678. Joshua Buffum & Damarice Pope were mar- ried Buth Batchellor, daughter of Jona. & Ruth Bntchellor, born Dec 27th 1703. Mary Batchellor, daughter of Josiah & Ma- ry Batchellor, born Nov. 5, 1701. — their son Wm. born Octob- 20, 1703. Caleb Buffum & llanna Pope \ ere maryed ye 26th March, 1672. — their son Caleb borne 14th May, 1673. — son Robert borne the Ist 10 mo , 1675. Mr. James Bailey, his son James borne by Mary his wife, the 12th Aprill, 1675. — sonn John borne 29th 7th mo., "76, & dyed 29 10 mo., '77.— sonn John borne the 10th May, -78.— SamuiU borne 2d March, 1679-80. Samuel Buxston & Racheil Buxston, the children of Anthony Buxton^ deceased the 24th 12 mo , 1675. — son Anthony deceased May, 1676, George Booth, his son Benjamin by Ales his wife, borne the 10th March, 1675. — daugh'tr Ales borne the 6th July, 1078. — theire daugh- ter Susanna borne 21st September, 1680. John Bachelor the eld-^r deceased 13 9 mo., 1675, & his wife Elizabeth deceased the 10th day of the same month. John Batchelor's son Zachariah born Feb'y 5th, 1701-2. — anothei son Zacha. died Dec, 20, 1700. Natha 1 Batchellor born Feb'y 9th, 1703-4, being ye son of Jno. & Bethia Batchellor, Daniel Bacon, his son Michaell borne by Susanna his wife the 23d October, 1676. — daughter Liddea 23d 12th mo., 1678.— son John borne 24th 11 mo., 1680, the said Lid- dea deceased 25 10 mo., 1081. John Baxter, his son William borne by Ab- igaile his wife the 14th October, 1076. — the said Abigaile his wife deceased 22d 9 mo., 1676. Juhn Baxter married to Elizabeth Mack- mallen, widdow, 4 9th mo., 1679. — theire daughter Sarah borne 15 August, 1680 — theire son Samuell borne the lOih June, 1683. Mr. John Barton, his son John borne by Lidea his wife, the 2d 12th m>., 1676, & de- ceased the 7th of the same month. — theire son John borne 30th Jiinuary, 1677. — theire son Thomas borne 7th July, *80, — son Zacheus borne 1st 2d mo., 1683, — son Samuell born 30th August, 168.8, John Blethin & Jane Marker were maryed 10th May, 1674,— theire son. John Blethin, borne 14th March, 1676-7. James Browne, Glazier, hi-? daughter Sara, by Hannah his wife, borne the 10th day of August, 1678. John Batcholor, hjs son Josiah borne by Mary his wife, the 6th of March, 1679-80. Efjenezer Buxton, soci of John Buxton & Elizabetn his wife, borne the 20tb June, 1690. Ledia Buxton borne Octoher 16th, 1692. — Benj'n Buxton, son as aforesd, borne lOtb March, 1694-5.— James Buxton, son as afore- sd, borne 28th Septemb., 1698. Joseph Bachelor & Meriam Moulton were maried the 8th 8th mo., 1677. — theire son Jo- seph Bachelor borne the 18th July, 1678. Hanna, daughter of Edmond Bridges, borne by Sarah his wife, 7th mo., 1669. — theire son Caleb borne 3d Jun , 1677. William Bennett & Elizabeth Smith, wid- dow, were married in March, 1674. — theire dsiughter Grace born February, '76, & dyed shortly after. [70 BE CONTIMJED.] HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX INSTITUTE. Vol. I. May, 1859, No. 2. EXTRACTS FROM RECORDS KEPT BY THE REV. JOHN FISKE, DUI^INQ HIS MINISTRY AT SALEM, WENHAM AND CHELMSFORD. By the kindnesa of David Puleifer, Esq., of Boston, wo have been pi rmitted to print in our columns the following extracts, which are contained in a quarto manuscript volume in the handwriting of Mr. Fiske, which was giv- en to him several years since by Sam'l Tcnney, Esq. Mr. John Fisk was born in the parish of St. James, in the county of Suffolk, England, about the year 1701. JJe was the eldest of four children, all of whom came to America afterwards with him, and left descendants. ^- His father, having devoted him to the service of Christ, first sent him to a Grammar school, and afterwards to the University of Cambridge, where he resided until he became a grudqate. Ue then began to preach, but soon afterwards appied himself to the study of phyeick aqd obr tained a license |\)r practice. Soon after the death of his father, the care of his mother, two sisters, and a youngef brother having de- volved upon him, he removed to America, where he could quietly pursue tho exercise of the ministry, lie arrived at New England in 1637, and for three years he resided at Salem, wber'>. he was both a preacher and a tutor to divers young scholars (the well known Sir 10 George Downing wasoqe.) From Salem he wept to Wenham, and remained there fourteen years, when he removed to Chelmsford, with a part of his church. In this latter place he continued in the ministry until his death, which occurred on the 14th of January, 1676. Gathz my Sts. togethz unto me yos yt baue made a Covenant with me by sacrifice. Ps. 50. 5. We whose names are hjjunder written, mem- bers of ye pesent Church of X in Salem, haue- ing found by sad expience how dangerous it is to sit loose to ye Covenant; yre make with our god. 4nd how apt we are to wander into bye pathes, yea, euen to ye loosing of our first aymes in entring Church Fellowship. Doe therefore solemnly inyepesenpe of ye eter- nall God, both for our own comforts & yos who shajl or may be joyned unto us, renew yt Church Covenant, we find yis church bound unto at there jst beginning, viz : That we cov- enant with ye Lord, & one with another, & doe bynd ourselves in ye pesence of god to walke together in all bis waies, according as he is please-] to reveale hims. unto us in his Blessed word of truth, & doe more explicitely in ye name & feare of the Lord, p feese and p test to walke as followetb. thro ye belpe & poux of ye Lord Jesus. Ist. We Avow ye Lord to be our god, & ourselucs his people, in je truth and simplici- ty ot or Spits. 2. We giue uporseluea to ye Lord Jesufi Christ, & ye word of bis grace for ye teaching, ruling & sanctifying of us in matters of wor- ship & conversation, resoluing to cleaue to him alone for life & glory, & to oppose all Contrary wayes, cannons & 'stitutions of men in his worship. 3. Wo promise to walko with our 'brethren & sisters in yis Congregation, with all watch fullness & tendernes, avoyding all Jealousies, Buspitions, buck bitings, censurings, provok- ings, secret risings of gpit against them, but in all offences to follow ye rule of the Lord Je- sus, & to beare & forbears, giue & forgiue as he hath taught us. 4. In publick & private we will willingly doe nothing to ye offence of ye Church, but will be ready to take advice for or seines & ours, as occasion sha) be pesented. 5. We will not, in ye Congregation, be for- ward, either to shew our owne gifts or parts in speaking or scrupuling, or there discouer ye fayling of or brethren or sisters, but attend an orderly cale there untoo, knowing how much the Lord may bee dishonouredj and his gospel in ye p fession off it slighted by our distempers (& weaknesses in publick. 6. Wee bind our sejues to study ye advance- ment of the gospel in all truth Sc peace, both in regard of those yt are within or without, no waye sleighting our sister churches, but useing there counsell as need shalbee, nor lay- ing a stumbling block before any, no, not ye Indians, whose good we desire to promote, & so to converse as we may avoyd ye very ap- pearance of euill. 7. We heereby promise to carry or selues in all lawfull obedience to those yt are set our us in Church, & common wealth, knowing how •well pleasing it wilbee to ye Lord, yt they should haue encouragement in there placeS, by our not greiving theire spirits through our Irregularities. 8. Wee resolue to approiie or selues to ye Lord in or p ticular callings, Bhlibning Idlehes as ye buno of any State, nor will we deale hardly or opp essingly with any wherein we ate the Lord's stewards, also promising to or best abilities to teach our children & servants ye knowledge of ye Lord, & his will, that they may s^rue him also. And all yis not by any strength of or owne, but by ye Lord Christ, whose bloud we desire should be sprinckle. This or covenant made in his name. Sainiiel Sharp, Eldr. Eiiz. Endicott dis. to pace: Alice Hutchinson John Endicott Eliz. Leech Hugh Peter, pastor Alice Sharpe Philip Verin Johane Johnson Hugh taskin Eliz. Holgraue Roger Conant Margarett Bright Laurance LeccTi Eliz. Dauenport William Auger Mary Alford Francis Johnaon Sara Conant Thomas Eborne Jane Alderman George Williams Agnes Woodbury George Norton Judith Raymond Henery Herrick Johane Gotta Peter Pal fry Dorcas Verin Roger MaUry Sara Batter Tho. Gardner Eedith paltry John Sibly Eedith Herick John Balch Hanna Maurie Samuel xMoore Susanna Fogge John Holgraue Joano Watson Ralph Fo<:ge Alice Ager John Ilornn Ann Ingersoll John Woodbury Elly William Traske Eliz. Townsond Bishop Warth Thomas Read Elyn B Rich. Raymond Anne Dixy Jeffry Massy Anne Bound Edmond Batter Anne Home Elias Stileman Margery Balch Edmond Giles Presca Kendall Richard Dauenport Anne Scarlett John Black Leeeh Gertrude Elforde, exc. Tho. Scrugges Katherin Digweed Will Al'ea Anne Moore, vid. Will King Lidia Bankes Rich. Rootes Mary Gigles John Aloore Mary Lord Dixey Anne Garford John Sanders Susanna Goodwin Jacob Barney Bniyne, vid Rich. Brack«nbury Hart John Blacke joane A mes Joseph Pope Eliz. Williams Peter Wolfe Mary Norton Will Bann Bethia Rea Sam. A Isabel Robinson Tho. Anne Robinson, vid. Edm hail Turner, vid. dead Joh Sanders, dead . ims Mary Gedney deruan Deborah Holme 30 Lartholomew no Browning Tho. Goldwhatye John Browne 'William Grose Josua Holgraue James Moulton Jo. ffiske John Gedney John Hardy Tho Venner Hen Burcbal Edw. Batcheler Benery Skerry Jn. Hinds Tho. Spooner Jo. Simunds Jo. Jackson Ric. AVaters Benj. Felton Tho. Olny Wm. Clerk Wm. Robinson Mich. Sbaflin Tho. Avery Em«in Downing Jo. Hart Daniel Ray James Giifford "Wil Osburne Laurance Soutbwick Tho. Antru— Obadiah Holmes Francis Higgison Jos. Ketberell, drowned Hen Swan Jos. Grafton Marshal Eliz. Goldtl.wayt Alice Baggerly Gift Gott Margaret Weston Anne Fiske Mary Moulton Sara Stan dish Arabella Norman Anne Spooner Anne Barney Mary Symonds Margaret Jackson Ruth Ames Elizabeth Blackleech Jane Anthrop Anne Pickworth Lucy Downing Tryphen Myrrel Anne Stretton Ray Soutbwick arkes Marg euer Mary Mary Port Holmes Susan Greene Dorothy Kenniston Alice Weekes Eli2. Pickering Eliz. Dunton Mary Grafton Edwards Martha Tbo'son Salem, 1637. At a X X meeting. A qu ppounded to je x x, bj ye desire of ye Magist of yis 'try. What way or course is best to be taken of ye X X 8 for Mrs, mayntenance, & ye continu- ance & upholding of x x ordinances ? K. ye X X bath taken it into yr 'sideration. Will Walker. Or JBro : Walker's case brought to ye x x. He had been distemped in head & distracted & 8 — yt time, suspended fr ye Scrt of ye Lo : Supp. now yt he is judged to be recoaed thzof, be is 'sidered. Eldr. 1. that be bath not manifested hims. to be humbled for bia miscarriages in yt timd. 2. that he refusetb to come to Assembly & to ptake in ye scales. 3. yt be bath not brought bis child lacely bolrne to him utito baptisme. 4. yt commonly he neglects to beg a bless- ing, & to giue thankes at his eating. W. he ansurs. 1. To ye keeping back his child. yt he judged hims. as — sufficient to one or- din. as to ye othx, now ye XX had judged him, as insufficient one. E. during ye time of his distraction & since ye Elder bad told him now of ye necessity of it. W. Yet he could not 'ceive but — ye opinion of ye XX, he was jot accounted insufficient bee. of his distraction. E. Then yis sliould haue humbled him be- fore ye xx. but, whithx does he now desire co-^ion with ye x x ? for he had manifested his desire of return to Engl. W. he would demur on it, & by reason bee. of his unfitnes thro, god's visit — ng of him. E. Thus he charges god, not hims. a. he charges ye devil : bee. his fall ws fro his tempting of him. p. chsged him of a lazie idlenes disposition, as ye cause. W. he justifies him as yt. R. he hath sometimes desired freedom for ye X X com — n a. for com — g into ye assem- bles, yt he hath sd yt he is not bound to sit within ye watch of ye congregation, but may be abroad in time of gods worp without ye meet — g house. W. This he justifies also. ^. R. & c. There eyes (it is sd.) were fas- tened vpo — him a. many objects are tenderad abroad to draw away ye mind. To giueing of thanks at meatc. W. yt he is not bound to giue appa — ce of it. E. 1. in' of offence. 2. in' of reverence so' gesture is to be used y — . W. yt Boule refernce suffice : & ye hatt may be on, &o. 40 E. to yt 1 Cor. 6-20. When he had nothing to say — hia defence furthx yr sd he was 'victed. yr urged : why he did not 'fesse bis sin. W. yt he desired not co — ion with ye x x unless ye xx were 'tented with ye hand of god on him. 'Twas objected ag him. 1. yt he would not stay fr — eating till othxs with him had be^^d a bleesing. 2. yt he would answ yexx why he saw cause onely. 3. yt he was not bound in giueing thanks to exprse words before god. 4. yt was supposed ho was vy Ignorant. p. What ye 5t comdt was? he would not tell — & asked what diice betwene vocation and Justification : he would but could not. a. he 'fessed yt he read not a chap by ye whole weeke togethx. a. yt he neglected ye duty of prayer comm- ly — family. a. yt he had sd yt poynts of Evidenceing of salvation, are not to be medled with b\' Euill men. a. yt ye pastor shold catechize his boy & not him. And ye day af.er he was taken with a dis- tracted disteup. in his head. Issue. The xx g.iue him an admonition out of p. 15,19.^:21. p. & vpon it pesntly tur'y hia back h6 went forth ye assembly. Rob. Cotty. — His case decided by ye x x wch was yt he 'ceived hims. a memb. of this XX [he ca— before ye xx with a portugal cap on. as pr objected. 1. fr — ye dang— of it, intimating yt soule revence onely is ' ry to 1 Cor. 11-7. 2, ,try to good report. Warranted things are of good report. Provide all things honest in ye sight of all men.] C. he a memb of yis x x. 1. Bee. berecomended to yex x. 2. bee. he was admitted to subsription to ye covenant. R. 1 yt he was not dismissed but onely re- comened to ye x x wch implyed a purpose of stay for a time onely hx. to 2. if he were, it was thro' mistake of ye xx. 0. ye X X now dissolved f — whence he re- comended go Es. 44, 5, Numb. 13. R. 1. it ia denyed, 2. grant it yt recommendats' be so ; a man may bee ofl" many x xs together. p. to ye 2, ficrifturea, Numb. 13, was a rash vow. a. yt ye X X enquired further upon him why he would subscribe & yt ye same day. a. for recommendiiti thx are toxes. tho not so manifest for dismission. And yt in Col. 4, 8. 0, shewes yt yer is a distinction of membs & a pp'ety to euery church. one of you & one of us. a. ye Cov then not j'st made but ronued. R. yt dismipsion is but a terrae of distinc- tion for recommendation Si— lettrs dismissive are nothing but letters recommendatory. a. as or Lord hath diuers housholds, now tho ye Lord sends a srvant of one by ye bye upon a message or ye like to ye othx. Those s'vents shall glue him Intertaynmt. But he shall haue no powr of transacting any thing in yt house : like as thx fr — whence he ca — . so heere. A qu WX8 moued to ye church. 'tribu- tion,viz: Whithx 'tribution was. 1. to be eury Sab : 2. to be done so as euy one might take no- tice what each doth 'tribute. R, It is referred to ye lurthx thoughts of Vpon an other day. — S. Weston. The case of or Sister Weston brought before yo xx. When a matter of diflTerence betweene hx & anothx was at ye Court put unto ye Jury. 41 she excepted ag. 2 of the Jury men who were tberefure otfended, & with them others also. E. demaunded her reason. S. yt she did thinke it hx lib'ty. E. True yt yr is a lib'ty. but exception implies a just cause or tis not equal, viz, yt he will not doe Justice, or, yt he regards not an oth, or yt he beare s — splene. M. The law graunts it in case of 'sanguini- tieorsomenie relation, but then ye ground or reason must be shewed to ye Judge of ye Courts. S. She denyed to render a reason, least yt impeachmt to bis good name who — she except- ed sig. g Mesy. & sd yt ye othx was all one with ye pty agt hx & more freqjent with him yn any one memb. Mr. Batter. R. Mr. Batt at Mr. Pesters with Mr. Noyso p ter ward j othx haue bad frequent dealings thx. & yt S. hath broken a rule. Mat 18 & Leu 19, yt suspect — g will — yt she delt not with y — For ye things were s — long time before ye Courtes. S. She knew not yr should be of ye Jury . she intended not a scandall. a. yt she 'ceived yr in a temptation & gifts blind ye eyes of ye wise. R. Jn aggravation of bz fault : it brought in ag hx. hx carriage to or bro. Johnson. hx disv>rderly carriagyn before ye xx. hx y taxing our pastor of Hypocrisy. hx opening ye greivance thx ag. a bro. in bx owne case. hx not dealing with such suspected brethren before afr so long a time. hx 'fessing she saw no sin in y — ■wch aggravated hx exception. hx taking ye occasion fr — suspitious reports eg. ym. So she referred to ye next x z meeting. Br. Walker ye 2d time. — Eldr: He asks or Bro. Walker how ye Case stands now with bim. u W. 1. yt he justifies not his practise in yo time of his distraction. 2. yt tis not — hx powx to reforme h — s. 3. yt he stands at yo dispose of ye x x. E. ye XX expectes his repentance. W* he knowes not what to say to it. E. What he answer to ye x x as touching ye withholding his child fro — Baptisme. W. he silent. E. ye XX desires satisfaction. W. yt he lookes not vpon himselfe asmeet for CO — ion. But yt he shalhe meet when god shall turne his heart, (yet yt he well understands ye xx expectation) «& yt bee 1 distemped 2 faith lesse. Pastor, yt it apps he is nndr a Temptation, & twere St his case were commended to god by fasting & prayer. E. Whithx he desires yis. W. yt be knew not what to say to it. Mr. Humfry. — Mr. tlumfres case brought to ye X X. Eldr. he 'plaines ag ye xx of Lin. yt twice he was thx hindred ye seales. yt 1 bee. of s — difference betweene him & leiften. IIow who excepted ag. him. ye 2d time, bee. one Thomkins was reci'i'^d into XX CO — ion yt day notwithstanding he excepted ag. him. Pastor, it seemes as if ye x x yes denyed him not yt CO — ion. It was agreed ypo — yt if ye x x & he so csent yis x x may have ye whole mattr discou- ered by writing fr — both sids, & c. This day Deborah ilolden Bro . Gidnies wite Bro Marshals wife, Ja. Moulton. made yer pfessions, & Testimonies were giuen of yer godly life. Sa ye next sab. yr were recej'd into X X — CO — ion. Some othx p pounded should haue come in, but were excepted agst. Whx vpon warning was given by ye Elder yt ye reasons of yr exceptions might be brought in to him. before ye next xx meeting. Deacons, p pounds to ye x x to 'aider of yo dispose of Mrs. Skelton's children.. a 10th of 11th month. — Mr. HumfrfS. case je 2d time : — ye interim or Pastor was sent for to meet the Elders of ye x x at Lin to' fer ■with chem. Who fr both pties brings this relation to ye x x. 1. yt he withdrew himselfe. bee. he was loth to offend ye x x. 2 yt ye 2d time he withdrew himselfe bee. he was oflFended by ye x x who tooke in an un- worthy member. To yis twas determined. 1. yt ye X X is to deale with Mr. Humfrey for withdrawing h — a. & not rathx for deal- ing with ye 1st Bro. prvately according to rule let. p. hx — ye — terim fell in yis discourse, viz. qu whithx an Irritation unfitts lor ye Sort. it should app bee. anger is a short madnes. A. 1, Cor. 11. an examined ma— tishia du- ty to eate. qu. VVjithx a bro. may abstayne when he is like else to giue offence to an othx. A. no, 2. yt ys X X is to write to yos Elders & xx. 1 becyr take on memb ag. opposition & 2, privately. 2. bee. yr suffer ye unseasonable opposition of members, for members are not to reason be- tweene pp before ye xx by way of opposition, but membs must speake yer case toyexx. yis writ — g to be st by vtue of ye c — ion yt is betweene yes x x s. Sepatists. — The case of ye brethren yt with- drew yp f — ys X X brought forth. Pastor yt yi doe it out of If. 2. bee yi would ye peace of ye x x seing yi cannot peaceably hold co — ion with ye x x. 3. yi are not resolved as yi pretend whithx to goe. a. yt yi object not ag. ye xx. onely. yt those yt recejd on did not renounce publickly ye gou't of Engl. & yt one about hearing in Engl & yt one yt yi no libty of ob- jecting in ye X X ag what is taught. It t put to ye X X8 'eideration. Whithx if 6 or 8 of ye XX. & wich we hope to be godly, yet not aggreeing with us in yer Judgmt may not haue a peaceable depture fro us togathx a X X ? R. 1. These psons must jat giue ye x x sat- isfaction for yer schisme. 2 tis p bable y t theSe would not keep co — ion with this church. 3. These haue not asked leaue of ye x x but doe take leaue of ye x x. It t determined these should be sent for. Bro Weston. Elde desires of or Bro. Weston ye grounds of his withdrawing fr — ye xx. W, yt he had already told ye Elders his grounds. E. he desired him to declare y — to ye x x. W. yt ye XX he counts to walk according to hx light or apprehension & he walks accord- ing to hid. 1. ground, bee. he not suffered to ask qu. in publicke, but tis imputed to him for pride. E. Tis desired yt he should refraine in reg. of ye season : — ye Lo. day. but qu. is yr a ground of his withdrawing. W. Yes bee. he count h — s bound prsently to object & so seek cleering of Truths. E. he neu'r delt in private with ye elders for it. W. 2. teas. bee. when he questioned about or pastor touching his comming off at Rotter- dam : & what kind of x x yt was : Twas an- swered by 8 — , yt he was neithx fitt forxx, nor commonwealth. 3d. bee. some are admitted into yis xxfrom Rotterdam, touching who — yi write ytyi ca — disorderly away : & if yt be a true x x, why are these recj'd withit satisfaction jst giuen. Pastor. 1. yt he — towne 2yeero& a halfe, & not objected ye ag. 2. yt ye 2d rat of this wife, who had no letters of dismission fro — thence. qu. How far, or whithx a wife ought to seeke lettrs of dismission if ye man be dis-? missed. R, by m. 1 yt not need full, obj. she must co — in, in a way of god bz; 43 M. Tis tjatisfactiaQ enough ytsbe be a memb of an othx church. obj. yt X s hath manifested itselfe offended for her disorderly comming away. Past, she thought not herselfe bound to req're yer letters, her husband being heere. obj It should app as if yrmight be some- thing dissurderly observed in hx carriage since her husband's comming away. Past, ye fault was of negligence by ye elders in not ppounding her to ye church- It. t 'eluded yt letters should be wrott to Rotterda — about ye psons yt did disorderly come off thence. VV. 4. or. bee. or pastor oft hath sd in pub- lick to yis effect, we had better part then liue contentiously. pa. mt in a way of x, ma. to ye 2d reas. yt twas he yt sd. be waa neithx fitt for x x , nor commonwealth, bee. by bis oft questioing greiues Magistr. & Mrs. & BO yt he thinkes still : so long as be holds yt way. hx Bro : Talby obj. yt it it was an un- charitable speech. K. yt he breakes a rule, Being he should haue delt with or Ma ; privately. & ys kind of speaking is disorderly. "W. 5 reas. bee. yis church holds co — ion with such as doe hold co — ion with ye x x of i Engl. viz. ye members of Mr. Lathrop's Con- i gregation wch hath both co — ion with this Church & ye XX of Engl. E. yt he should haue delt with yos members privately, W. 6. bee. he is 'selled to follow peace: & yis is ye end of his practise jy. E. Bnt ye beginning must be peaceable too. Ma. The case may be resolved in yia one question, qu. Whithx one under sin in his opinion, not in ye opinion of ye x x, is a just grouncj of his leaving the church ? W. a private scruple agst any is not to be made publick, Least otbza should be brought to scruple too. Ma. Whithx a p'vate Scruple a ground of sepatj. This course tends but to schisms & so to heresie wch is damnable, W. This wch is now called damnable was once called lawfull. M. he wch holds & teaches : yt one may breake off Ir — a xx, upo — any discontent, op at taking offence ag. a brother &c is — a damnable herisy for it rases ye foundation of grace. E. yt Bro. Westo — shew a text of Scr for his sepation. W, He is silent. E. he is desired to be at ye next x x meet' ing. Bro: Ony. He is desired of ye x x ye grounds of his sepation. Ony, yt he had told ym to ourpastor. & he desired him to discour ym to ye x x. & his withdrawing was but for ye po sent. bee. ye Sort ca— -suddenly before he couldj enf jrme ye x x of his scruple. Whxup— it prsently went abroad yt he was quite broken off. Whx'as be 'ceived h — s unde a temptation & haueing touched a dead body ought to re^ frayne. qn. by one whithx a man may breake off co — i on with a x x, if he see or suppose so — practize in ye x x yt he allow not off. M. or p. Neg. gal. 5. Circumcisio — a fun- dam tal error yet not a ground or rule yr tbrou out ye Epist. of scpatio — f — yt x x. So in ye X X of Corinth. Fornication. So holding of Paule, so of Apollas. So in Thyatyra Jezabells doctrine. & yt no rule giuen for eepating fr — eytber. O. Were euch membs admitted? M. There is ye same reason of admission & keep — g in of membs. O. Such as haue ben defiled with idolatry haue ben hx admitted without washing yr hands by repts. M. There practize giues satisfaction ^ In jt they joyne with ye true x x of x. 44 O. They may yet retayne Babilon in yr hearts. M. We are to be more charitably aflFected to such. O. Ezech. 43, 9, 10, 11. M. Are not or brethren ashamed of yr do- ings when yi will not abide by it ? Bro: Gidney. he gaiie ye right hand of Fellowship to me. E. Why then so lately & not now? 0. yt his Judgt so altered, so as not know how to giue ye right hand of lellowship to ye X X. pa. That you are so newly altered in yor judgmt Consider. 1. ye frame of yor h xt at yt time were you in a humble praying frame & in ye way of an ordin. 2. Does it carry you nigher to x now and to more humbleness. 3. you should have told it to yo elders, pa. 9, 7 rebuke a wise man &c. Ezech 43, 4, yt place in Ezech 43, you mis- apply for fr — thence we note. 1 yos are most capable of je things of god yt are ashamed of yr iniq'ties. 2. God will neur shew ye true formes of his house but to y — yt are washt from there inig'ties, & yes Formes are ye inwards, wch are ye scales. 3 The story is ys. This 0 had revolted & relapsed & ye p. ph exhorts hx to hx Ist loue agayne. And told hx what she should see vpo — hx returne. for — yr falling off yi loosed ye pat- terns of ye house, 5, Can you challeng any of spiritual whore- do — amongst us. O 1. yt if yos. yt relapsed, be — g — a x x state, ought to be ashamed ere yi capable &c. go. much more, yos yt neu a x x state. 2 he could not challenge any without peju- dice or offence, but yis p. fessors, of all men, ■were most bitter ag. sepation at jst. whonowjoyne without being ashamed of yt. p. Such breaches as these in x x's gaue oc casion to yt of yr bitternes. O. Thx ought to be yet a publick detesta- tion, ag yes courses, his Texes for sepation. 2 Cor. 6. be not unequally yoked. M. yt yeilds no reaso — of his withdrawing unlease we were pved Idolaters. & wo haue a test opposeing this practice of his Reu 2. 18 20. Whx ye Lo: 1. acknowl. ye good in yt x x yn he speakes of her sins & Judgmts. & in X p 24. he saies to yos not so sinned. He lay no other burden upon you, but &c. The dn of idolatry or of circumcision may be heild in a x x & yt ye x x a true x x. P. jt place. 2 Cor. 6, mt of idolatry out of ye XX & ye Ap. wrot to ye whole x x. O mt yt yi should co — out fr ye Idolaters amongst themseluas. R. mt of yr being among Idolaters & ye Joy — g to yr idoU feasts. a. X. sepated not f — ye Jewish Synagogues. O. ye diuers reasons of yt. fr — yo p phi- cies were not fulfilled. & X CO — ioated not in yr corruptions. P. In Zach. 11: yr is set downe ye worp. z did CO— icate in. [TO BE CONTINUED. J ODD NOTES.— NORMAN KINGS 1066—1154. William the Conqueror was King of England from 1066 to 1087- He had three children, William Rufus., who succeeded him, Henry, who succeeded William Rufus, and Adelaide, who married Stephen, Count of Blois. Henry had a daughter AJatilda, who married 1st the Emperor Henry V, and had no issue, and mar- ried 2dlv, Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of An- jou, by whom she had a son, afterwards Henry It. At the death of Henry I, however, Ste- phen, son of Stephen of Blois and Adelaide, usurped the throne, which properly belonged t ) his cousin Matilda. After some strife how- ever,the matter was settled by Stephen's prom- ising to give up the crown at his death, to Ma- tilda's son Henry, which was done. 45 House of Plantagenet 1154 — 1399. Henry II died in 1189, and left Richard, Coeur de Lion, GeofiFrey, aad John, surnamed Lackland, Richard left no children, Geoffrey left a son Arthur, who was murdered by bis Uncle, John, and John left two sons, Henry III, and Richard, Earl of Cornwall. Henry III left Edward I, surnamed Longshanks, and Edmund the Humpbacked, Earl of Lancaster, whose great granddaughter Blanche, 1st heiress of the rights of Lancaster, married John of Gaunt, 3d son of Edward III. Edward 1 left a son Edward II, of Caernarvon, who left a son Ed- ward III. Edward III had Edward the Black Prince, William Lionel, Duke of Clarence, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Ed- ward. Duke of York. Edward the Black Prince bad a son Richard II, who was deposed 1399. Lionel, d of Clar- | ence had a daughter Philippa, who married | Edw. Mortimer, and was mother of Roger [ Mortimer, the father of Anna Mortimer, who married Richard, son of Edmund, d of York, Edward Ill's youngest son. John of Gaunt married Blanche of Lancas- ter, and bad two sons, John Beaufort, a natu- ral son, and Henry, who usurped bis cousin Richard's crown, and became Henry IV. House of Lancaster (Red Rose) 1399—1460. Henry 17 bad a son Henry V, who married Catharine of France, and she afterwards mar- ried Owen Tudor, and had a son Edmund Tu- dor, Earl of Richmond, who married Margaret Beaufort, 2d heiress of Lancaster, (and grand daughter of John Beaufort, natur.il son of John of Gaunt) and bad a son who became Henry VII. Henry V had a son Henry VI, ■who was King until 1460, when his opponent Edward IV became King. House of York (white Rose) 1460—1485.— Edward IV was descended from Lionel, d of Clarence, through Anne Mortimer, his grand daughter, who married Richard, son of Ed- mund of Ybri; be was succeeded by his son Edward V, who was murdered in the Tower by command of bis uncle Richard, 1483. 13 Richard III reigned untU defeated and slain at Boaworth, 1485, when Henry VII, son of Edmund Tudor and Margaret Beaufort, ascend- ed the throne, and united the roses, by marry- ing Elizabeth of York, daught-^r of Edward IV. House of Tudor 1485—1603. Henry VII had Margaret, who married James IV (Stuart) King of bcotland, Henry, who married Catha- rine of Arragon, and Mary, who married 1st Louis XII of France, and 2ndly Charles Bran- don, Dukeof Sufiulk. Margaret and James of Scotland bad a son Jamea V, who had a daughter Mary, Queen of Scots, cruelly beheaded 1587, leaving a son, James VI of Scotland, and afterwards James I of England. Henry VIII had by Catherine of Arragon, a daughter Mary ; by his second wife Anne Boleyn, a daughter Elizabeth, and by bis third wife Jane Seymour, a son, who suc- ceeded his father as Edward VI. Mary, and Charles Brandon bad a daughter Frances, who married Henry Grey, d wf Suffolk, and a daugb* ter Eleanor, who married the Earl of Cumber- land, and had a daughter who married the Earl of Derby. Frances Brandon and Henry Grey bad three daughters, Jane, beheaded 1554, Catharine and Mary. Edward VI d in 1552, and was succeeded by his sister Mary, who died 1558, and was suc- ceeded by her sister Elizabeth, who died 1603, leaving no children, when the crown passed over to James VI of Scotland, son of Mary Stuart. House of Stuart 1603—1689. Jamea I of England had two children, Charles I, behead- ed 1649, and Elizabeth, who married Frederic, Elector Palatine, and bad Sophia, married to Ernest Augustus, first Elector of Hanover. Charles I had Charles II, who died 1685, Mary, who married William II, Prince of Or- ange, and James 2d, who abdicated 1689(; bis children were, Mary, who married William III, Prince of Orange, son of Williaai II and Mary Stuart, Anne, Queen 1702 — 14, and Jas. Edward, who had Charles Edward, died at 46 kome 1788, and Henry of York, Cardinal, who died 1807, the hist Stuart. House of Hanover, since 1714. At the death of Queen Anne, the crown passed over into the possession of George I, son of Sophia and Er- nest Augustus of Hanover. George I was succeeded by his son Geoi-ge II, who had a son Frederic Lewis, who dying 1751, left a son George III, married to Char- lotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, by whom he had among others George IV, William IV, and Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent. George IV died in 1830. and William IV died 1837: Ed- ward Augustup, Duke of Kent, married Vic- toria, Princess of Saxe Coburg, and died 1820, leaving a daughter Victoria, born May 24, 1819, who succeeded William IV in 1837, and who now reigns* MEDICINES IN " OLD TIMES." It ip a' prevalent notion that the piesent time is worse, in every respeet, than any former period. — AVe talk about "good old times" as if the present were 'very bad times," and there was nothing good now- adays. Ours is called an age of "humbug," — and perhaps in some respects it is, — but with all its short-comings, but a very little knowledge of histo- ry is required to sbow us the vast improvements in Art, Science, and Religion even, that have been made from time to time, and that the world is, upon the whole, continually growing wiser and better. I am led to these remarks by the perusal of "A Treatise of the choisest Spagyricail Preparations,'' printed in 1651, — containing some receipts for medi- cines which are very curious, and perhaps some may think unworthy to be preserved. I have, however, thought it best to send you a few samples for publi- cation, in order to show what "doses" people were willing to submit to in the old Witchcraft, Quaker- whipping times, that we so much reverence: ''The Quintessence of Snakes, Adders or Vipers. — Take of the biggest and fattest Snakes, Adders or Vipers which you can get in June or July, cut off their heads, take off their skins and unbowell them, then cut them into small pieces and put them into a Glass of a wide mouth, and set them in a warm Bal- neo, that they may be well dryed, which will bee done in three or four days. Then take them out, and put them into a bolt bend, and pour on them of the best alcolizated Wine as much as will cover them •iz or eight fingers' breadth. Stop the glass Her- metically, & digest them fifteen days in Balneo, or so long til the Wine be sufficiently covered, which poure forth; then pour on mure of the foresaid Spir- it of Wine till all the quintessence be extraoteil: Then put all the tinged s|)irits together, and draw off the spirit in a gentle Balneo till it be thick at the bottom; on this pour Spirit of Wine Caryophyllated, and slir them well together, and digest them in a Circulatory ten days; then abstract the spirit of Wine, and the quintessence remaineth at the bottom perfect. This quintessence is of extraordinary vertue for the purifying of the blood, flesh and skin, and conse- quently of all diseases therein. It cures also the Falling-sickness, & strengthens the Brain, Sight and Hearing, and p; eserveth from Gray hairs, reneweth Youth, cureth the Gout, Consumption, causeth Sweat, ia very good in and against Pestilential infections." "Aqua Magnanimilatis is made thus: — Take of Ants or Pi.-mires a bandtul, of their eggs two hundred, of Millepides, or Woodlice, one hundred, of Bees one hundred and fifty, digest all these in two pints of Spirit of Wine, being very well impregnated with the brightest soot. Digest them together the space of a month, then pour off the clear spirit and keep it safe. Good to stir up the Animall spirits. It doth also wonderfully irritate the spirits that are dulled and deaded with iny cold distemper." Here is a receipt for aiiotber "Aqua Magnanimi- tatis,'' something like the above, which is represent- ed to be of "excellent use to stir up the auimall spirit : in so much that John Casmire Palfe grave of the Rhcne, and Seyfrie of Collen, Generall, against the Turks, did aiways drinke of it when they wont to fight, to increase Magnanimity and courage, which it did even to admiration." "Elixir of Mummie. — Take of mummio, (viz. of mail's fiesb Lardened,) cut small four ounces, Spirit of Wine terebinth inated ten ounces, put them into a glazed vessell, (three parts of four being empty,) which set in horse dung to digest for the space of a moiietb, then take it out and express; let the ex* pressiou be circulated a month, then let it run through Manica Hippocratis, then evaporate the spirit till that which remaines in the battome be like an Oil, which is the true Elixir of mummie. This elixir is a wondertull preservation against all infections, alSo very Balsa micail."' There are some receipts in this book so bad that they would, I believe, cause the hairs of your cor- respondent, who furnished you awhile sines with a "Metson to make the hair grop," — to "stand upon an end." There are also in this singular book some very curious experiments, a few of the titles of which I will give. "To make the representation of the whole ;70rld in a Glasse." "To make powder that hj ..pitting upon cball ba inflamed." "To make artificiali Fearle, as glorious sa any Oriental!." "To make Gold grow and be incre&aed in tho earth." 47 "The author of this work says id his Preface, "I tejoyce as at the break of the day, after a long tedi- ous eight, to 806 bow this solary art of Alchymie be- gins for to shine forth out of the clouds of reproach which it hath a long time undeservedly layen under. There are two things which have a long time eclipsed it, viz., the mists of ignorance, and the specious lu- nary body of deceit. Arise, 0 Sunne of truth, and dispell these interposed fogs, that the Queen of Arts may triumph in splendour!" I think I have given your readers a sufficient dose, and will therefore for the present take leare of the eubject. B. TREES IN THE STREETS OF SALEM, IN MAY. 1859. The following account of the different varie- ties of treej, that are growing in the principal streets of Salem, during the month of May, 1859, has been prepared with much care and accuracy, by a gentleman of this city, who has devoted considerable attention to this sub- ject. It is valuable, and worthy of record, as ex- hibiting the degree of interest, which is devot- ed, at this time, to the planting of trees m the Btroets and public places of this city. Andrew, Andover, Arabella, Boston, Bevkford, Bridge, Buffum, Brown Briggs, Broad, Barton, Beaob, Barr, Chesnut, Cambridge, Ghaicfa, Carlion, Cherry, Cet'^r, Cabot, Cer.tral, Cross, Doming, Derby, Dwufborn, B 5 18 1 4 16 n 10 8 57 7 48 10 8 27 1 . 70 17 2 4 15 70 6 8 i U 1 8 11 9 12 103 a s s c g 2 1 3 33 6 7 10 1 4 3 14 1 23 ."t s. 1^ 27 2 33 115 8 80 90 35 2 97 9 2 46 82 4 12 8 12 29 5 9 15 12 12 117 5 131 18 139 1 Everett, Essex, Endicott, Federal, Flint, Friend. Forrester, Felt, Grove Harbor, Hancock, Hatboine, High, Holly, Laurel, Lafayette, Lagrange, Leach , Lynde, Mount Vernon, 3 129 4 3 Mason, Margin, March, Newbury, Norman, North, Nortbey, Oak, St. Peter, Pond, Purter, Prescott, Pickering, Pickman, Pleasant, River, Kopes, Salem, Summer, Skerry, School, Siiunders, South, Turner, Union, Webb, Webb, East, Walter, Whittemore, Around Com- mon, Avenue to Alms House. 34 12 10 2 6 83 6 16 9 6 3 5 7 6 10 1 6 9 36 6 15 10 12 2 13 23 6 10 4 160 12 20 29 18 12 1 1 6 11 9 6 2 12 6 15 6 17 3 10 28 13 6 I l60 26 189 il 4 17 63 49 66 10 35 7 45 9 166 37 12 3 19 42 18 11 3 6 108 9 19 15 1 6 6 7 17 31 3 6 9 71 7 23 15 36 3 15 23 6 21 33 183 23 Elms, 1656; Maples, 353; Horse CLestnut, 213; Linden, 65; Ash, 133; Poplar, 24; Cherry, 110; Acacia, 8. In addition to the above, there are, — in Brown street 2 Tree of Heaven, or Ailanthus; Briggs street 2 Oak ; Broad Street 1 Locust ; Feder- al street 1 Buttonwood; Friend street 9 Oak; Felt street 9 Birch; Harbor street 1 Tree of Heaven; Hathome street 2 Buttonwood; North street 4 Wil- low, 1 Buttonwood; Oak street 1 Walnat; St. Peter ctreet 1 Tree of Heaven; Porter street 1 Poplw} 48 Prescott street 1 Balm of Gilead; Summer street 1 Willow; Ropes street 1 Walnut; total number of trees, 2615. i.. ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac, ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF COURTS, SALEM, MASS. Copied by Ira J. Patch. CONTINUED FROM PAGB 12. Mary Williams, 9lh mo., 1654. "Will of Marie Williams of Salem. Widow, dated Ist 8 mo., 54', mentions her late hus- band, George Williams ; her daue fSarah, Ma- rie Bishop, Bethia, sons Samuel, Joseph and George. Witness — Ric'd Bishop, Thos. Rob- ins. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £131 OS 3id, taken bj Elias Stileman jr & Rio'd Bishop, 17 9 mo., 1654. Eliz'h Hardy, lOth mo., 1654. Inventory of estate of Elizh Hardy of Sa- lem, widow, amounting to £151 9s 2d, taken by Wm. Dodge, Wm. Dixey, 11th 9th mo., 1654. "Granted to Jno. Hardy, 27 10th mo., 1638 : To fforty acres of vpland and sixe Acres of meadow to the East of that land which is graunted to Richard Dodge." vera copia aa Atteste. pr Edmond Batter. 25th of the 8ih month, 1653. Gervis Garford of Salem, in the County of Essex, Gent., hath sold vnto Elizabeth Hardie of the same, widdow, for eighty pounds ster- ling, his dwelling house & ten acres of Ara- ble land, & six acres & a quarter of med- dow neare drapers point, vppon Bass Riuer, adjoyning to the house, and eighty Acres of land lyin^ betweene Lord's Hill & Birch- plaine, on Bass Riuer side, within the pre- sincts of Salem, as by deed dated the 26th day of 7-ber, 1653, aprth. This is a true copy out of the records for the County in Salem, fr me. Hillard Veren, Recorder. Nath' Merrill, Mar,, 1655. Will of Nath'l Merrill of Newbury, dated Mar. 8, 1654, mentions wife Susanna, daugh- ter Susanna, under 21 years, sons Nathaniel, John Abraham Daniel and Abel all under 21 years, appoints son Nath'l ex'or. Bro John Merrill & Anthony Somerby overseers, witnesses — Richard .Knight, Anthony Somer- by and John Merrill, probate 27th Ist mo., '55. deceased March 16, 1654-5. Inventory of above estate taken Mar. 23, 1654-5, by Dan'l Thurston, Richard Knight and ArcheUus Woodman .amounting to £84 6s returned 27th let mo., '55. Alice Ward, Mar., 1655. Inventory of estate of Alice Ward of Ips- wich, widow, taken 23d llth mo., 1654, a- mounting to £37 148 lid, by Robert Lord, John Warner. Joannah Smith the wife of Thos. Smith, Elizabeth wife of Jacob Perkins and Jane wife of Francis Jordan, testifie that Alice Ward, widdow, on her death bed did commit Sarah Ward, her daughter in law, vnto John Baker & Elizabeth his wife, the said Sarah W^ard & her estate to bring vp the said child in the feare of god. and gave vnto the sd Eliz- abeth Baker her keyes & desired her to take of all, & to discharge her debts. Sworne in Court held at Ipswich the 27th 1st mo.. 1655. Robert Lord, Cleric. Eleanor Tresler. Alh mo., 1655. Will of Eleanor Tresler of Salem, dated 15th Feb., 1654, mentions sons Henry & Nicholas to be joint ex'ors. son Edward, 2 daughters, grandchildren John Phelps, Elezabeth, Sam'l & Edward, children of Nicholas, men- tions legacy bequeathed by her late husband to his daughter in England, to wit., £10. — witness — Robt. Moulton, senr., George Gard- 49 ner. Robt. Moulton, jr. proved 26tb 4tbmo., 1655. Inventory of above estate (dated Mar. 13, 1654-5.) amountino; to £131 033 06d, return- ed bj Robert Moulton & George Gardner. Wm. Knight, ^th mo., 1655. WillofVVm. Knights, dated Dec. 2 1653. mentions wife Elizabeth, son John, dau Ane & her children, son Francis, dau Uanna, John Ballard, Nathaniel Ballard, after the lega- cies are paid to these above, the balance to be equally divided between his four children which he had by his last wife Eliz'h — eldest eon Jacob to have a double portion, appoints his wife Eliz h ex'x, his brother Nicholas Pot ter and George Keasur and John Witt to be overseers. Witness John Faller & Nicho- las Potter, probate 28th 4th mo., 1655. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £154 15s Od, returned 28th 4th mo., '55. Robt. Moulton, 4th mo., 1655, Will of Robt. Moulton, senr., dated Salem 20th Feb'y, 1654, mentions son Robert, & appts him ex'r, dau Dorothy Edwards, grand- son Robert Mjulton, good wife Buffo m and Joshua Buffiim, witnessed by George Gard- ner, Henry Phelps & Nichi Phelps, probate 2Gth4th mo., 1655. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £113 08s, returned 26th 4th mo., '55, by Henry Phelps & John Hill. Henri/ Fay, 1655. Inventory of estate of Henry Fay, weaver, of Newbury, who deceased June 30th, 1655, taken by Thomas Hart. Thomas Browne & Abraham Tappan. Richard Pike testified that Henry Fay said to him that if he died a single man, then his brother's children shall have this estate. Robert Long, James Jackman, and Jane Jackman all testify that said Henry Fay said at several different times he wished his broth- er's children to have his estate if they came 13 for it, and wished his friends Robert Long and James Jackman to take charge of it. John Jackson, 4ih mo., 1656. Will of John Jackson, senr, dated Zlst 11th mo., 1655. mcntiona wif^j Mary, Margaret Nouel, appts son John Jackson exor. appts Wm. Browne, Edma Batter overseers, proved 4th mo.. 1655. Inventory of above estate taken 10th lat mo., 1655-6, amounting to £20 6s. Thomas Wickes, 4ithmo.,lQ5Q. Will of Thos. Wickes of Salem, dated 9th 7th mo., 1655. mentions wife Alice, and appts herextx., daughters Bethia & Hannah, appta loving cousin and friends Robert Gray, Mr. Edmond Batter & Ellas Stileman, jr., to be overseers. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £192 lOs. returned by ililliard Veren & Thom- as Cromwell. John Hart, 4th mo., 1656. Inventory of estate of John Hart, Marble- h'd, taken 14th let mo., 1655-6, by Moses Maverick and Jona Bartiett, amounting to £74 lOs 06d. Fran. Parratt. 1th mo , 1656. Inventory of estate of Francis Parratt, dat- ed 15th 7th mo., 1656, amounting to £357 5s Cd. James Noyes, 9/A mo., 1656. Will of James Noyes, dated Oct. 17, 1656, mentions wife and children, couoin Thomas Parker, brother Nicholas Noyea. probate Nov. 26, 1656. James Noyes died Oct. 21, 1656, Inventory of above estate, anjounting to £657 lis 4d, returned by Rich'd Knight Anthony Somerby & Benjamin Swett. Mrs. Sara Noyes, the wife of deceased, makes oath to the same. 50 Rehecca Bacon, 9th mo , 1655. Will of Rtickah Bacon, Widow, dated let mo., 23, 1655. mentions son Isaac as ber sole executor, Eobert Buffum to assist him, Isaac being under aj^e ; cousins Anne Potter & Eich'd Cheelcraft ; frees ber man Cornelius & gives hi m a suite ot clothes; sister Buffum, Sister Coja, Sister Sugthwike, Sisters Averj & horniss. Brother Kobert Buffum, appoints Brothers Joseph Boys Thomas Avery & Nath'l Felton, overseers : mentions Sister Ju- dith, in Old England, cousin John, Georg Be- dell, proved 29th 9th mo.. '55. Inventory of above efltate, aThounting to £195 8s 6d, taken 10th July, 1655, by 'fhos. Gardner, sr., & Joseph Boyea. John Bridffeman, 9ih mo., 1655. Will of John Bridgman mentions Mr. Per- kins after his claims paid, the rest to go to bis daughter, probate 9th mo., '55. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £69 078 07d, taken by Walter Price, Philip Cromwell. John Ward, Mar., '56. Will of John Ward, sometimes resident at Ipswich, in New England, dated 28th Decem- bei, 1652, mentions to Cousin Nath'l Ward, the son of his Uncle, Nath'l Ward : 1 doe give that house & land given me by my father in his will, and that lies in East Mersey, in the County of Essex in Old England ; cousin Ward's, of wethersfield, two youngest sons, Cousin John Barker of Boxted in Essex, his Eldest dau, Anna, son Sam'l. to his mother's poore kindred ten pounds : Cousin Sam'l Sher- man's, who some years since lived in Boston, N. E.. two youngest sons, both under age; Cousin Philip Sherman of Rhote Island ; gives books to Thomas Andrews of Ipswich, and also his Ohirurgry chest, & all yt is now in it.— Robert Paine, ex'or. The balance of his estate be laid out in a standing anility, to be bestowed on the Har- vard Coll, Cambridge, and would have it im- proved to the convenient bringing up & main- taining of one or morescholhire in the said Col- lege, & only such to have benefit whose estate or friends cannot otherwise maintain. 14 lbs to be spent oh his funerall. prGved 25th let mo., 1656. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £308 78 3d, returned 25th Ist mo., 1656. John Friend, 1st mo., 1656. Will of John Friend, c'ated 4th 11th mo., 1655, mentions son Sam'l, apt. exor., dauB Eliz'h Pecker, Bethiah Heeter & son James, his friends, Wm. Dodge & William King, overseers. Witnesses — George Emery, Ed- mund Grover & Henry Herrick. proved 27th 1st mo., 1656. Henry Smith, Mar., 1656. Inventory of Estate of Henry Smith ()f Row- lev, taken 1st mo., 16, 1654-5, amounting to £19 12g Od, returned by Rich'd Swan & John Smith, allowed 25th 1st mo., 1656. Henry Setva/l, Mar., '56, Inventory of Mr. Sewall's estate, amounting to £364 6s 8d, returned by Joseph Jewett, Mathew Boyle & John Tad. allowed Mar. 25, 1656. Huffh Chaplin, Mar., 1657. Will of Hugh Chaplin of Rowley, dated 15th 1st mo., 1654, mentions his beloved wife, Elizabeth Thomas Mighell Maximil- liam Jewett, Thomas Diconson, Hew Smith, John Pickard, eldest son John. Witnesses — Joseph Jewett, John Pickard. proved 3l8t March, 1657. Anthony Newhall, Mar., 1657. Will of Anthony Newhall, dated 14th Jan., 1656, mentions grand-children Richard & Eliz- abeth Hood, daughter Mary m'd son John, Nath'l Pentland, Matthew Farrington and John Fuller to be overseers, proved 31st Mar. 1657. 51 Inventory of a*>ove estate tuken 6th 12th mo., 1656. returned by Richard Uood, 31st Mar., 1657. John Pickering, bth mo., 1657. Will of John Pickering of Siletn, dated 30tb 5th niu. , 1655, inenuons eona John & Jonathan, minors, wife Elizabeth, wife & two sons, esors John Home & Edmund Batter, overseers, proved let 5ih mo., 1657. Henry Bullock, 5th mo., 1657. Inventory of estate of Henry Burock, jr., taken by Thos. Gardner & Nath'l Felton, 10th lOtb mo., 1656, amounts to £121 2s Od. John Trumbull's, Sept., 1657. Inventory of esta'e of John Tiumball of Rowley, amounts to £225 17s lOs. returned by his widow, Ann Trumbull, 29tb 7tb mo., 1657. Agnes Balch. ^th mo., 1657. Inventory of estate of Agnes B,ilch, amount £9 lis Od, taken by John Rayment & Henry Herrick, Nov. 25, 1657, and Liat of debts agst, her estate, which accrued in her long sickness due toBenj. Balch, amount £18 12^. Testimony of Anna Woodbury, widdow, Nicholas Patch, her brother and El — his wife, Abagail Qill, Rachel Rayment, Hannah Wood- bury, John Grover, that the estate of Agnes Balch, dec'd, is not enough to satisfy the charges of Benj'n Balch ag'st the estate for charges in her long weakness and sickness. Humphrey Gilbert, Jan., 1657-8. The petition of the four daughters, with their husbands of Humphrey Gilbert, who de- ceased Jan. 20, 1657, to the Court to grant administration to their four husbands, Peter Harvey. Rjc'd Palmer, Rich'd Comer. Moses Ebberne. Administration granted according to the petition. John Robinson, Mar., 1658. Will of John Robinson of Ipswich, wheel- light, dated 27th Feb., 1657, gives to Alice Howlett, wife of Thos. Howlett ; £10 to Thos. Howlett, Jr., his Chest and all his tools, & to Thos. Howlett, Sr. all the rest of his estate, & appts bim sole exor. Witness — James & John How. proved 30th Mar., 1658. Inventory of above estate amount £54 19s 6d, debt due to Ensign Howlett tor diet, clothes, attendance and physicke. £22 16s 3d allowed 30tb Mar.. 1658. Humphrey Gilbert, Mar., 1658. Copy of will of Humphrey Gilbard of Ips- wich, dated 14tb 12th mo., 1657, mentions son John, wife Eliz'h, daughter Abigail, & her 3 sisters all under age. Administration granted to Elizabeth, the widow, the 30th Mar., 1658. Inventory of above estate, amount £53 Os lid, taken by Philip Fowler. Thos. Wathen, 4th mo., 1658. Inventory of estate of Thos. Wathen, dec'd, taken 30th 4th mo., 1658, amount £7 14s 2d, returned by his kinsman, Ezekiel Wathen, 30th June, 1658. Thos. Scudder, 4th mo., 1658. Will of Thos. Scudder of Salem, dated 30th Sept., 1657, mentions wife El'zabetb, and appts her soleex'x., his children, John, Thom- as and Henry Scudder. and dau Eliz'h Bar- tholomew, grandchild Thomas Scudder, son of son William Scudder dec. Witnesses— Richard Waters, Wm. Traske, Joseph Boyle, Thomas Lowthop. Proved 29th June, 1658. Thomas Scudder deceased 1657. Inventory of above estate, amount £73 OSa 4d, returned by Eliz'h scudder. Geo. Bunker, Ath mo., 1658. Inventory of George Bunker amounts £300 15s Od, returned by Jane Bunker, widow, 29th June, 1658. 52 James Patch, June, 1658. Will of James Patch of Beverly, dated 7th Aug., 1658, mentbns wife Hannah, gave her his house & land, orchard, and all the appur- tenances to it helonging to his home grounds, together with that parcel of meadow lying near Ric'd Dodge : also 2 cows, together with ten acres of Kooky Land, Ijing on .he east side oi tbe home lott, for wood ; also all the house- bold stuffti in the house fur the competent bringing up of the children. To his son, James Patch, all his part of the farme called Knights farm, both upland & meadow, all his right there be it more or les», together with the two youngest oxen & the borse. Tohisdau, Mary Patch, two oxen, which are eldest, with one cow ; also ten acres of up land Laying neai Sawyer's Playne. To his dau Elizabeth, two middle oxen, with one cow ; also 20 acres of upland laying by the land called Eastyes land, and joyning next unto paid land ; appoints his wife Hannah to be extx. ; his two brothers, Nicholas Wood- bury «& John Patch to be overseers of his will. Witnesses — Thos. Lowthropp & John Hill. Proved 2d 9th mo., '58. Inventory of above estate, amount £250 168 taken 27th 6th mo., 1658, by Rie'd Bracken- bury, John Thorndike, Zabulon Hill & John Hill. [TO BE CONTINUED J MINUTES FOR A GENEALOGY OF GEORGE JACOBS, SENIOR, OF SALKM VILLAGE, ■VVHO SUFFERED THE UTMOST PEN ALT i' OF THE LAW DURING THE WITCHCRAFT TRAGEDY, ENACTED IN NEW ENGLAND, A. D., ie92. BY C. M. ENDICOTT OP SALEM, A DESCENDANT IN THE SEVENTH GENERATION. George Jacobs, Senr., (tbe picture of whose trial for witchcraft, before one of those extra- ordinary tribunals, partaking both of a civil and ecclesiastical character, embellishes the entrance to the libraries of the Essex Institute and Salem Atheneum, in Plummer Hall) was condemned and executed during that fearful delusion, when upwards of eighty years of age, without any regard to the usual rulea of evidence or other proprieties of law. — Hig principal accusor was his own misguided granddaughter, Margaret, into which she waa terrified while confined in prison for the same offence, by the intriguings. threatonings and revilings, upon her own confession, of the de- signing Magistrates, or rather Inquisitors, to save h^r own life, being then only in her I7th year. He resided in what was then called Salem Village, in a secluded spot off east from the main road leading *o Topefield, and bor- dering upon the river leading to Danvers Port. He appears to have bought his homestead of Richard Waters and Joyn, his wife, contain- ing a house and ten acres of land, the 20th Nov., 1658 ; to which he afterwards added about four acres more, consisting partly of marsh land. He was also the owner of four acres and six cow leases on Ryall side, being the opposite shore, which he received by grant from the town of Salem. This portion of land remained in the family during the childhood and minority of my great grandmother, Eliza- beth Jacobs, the great granddaughter of the guiltless victim, George Jacobs, senr., she be- ing the daughter of John, who was the son of G<^orge. jr., who was the son of George senr. The old lady has often told me tliat previous to her marriage with my great grandfather, John Endicutt, she used to paddle a canoe aeroFS the river, and milk the cows in this very lot — and when the tide was out, she was ac- customed to pass and repass over the flats upon a row of stones, or sort of causeway, leading to the channel on both sides — wade through the channel with her milk pails and milk, and upon her return safely depiofit her burden in her father's house. These stones, we have been told by some of the family still residing upon the old homestead, remain to this day, a memorial, not only of the perseverance of our fathers, but of the hardihood of her who so of- ten passed and repassed with tbe fruits of her 53 daily toil and industry over them. She was a woman of uncommon energy of character. It is relited of her, that, wlieu Col. Pickering, on his way to the battle of Bunker Hill halted his regiment at the Bell Tavern, Darivera, she was so displeased that she walked up to the Col. and said, "Why oa airth don't you march? don't you hear the guns at Charles- town?'" George eenr's Will isdated29th Jan., 1691-2, and probated the October following. His wife's name was Mary. It would seem as if his extreme age and feebleness (being so bowed down with decrepitude and the weight of years that he required two cunes* for sup- port,) should have shielded him from such a wretched fate and ignoble death at tha hands of those inexorable officers of (miscalled) ^'m5- tice, who seemed determined upon the judicial murder and indiscriminate slaughter of all whom malice, credulity or misguided fanati- cism, might select for their victims. It is re lated of Chief Justice ytougliton, that when he heard the Governor hud reprieved several vic- tims who were awaiting sentence ot deaiii in prison, he was so displeased that he lett the Bench and went out oi the Court, exclaiming. '•Who it is obstructs the course of justice 1 know not. We were in a way to have cleared the land of these, &c. Ti>e Lord be merciful to the country." In contrition of his errors and bigotry, it is said Mr. Stoughton afterwards erected the building kuown as *'^ Stoughton Hall,^^ for the use of Harvard College. It is, however, difficult to see any connection be- tween the two circumstances. There is a tradition in the family that their ancestor was hung upon a tree on his own land and buried there, [vide Felt's Annals, Vol. 2, P. 482 ] This conflicts with another tradition, related by my great grandmother, that his body after execution in Salem, was brought home for burial by his own son, who witnessed his" execution, across the back of a horse, cart ways being almost unknown at *Tho very canes are now in tbe possession of the Essex Institute. 14 that period, except upon the most frequented roads, all others being what were called bridle paths. Tradition has, however, kept alive the fact that he was buried upon his own land.— His reputed grave has been recently opened, and found to contain the bones of a very aged peraoD, without a single tooth in the jaw, which were no doubt the remains of this inof- fensive, artless, but unfortunate old gpntleman. It would bo a melancholy satisfaction could we with equal certainty identify the graves of the victims of this dire delusion, the records of which fill such a dark page in our New Eng- land history. Children of George and Mary— ^George Ja- cobs, Jr. m. Rebecca Frost ; ^Ann Jacobs m. John Andrew, and had -3 daughters, viz : Ann, ^'Elizabeth an i ^M iry. Second Generation, ^George Jacobs lesided upon the old home- stead, and died previous to 1718 : m. Rebecca Frost, 9 12, 1074. Both he and his wife, with their dangluer Margaret, suffered persecution during the witchcraft delusion. Upon being accused he ded, but his wife and daughter Margaret were imprisoned, but were after- wards released. Children ot '^George and Re- becca-^Margaret, b. Nov. 26, 1675. The unfortunate accuser of her grandfather ; 3George,f b. .Sept. 29, 1677. Was living in Wells, Me., and sold his portion of his fath- er's farm to his brother John, in 1718. Mar- ried there in 1702, where his posterity are cow ^Third Generation. "George Jieolw, b. in Salem Villasre, now Dan- vers Port, Sep-. 29, 1677, w:ts a ^rand-dn of the <ruililcss victiiTi Gei>r<re Jncobs, senr Removed to Wells, Me., abiui 1700, where he mHriieii, first, December 16, 1701 Hrnnnh Cii-sins, m 2d. Oct. 21, 1742, Eli/abeih Burnham. Children, *Lydia b- Dec. 11, 1702, m..I<isii.h SiLvens Nov 11. 1726; ^Hannah b. June 20, 1705 m. John Sievcns June 10, 1727 ; *Georsie. m .\iary Woodman Dec. 10, 1741; *.John m. Dcb^rali Ware Oer .'50, 1745; •*Pricdla m. Jo>hiia Har btt Sept 16 17.36; ^Eliz- abethni. Joseph ThvIoi Sept. 1734 ;* benjamin m. Hannah Bank of York Me., June, 1750. Fourth Generation. ^George Jacobs lived in Wells, Me., married 54 probably living; ^John, b. Sept. 18, 1G79 ; 'Jonathan, b. July 29, 1G81 ; no memorial of him ; ''Mary, b. Alay 20, 1G83. Third Generation. 'John Jacobs, b. Sept. 18, 1G79. Lived up- on the old Jacobs homestead, in Salem Vil- lage. Married for his first wife, Abigail , for his second wife, Lydia . Died 17G4, a. 85. Was a member of the Ist Church, Sa- lem. He and his brother George Were peti- tioners for the South Danvers Church, called at that time the Middle Precinct, in March, 1710-11. Was a substantial land holder. — Will dated Jane 24, 17G0. Sons Ebenezer and Henry, executors. Proved June 25, 17G4. — Left the Jacobs' homestead to his son Ebenez- er. Children of John and Abigail : ^Abigail, bap. Sept. 1, 1706, at the First Church, Sa- lem. Was living in 1760, the date of her fa ther's will, m. a Felton ; *John, bap. July 25, 1708, at the First Church, Salem. Lived in Sutton, Ms., and died previous to 1758j and left one son, *John, whose posterity are proba- bly living in that vicinity; ^Daniel, bap. Nov. 5, 1711iatthe First Church, Salem. Lived in Danvers to an advanced age; ^Ebenezer, bap. May 15, 1715, at the So. Church, Dan- vers, m. Elizabeth Cutler, dau. of Cornelius Cutler ; ^Desire, bap. IVlay 15, 1715, at the So. Church, Danvers : d. previous to 1758 ; m. a Porter, and left children, mentioned in her father's will ; *Sarah, bap. July l-i, 1717, at the So. Church, Danvers ; m. an Andrews, and was living in 1760, the date of her fath- Marv Won<imnn Dec lb, 1741. Children. *EIias m- Mary Dorman uf Wells, Angus 1768; 'George in. Hepsibah Brown Feb 1779; *Dib(irah m. Ja- bez Dorm fin of Arundell, May 1780; *Jon>uhan m. 1st Sarah Tenney. Dec 26, 1782, m. 2d Re- becca S. Emerv Feb- 1784 ; *Samuel m. Hannah Hubbard Dec. 13, 1785. Fifth Generation. *Elias Jacobs lived in Well.". Mc., married Mary Dorman Ansnst 1768. ChiHren, ^Hannah m. James Maxwell; 6Aar"n m. Sarah Stover of York, Feb. 1804; 6John m. Abieail Phillips of York May 1804 ; eObediah ni. Lucretia Liitle- field Sept. 1813 er's Will ; ^Elizabeth, bap. Sept. 27, 1719, at the So. Church, Danvers; m. JT)hn Endicott, May 18. 1738 ; d. Aug. 1809, a. 90: children by Lydia , *IIenry, bap^ May 21, 1721 ; was living in 17GG, per receipt for his portion left him by his father ; no further memorial of him — probably the father of Henry Jacobs, killed at Lexington, April 19, 1775 ; *Lydia, bap. July 25, 1725 ; was living in 17G0, the date oi her father's will ; m. John Small. Fourth Generation. *Daniel Jacobs bap. Nov. 5, 1711, at the Ist Church, Salem. Was a cordwainer by trade in early lifcj then a farmer. Lived in Danvers to an advanced age — residence on tiie Salem boun- dary line in North Fields. Married Sarah Dudley of Boston June 17, 1735. Died in tho family of his son-in-law, Qen'l Gideon Foster, Oct 1809, in his 99th year. The following is an extract from an obituary notice of him : "Mr. Jacobs p-jssessed great vigor in his old age. He was mowing in his field after he pass- ed 90. He had an uncommon cheerfulness of temper, &a relish ol life till its close. His sister who married into the family of Gov. Endicott, died lately, above 90 years of age." One of the descendants of Mr. Jacobs remembers dis- tinctly seeing hiin saddle his horse and ride off like a young man, when he was upwards of 95 years of age. Children — 'Daniel, b. Aug. 22, 1737. Was living in New Hampshire m 1761. where probably his posterity are at present re. . ,. *Sarah & > gemini, b. Aug. 24. 1739; siding ; 6 , ., S*^ • i <• u- • *=" ' Jonathan J no memorial oi him ; 'Benjamin, b. March 24, 1740-1, m. Sarah Moulton ; 'Abigail, b. April 15, 1743, m. Put- nam Cleaves, and had 3 children, *Daniel, a Daughter *Sarah and ^Abigail, who m. Amos King. Daniel removed to Saco, Me. and had children ■'Daniel, ^Sarah, ^Mary, ^aI- mira ; 'Depire, b. Dec. 21, 1746, m. Zachariah King, ch sZiicbariah, *Daniel, ^Anios, *De- sire, ^Eben'r, « Jonathan, *Samuel, ^Mary ; 'Lydia, b. Aug 24, 1743, m. John Tn'-kz-r. ch. 'John, ^Andrew & ^Betsey, gemini, ^Jonathan, «Gideon, «Marcia, «Sam'l D, "Mary , 'Marcia, b. Oct. 6, 1750, m. Gen'l Gideon Foster, ch.j 55 •Gideon, «John, «Murcia, and another *daugh- ter. ^Ebenezer Jacobs, bap. May 15, 1715, at the South Church, Danvers, Lived upon the old homestead, m. Elizabeth Cutler. Died in 1793. Will dated 13th Feb'y. 1790, Proved 13th Nov. 1793, son Eben'r and wire Eliza- beth, Executors. Children — *Ebenezer, 'Abi- gail, *Hannah, ^Elizabeth ; the last three died before their father, and are not mentioned in bis will. Fifth Generation. *Benjamin Jacobs, b. March 4, 1740-1, m. Sarah Moulton about 1770. Lived in South Danvers. Children of Benjamin and Sarah— eSally, b. 1771 : ^Lydia, b 1773 ; sBenjamin, b. July 17, 1775 ; ^Martha, b. 1779. *Ebenezer Jacobs, uncertain when born. Liv- ed in the old Jacobs homestead in Danvers, left him by his father, m. Eunice lucker. Children. 6Ebenezer, b. Feb'y 17, 1783. m. Phebe Mar- tin, of Andover, and had 5 children. ^JohnD, ^Warren Martin, ^Elizabeth Cutler, ^Martha Frye D, ^Martha Martin ; 6 Jonathan, b. 1785, d. 1831, unmarried ; ejohn, b. 1787, d. 1821. unmarried ; e Aaron, b. 1790, never married : * William, b. Sept. 22, 1796, married and had 2 children ; ^Allen, b. Oct. 12, 1800, married Bnd bad 3 wives and several children. Sixth Generation. * Benjamin Jacobs, b. July 17. 1775. Lived in South Danvers. Was a Ship master, til. Sally Poor Jan'y 17, 1802. She died Feb'y 29. 1856. Children— ^Sarah, b. Sept. 19. 1802, d. Oct. 9, 1802 : ^Nancy Poor, b. July 15, 1804, m. Franklin Osborn ; ^Benjamin, b. March 29. 1806, m. two sisters by the name ofButtrick; 7 Joseph, b Feb'y 10, 1808, m. Susan Wilson ; rSarah, b. Aug. 1, 1809, m. P L Winchester ; ^George, b. April 11, 1812, d. May 1857 ; ^Richard, b. Aug. 14, 1813, m Sarah Nourse ; yMary Abbott, b. May 10, 1815, m. R. Smith, d. March 1857; 7 Eliza Ann. b. July 28, 1817, m. E. F. Lamson ; 'Susan Poor, b. April 23, 1819, m. Francis Baker. BRICK BUILDINGS IN SALEM. From the Gazette of February ith, 1806. 3Ir. Cuxhing. — Perhaps the following list of brick baildings in Salem may come within the request of jour correspondent "Caution," who has denired % communication of an J/ /acts connected with the sub- ject, which ho is discussing. I bare made the list with care, and I believe it contains all our brick buildings. The dates placed against some of them are intended to show when they were built or fin- ished. Some of your correspondents, I hope, will correct any errors they may discover in the list. It will be a carious fact in the history of Salem, (which was settled three years betore Boston,) that at the beginning of the year 1806, there were but fifty buildings (out of about 2000, entirely of brick in the whole town. fact. B Ward No. 1. Essex Street, E. S. Lang, " Benj Dodge, '* Henry Rust, Wash'ton St., John Daland, Market St., IJatliorne & Gray, F'uh Street, Samuel Gray, Charter St., Gilbert Chadwick, Vine Street, Jona. Mason, " Nathan Pierce, Water Street, Smith A Douglass, Neptune St., Elipbalet Butman, Union Whf., Page & Ropes, Derby Street, Henry Prince, " Moses Townsend, Ward No. 2. Essex Street, John Gardner, " William Gray, '' Chase & Kust " Jacob P. Rust Court Street, William Steams, Ward No. 3. Essex Street, Wash'ton St., Summer St , Chestnut St., Henry Rust, John Ilathorne, John Appleton, Abel Lawrence, Mrs. Uaraden, Joseph Ropes, Joshua Ward, Joseph Baker, Daniel Gregg, Jonathan Hodges, Thomas Saunders, Chas. Cleveland, Warren St., Ward No. 4. Essex Street, Albert Gray, " Daniel Saunders, " Robert Peele, Federal St., Joseph Spragae, 1803 1805 1805 1805 1805 1 1804 1 1802 1 1805 1805 1769 1772 1805 1805 1805 1805 1805 56 Court Street, John Derby, " Archelaui" Rea, Boston Street, Jonaibau Dean, 1 1 1 26 13 Buildings of other descriptions. — Court Hoise, in Court Street: Baptist iMeeting House, Marlboro St.; Balein Bank, Essex St.; Sujiar House. Ash St.; R. Stone's Distillery, N<>ptune St. ; John Norris's Dis- tillerv, Water St ; Win. Gray's Stable, St. Peter's St.; two workshops of one .'tory, in Derby St.; Fort Pickering on Winter Island; Powder House, in the Great Pasture. Total, 11. Buildings partly of brirk. ^Sun Tavern, Essex St.; Capt. Sage's House, E:?sex St.; Ebenezer Srnit'.., Es- sex St.; .lohn Watson, Union St.; John Bust's, Coun- ty St. ; Widow of Daniel Rust, County St.; Jo-iah Parsons, Water St. ; James Pope's .Marlborough St. ; Kev. Mr. Spaulding's, Summer St ; Wm. Fabons's, High St. ; Stephen Phillips's, Chestnut St.: Richard Savary's, Briggs Court. Total, 12. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF REV. JOSEPH GREEN% REV. PETER CLARK, AND REV. BEN.JAMIN WADSWORTH, D. D., MINIS- TER6 OF SALEM VILLAGE, (NOW DAN- VERS CENTRE. BV SAMUEL r. FOWLER. Eead at a meeting of the Essex Instxtute, Thursday, March 11, 1838. Before entering upon oui- subject, it will be necessary to notice the condition of tbe people at Salem Village, previous to the settlement of Rev. Joseph Green. After the frenzy of 1692 had subsided, and a comparative calm had succeeded this violent storm, its inhaijitants began more fully to re- alize the extent of their misfortunes. During the excitement in the summer of 1692, they were only intent upon endeavoring to save themselves and their friends from imprison- ment and death. But when the witchcraft delusion had subsided, they felt most severely the confiscation of their property, the imposi- tion of fines, and the suspension of agricultu- ral labor, and the conseiiuent loss of their crops. We have documentary evidence of a largii amount of property being taken from those accused of witchcraft, and expenses ir- curred ; fur which they were but partially re- muneratei by the Genoral Court. Their peti- tions for relief disclose their sad condition, and they appear to have been even more de- sirous that the attainders should be taken off, than to receive remuneration for their losses. The following is the petition of Elizabeth Co- rey, d->.ughter of Giles Corey, for aid : — "To the Honourable Commite, apointed by the General Courte to make Enquire with Re- spect to the Sufferings in the year 1692 : — These are to give you a short account of our Sorrows and Sufferings, which was in the year 1692. Sometime in March, our honored fath- er & mother, Giles Corey & Martha his wife, was accused for soposed witchcraft, and im- prisoned & was Removed from one prison to another, as from Salem to Ipswich, & from Ipswich to Boston, and from Boston to Salem again, and so remained in close imprisonment about four months. We ware at the whole charge of their maintenance, which was very chargeable, and so much the more, being so farr a distance *"rora us, also by reason of so many removes, in all which we could doe no less than accompanie them, which further add- ed both to our trouble and charge, and al- though that was very great, it is the least of our grevence or cause of these lines. But that which bleaks our hearts, and for which we goe a mourning still, is that our father was put to Soe Cruell and painfull a death as be- ing prest to death ; our mother was put to Death also, though in another way. As we cannot sufficiently expr«^ss our Grief for the loss of our father & mother in such a way. So we cannot Compute our Expences and Cost ; but shall Comit to your wisdome to judge of. But, after our father's death, the Sheriff threatened te seize our father's Estate, and for fear thereof wee Complied with him, and paid him Eleven pounds six shillings in monie, by all which we have bein greatly damnified and impoverished, by being exposed to sell crea- tures and all other things for a little more than half the worth of them, to get the money to pay as aforesaid, and to maintain our fath- er and mother in prison. But that which is 57 grievous to us is. that we are not only im- poverished but also Reproached, and so may be to all generations, and that wrongfully tew, unless something be done for the remov- ing thereof. All which we humbly Committ to the honoura'-le Jourte, Praying God to di- rect to that which may bee acceptable in his sight, and for the good of this land, September ye 13/A, 1710. We cannot Judge our necessary Expense to be less than Ten pounds. Wee subscribe your humble Servants in all Christian obediance. Elizabeth Corey, daughter of ^JUes Corej, in behalf of the rest of the familie. To the Honerd Commity apointed by the General Court to Inquire into the names prop- er to be inserted in the bill for takeing off the Attainder, and what damages They Sustained by their prosecutions: — These are to signify that [, Philip Englishj was Imprisoned to- gether with my VVhife, in Salem Prison, and then carried to Boston Prison, and there lay nine weeks; from whence we made our Escape, in which time, beside our Charge in flying. and had Qur Estate taken away from the Wharf House, at the point of Kocks, to the amount of £1183 2 shil. And is a true ac- count of what I had seized, taken away, lost and embezled, whilst I was in prison, in ye year 1692. And whilst on my flight for my life, besides a considerable quantity of house- hold go> ids and otiier things, which I cannot exactly give a particular account, and for all which I never Received any other or further satisfaction for them, than Sixty Pounds paid me by the Administrator of George Curwin, late Sheriffe, deceas'd, ard the Estate was so seized and taken away Chiefly by the Sheriffe and his under officers, notwithstanding I had given four thousand Pound B 'nd with Surity at Boston. Philip English. The Honorable Committee now sitting in Salem, Sept. 13th, 1710. Whpreas, my moth- er, Ann Foster of Andover, Suffered Imprison- 15 ment 21 weeks, and upon her Tryall was con- demned for supposed witchcraft, upon such evidence as now is Generally thought Insuffi- cient, and died in Prison ; 1 being well per- swaded of my mother's Innocency of the crime for which she was condemned. I Humbly De- sire that ihe Att:iinder may be taken off. The Charges and Expenses for my mother during her Imprisonment, is as follows : — The money which J was forced to pay the Keeper before I could have the dead body of my mother, to bury her, was £2 lOw ; money & provisions expended while she was in Pris- on, £4; total expences, 6 pounds 10 Shil- lings. Abram Fost^, the son of the Deceased. To the Honored Committee, appointed by ye Generall Court to Inquire into ye names of such *s may bo meet for takeing off ye Attain- der, and for ye makeing some Restitution ; and these Humbly and Sorrowfully Shew that our Dear and Honored father, Mr. George Burroughs, was aprehended in April, 1692, at Wells, and Imprisoned several months in Boston and Salem Jails, and at last condemned & executed for witchcraft, wliich we have aU ye reason in ye world to believe he was inno- cent of. By his careful catechizing his chil- dren and upholding religion in his family, and by his solemn and Savory written Instructions from Prison. We were left a parsell of small children, helpless, andu rr other- in -law with one small child of her own, whereby she was not capable to take care of us, by all which our father 8 Estate was most of it lost and ex- pended. We cannot tell certainly wliat ye loss may be, but ye least we can Judge, by best information, it was fifty pounds, beside ye damage that has accrued to us many ways thereby is some hundred pounds. We ear- nestly pray that ye attainder may be taken off, and if you please, fifty pounds may be res- tored. Charles Burroughs, Elder son, \u ye nanje of the rest. 58 To the Honofed Gi-netall Courte. now sitting in Boston 'this 12th of October, 1692 ; - Right honored Gentlemen and Fathers. — We, your humble petitioners, whose names are underwritten, peiition your honors as fol- loweth : — We would nof trouble you with a Tedious diversion, hut briefly spre.vd open our distressed conditi n, and beg your honors' fa- vour and pity in affording what relief m- y be thought Convenient. As for The matter of our Troubles it is the distressed condition of our wives and Relations in prison at Salem, who are a company of poor, distressed creai- tures, as full of inward grief and Trouble as they are able to b^ar up in life with all. And besides the agrivation of outward Troubles and hardships they undergo, want of food, and the coldness of the winter season that is com- ing, may so jD dispatch snctoutof the way, that have not been used to such hardships.— And besides this, the exceeding great Charges dnd expences that we are at, upon many ac- counts, which will be to Tedious to give a par- ticular accouut of, which will fall heavy upom us, especially in a time of so great charge an(^ elpence upon a geiieral account in the Coun- ty, which is expected oJ us to bear a part as well as others ; which, if put all together, our families & estates will be brought to Ruin, if it cannot in time be prevented. Having spread open our condition, we humbly make our address to your llonourn, to Grant that our wives and Relations, being such that have been approved as penitent confessors, might be returned home to us upon what bond your honors may see good, we do not petition to take them out ot the hand of Justic^, but to remove them as Prisoners under bonds in their own families when they maly be more tenderly cared for, and be ready to appear tc onsWer further when the Honored Court shall call for them. We humbly cave your honors favor and pitty lor us and our^ Having set down our Troubled State before you we heartily pray for your Honors. John Osgood in behalf of bia wife. John Fry in behalf of his wife. Jo5in Marston, in behalf ol his wife. Ma- ry Marston. Christopher Osgood, in behalf of his daugh- ter, Mary Marston. Joseph Wilson, in behalf of his wife. John Bridges, in behalf of his wife and children. Hope Tyle*, in behalf of bis wife and daugh- ter. Ebenezor Barker, for his wife. Nathaniel Dane, for his wife. To the Honored General Court sitting in Bos- ton. The humble Petition of Thomas Heart, In- habitant at Lynn, sheweth that whereas Eliza- beth Hart, mother to the Petitioner, was tak- en into Custody in the latter end of May last, and ever since committed to prison in Boston Jail, for Witchcraft, though in all which time nothing has appeared against her where- by to reuder her deserving of Imprisonment or death. The petitioner being obliged by all Christian duty as becomes a child to parents to make application for the Inlargement of hia Haid mother, being ancient and not able to un- dergo the hardsiiips that is iLflicted from ly- ing in misery, and death is rather to be chosen than life in her circumstances. The father of the petitioner being ancient and decripit, was wholly unable to attend in this matter, and petitioner having lived from his childhood un- der the same roof with his said mother he dare presume to affirm that he never saw, nor knew, any ill or sinful practice wherein there was any shew of Impiety, nor witchcraft by her, and were it otherwise he would not for the world, and all the Enjoyments thereof, Nurish or support any creature that ye knew engaged in the Drugery of Satan. It is well known to all the neighbours that the petitioners mother has Lived a sober and Godly life always ready to discharge the part of a good Christian, and never deserving of affliction's from ye hand's of men fur any thing ot this nature. May it 59 hum My therefore please your Honored Court to take this mutter into your Coneideration. in order to the Speedy Inlurgement of this per- ■on. So much abused, and the petioner as in Duty bound shall Ever pray. Thomas Hart. Dated the 19th of Oct. 1G92. To the Honourable General Court now sitting in Boston. Th-^ Humble Petition of Nicholas Rist of Beading — Showeth, that whereas Sara Kist wife to the petitioner, was taken into Custo- dy the first day of June last, and ever since lain in Boston J:iil, for wiiclicraft, though in all this time nothing has been made to appear for which she deserved Imprisonment or death, the petitioner has been a husband to the said woman above twenty years, in all which time he never had reason to accuse her for any Im- posture or Witchcraft, but the contrary — She lived'witb him as a good faithful, dutiful wife and always had respect to the ordinances of God. while her strength remained, and the pe- titioner on that cont>ideration is obliged in conscience and Justice, to use all lawful! means for the support and preservation of her life ; and it is deplorable that in old age. the poor decreped woman should be under confine- ment so long ic a stinking Jail, when her cir- cumstances rather requires a nurse to attetid her. May it therefore please your honors, to take this matter into your prudent considera- tion, and direct some speedy methods whereby this ancient decrepid person may not forever be in such misery, wherein her life is made more afflictive to her than death, and the peti- tioner shall, OS in duty bound. Ever pray. Nicholas Kist. To the Honourable Committee, Bitting in Sa- lem, Sept. 13th. 1710. An account of what was seized and taken a- •way. by the Sheriff, or his deputy, and assis- tants, out ot the Estate of Samuel Wardwell, late of Andover, Deceased, who suffered the pain of Death, under condemnation on the Borrowfull tryals for witchcraft, in the year 1692. Seized and taken away :•*- £ Shil. d, 5 Cows, at 2 pounds apiece, - 10 0 U 1 Heifer and a Yearling, - - 2 5 9 1 Horse. --.-300 9 Hogs, 7 0 0 8 Loads Hay, .... 4 .0 0 A set of Carpenter's Tools, - - 1 10 0 6 agres of Corn upon the ground, 9 0 0 £ 36 15 0 Abigail Faulkner, of Andover, who received a pardon from Governor Phipjis, in her peti- tion, says: ' 'The pardon so far had its effect as that I am as yet suffered to live, but this only as a malefactor, convicted upon record of ye most beinious crimes, that mankind can bo supposed to be guilty, which, besides its utter Ruining and Defaming my Reputation, will certainly Expose myself to Imment Danger hj new accusations, which will thereby be ye more readily believed, will remain a perpetual brand of Infamy upon my family. Do hum- bly pray that this High & honourable Court will please to take my case into Serious Con- sideration. and order the Defacing of ye rec- ord against me, so that I may be freed from ye evil consequences Thereof." Others petition- ed that something might be done, to take off the infamy from the names and memory of those, who have suffered from witchcraft, and that none ot their surviving relatives, nor their posterity might suffer reproach upon that ac- count. But how little do we know of the es- timation posterity will form of our actions.— The ignominy they so much dreaded, has long since passed from them, without the much •ought intervention of the General Court, and fastened itself upon their accusers, and the originators of this strange delusion. The people of Salem Village, after the sad occur- rences of 1692, which left them in a broken and distracted state, were fortunate in their choice of a pastor, Rev, Joseph Green, who was em- inently qualified to heal all past difficulties, and restore order &. harmony. Mr. Green wap 60 ordained over the Church ut the Villu^e, Nov. 10th, 1698. The churches represented upon the occasion, were from Beverly, Wenham, Keading & Roxhury. Hia salary was eighty pounds, & thirty cords of wood It appears from the church records, that he took an early opportunity to induce its members to admit to their communion the three dissenting brethren, John Tarbell, Thomas Wilkins & Samuel Nourse, and their wives, who were leaders in the opposition against Rev. Samuel Parrie, in 1692. After several attempts, Mr. Green suc- ceeded in persuading his church to revoke the oentcnce of excommunication against Martha Corey, who was executed for witchcraft. — And it was during his ministry, that Ann Put- nam was admitted to full communion with the church, upon her humble confession. Ann apologises for her conduct, by disclaim- ing the indulgence of anger, malice, or ill will aguini^t those she Accused, and says she was deluded by Satan, in her false accusatione. — And it is a singular fact, worth remembering, as an exhibition of human nature, that ail those, who were in any way connected with wix'licraft at "lalem Village, after the excite- ment had subsided, excused themselves for their participation in its tollies, by casting the ■whole blame upon the devil, and asserting thry \rere wholly unable to withstand his delusions. Mr, Green was called from his labors at Sa- lem Village, by death, Nov. 26, 1715, in the fortieth year ol his age. He graduated at Cambridge College, in 1695, & married Eliza beth, daughter of Mr. Gerrish, of Wenham. He baptised during his ministry of 18 years, 106 adults, and 528 children. During his residence at the Village, the half way cove- nant was introduced. Mr, Green was an emi- nent peace maker, and labored to remove the many difficulties in hia church, which arose in Mr. Parris's ministry, and happily succeed jd. He appears to have been hignly esteemed bjr all who knew him, and his removal by death was sincerely lamented. He was buried in the Wadsworth burial ground, in Danvers, where a slab of black elate was erected at the bead of his grave, now m a good state of pres- ervation, with the following inscription : — Sub Hoc Cae-pc, Requiescunt, in spe Beatae Resurectionis, Reliquiae Revertndi D. Joseph Green, A. M., Uujuace Ecclesiae Per XVIII Annorum Fere Spatium, Pastoris Vigiiantissinii, Viri Sempiteriia memoria Tenendi, Turn Gravitate Doctrinae Tum Suavitate mo- rum, Qui Decessit ex hie aerumnosa vita sexto Caiendas Decembres Anno Domini MDCCXV, Impleverat jam annum quadragessimum.* The following notice of his death is to be seen in the church wcords. in the hand writing of Dea. Edward Putnam : — "Then was the choicest flower and goodliest tree in the garden of our God, here cut down in its prime and flourishing state, at the age of 40 years and 21 days; who had been a faithful embassador fiom God to us, 18 years. Then did that bright star set, and never more to appear here among us, then did our sun go down, and novr what darkness is come among us. Put away and pardon all our iniquities, oh ! Lord, which has been the cause of thy sore displeasure, and again return to us in mercy, and provide yet again for tins thy fl-ick, a Paf^tor alter thine own heart, as thou hast promised in thy word, in which promise we here hope, lor we are call* ed by thy name, oh, Leave us not.'' A meeting of the Village Church, was held at the house of Dea. Putnam, the 19th of April, *TRAN8LATI0If. Under this sod, Lie in hope of a happy resurrection. The remains ot the Reverend deceased Joseph Green, A. M., Of this church for nearly the period of eighteen years, A most vigilant Pastor, A man to be held iu perpetual remembrance, Both for seriousness of diseo«rse and agreeableness of mannors, Who departed from a laborious life in this place on the Gth day Of the calends of December in the year of the Lord, 1715, He had just completed his fortieth year. 61 1717, for the purpose of looking to God for di- rection in settling a minster. The church vot- ed, that Capt. Putnam, Deacon Putnam, and Mr. Cheever, be a Committee to present their de- sires to the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark, and request bim to settle with them in the ministry, and make a report to the church in due time. Mr. Clark made answer to the call of the church as follows ; — April 23d. 1717- To the church of Christ, at Salem Village. My answer to your request, brethren and friendf, duly renpected in the Lord, I thankful- ly received this testimony of your love, and res- pect towafds me; in calling me, tho' little wor thy in my sel', to the oflSce of a Pastor, among you, wherefore I do hereby testify ray accep- tance, and shall according to the grace and a bility given me of God. be willing to serve YOU in the oflSce and work of the gospel min- istry, as God shall continue my opportunity and call, hereunto desiring your prayers to God for me. Peter Clark. Mr. Clark was ordained June 5th, 1717. — The churches present at the ordination, were from Beverly, Wenham, Reading & Topsfield. He was to receive 90 pounds as his settlement, a salary of 90 pounds per annum, and the parsonage. Mr. Clark thuri notices the great earthquake in his church records, Nov. 29th, 1727. "Being Lords day, at night, between 10 & 11 o'clock, there happened a very great earthquake, accompanied witli a terrible noise and shaking, which was greatly surprising to ye whole land, ye rumbling in ye bowels of the earth, with some lesser trepidation of the earth, has been repeated at certain times, for divers weeks after.'* On the 26th of Nov. 1729, 24 members of the village church were dismissed to help form the church in Middle- too, gathered under the ministry of their first Pastor, Rev. Andrew Peters. A little more than half a century had now elapsed, since the fatal delusion of witchcraft had broken out at Salem Village, and it is probable there vrere some aged members of the oburcb, who 16 remembered that sad event, and had ever been vigilant and careful to repress any approach towards divination, or the supposed practices of witches. Mr. Clark may have entertained the notion held by Dr. William Douglas, the author of the '^Historical Summary,*' that witchcraft, enthusiasm and other maniac dis- orders, was endemial in Salem and its neigh- borhood and being like its weeds, indigenous to its soil, required a Pastor's watch and care to notice their first appearance and root them out. But we have no evidence that such was his belief; he properly entertained a convic- tion, that divin>uion, invoking the dead or spiritualism, witchcraft and diabolism, and their kindred arts should not be practised in a Christian Church. There being reports that reputed witches were in the village, and were practising their arts by divination &c., and that members of the parish were consulting them, Mr. Clark immediately called together the church on the 5th of Sept. 1746, to make enquiry into the matter, and the following votes were passtd at the meeting, let That for chriiitians, especially church members, to seek to and consult reputed witches, or fortune tellers, this church is clearly of the opinion and firmly believes, on ye testimony of ye word of God, is highly injurious and scanda- lous, being a violation of the christian cove- uant involved in baptism, rendering ye persons guilty of it, subject to ye just censure of ye church No proof appearing against any mem- ber of ye church (some of whom had been strongly suspected of this crime) so as to con- vict them of their being guilty, it was further voted, 2nd, That ye pastor in ye name of ye church, should publicly testify their disappro- bation and abhorrence of this infamous and ungodly practice of consulting witches or for- tune letters, or any that are reputed such, exhorting all under their watch, who may be guilty of it, to an hearty repentance and re- turning to God, fervently seeking forgiveness in ye blood of Christ, and warning all against ye like practice for ye time to come. 62 The next Sabbath, Sept. 7th, this testimony, exhortation and warning was publicly read to the congregation iroui the pulpit by the pas- tor. Tiiese old women, who so troubled Mr. Clark in 1746 were the last witches (we mean diabolical onei») seen at Salem Village. Yonng and elderly ladies still continue however to meet there, as in olden traie, in circles and classes, and it is Supposed they have not lost any of their bewitching artfr, but fortunately they are not exercieed in the same way as in 16^. The last record made by Mr. Clark in the churol) book was Nov. 8th, 1767, at which time his health failed, and he was compelled to forego the labors of the pulpit. He contin- ued to decline during the early part of the season of 1768, frequently attempting to preach, and olten failing. The last t'ime he appeared before his people, he faltered in the service^ and leaned against the pulpit, which one of iii*t deacons noticing, he went to Lis assistance, and led him home. His death oc- curred soon after June 10th, 1768, and is thus noticed by Dea. Asa Putnam in the records, "Now it has pleased God in his holy Provi dence, to take away from us our dear and Rev. Pastor by death, Mr. Peter Clark, who de parted this life, June ye lOth, 1768, in ye 76 year of his age, and on ye 15th day was his funeral. It was attended with great solemni- ty; his corpse was carried into the meeting- house, and prayer was made by ye Rev. Mr, Diman of Salem. A sermon was delivered by Rev. Mr B.irnarJ of S.ilena, from Gal. 3 chap 11 verse. It was th^en removed to the grave, with the church walking before the corpse as- sisted by twelve bearers, with a great con- course of people following. After his inter- ment we left his deceased body in ye dust, for "worpis to feed upon, which we took so much delight and satisfaction in. He is gone, who has been so faithful in ye ministry among this people, the number of fifty one years — Now he is gone, never to sec his face no more in this world, no more to hear the precious instruc- tions, and examples out of bis mouth in pub- lic, or in private. That je God of all grace woul^l be pleased to sanctify this great be- reavemeni to this church and congregation for good, and in his own due time give us another Pastor after his own heart, to feed this people with truth, knowledge and understanding that this church may not be left like sheep with- out a shepherd. But of these things he will be enquired of, O house of Israel to do it for them.'* Mr. Clark, during his ministry of 51 years, baptised 46 adults, 1,226 children and admitted 309 persons into his church. He was buried in the Wadsworth burying ground in Danvers, with the following inscription up- on his^ravo stone: "Here lies Intombed the remains of the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark, for about 51 years the pain- ful, laborious, and faithful pastor of the first Church in this town. He was a great Divine; an accomplished Christian, in whose character ye most exemplary patience, humility and meekness. Were illustriously displayed. He was born March l^th, 1693, Graduated at Harvard College in Cambridge 1712, ordained pastor of ye church in this town, June 5th, 1717. He lived much esteemed and respected, and after a long life spent in ye service of re- ligion. He died much lamented June lOtb, 1768, .^tatis 76. Wrapt in his arms, wlio lied on Calvary's plain. We murmur not Blest shade, nor dare coinplaine; Fled to those seats *here perfect Spirits Shine, We mourn our lot, yet still rejoice 'n thine; Taught by tby tongue, By thy example led, We Blessed thee living, and revere thee Dead. Sleep here tby Dust, till the Last Trump shall Soand, Iben sbalt thou rise, and be with perfect Glory Crown'd." Mr. Barnard, in his funeral sermon, observes that Mr. Clark was well acquainted with an- cient & modern learning, his style pure, ner- vous & clear, cool or pathetic, as his subject required; and by means of his conversing much with the best modern authors, more ele- gant & pleasing to the politer world than most of his equals in age. His printed works are somewhat numerous upon many public occa- 6-3 sions, he being the most voluminous •writer that ever lived in Danvers. Mr. Clark preach- ed the Artillery Election Sermon in 1736, Con- vention Sermon in 1745, Dudleian Sermon in 1763, & the Eleciion Sermon in 1739. I have in my possession two sermons preached by him, the firttt to a society of young men in the North Parish in Di'.nvers, Dec. 15th 1757 ; the second, a sermon from Psal. 119, 109th verse, containing "A word in S-^ason to Sol- diers, preached .April 6th, 1755 being Lcrd^s Day before muster of a number of Soldiers in the North Parish in Danvers, who had enlisted in the public service of the King and Country. in the intended Eastern expedition." Most oi the recruits put up notes on the occasion, re- questing prayers of the congregation. So-re of them r. quested that "God would preserve them, especially from sin, and some of them ad ded, the "worst of evils." .Mr. Clark was fond of controversy, and wrote several books in de- fence ot original sin, and in favor of infant baptism. After his death, the people in the North Parish in Danvers, invited Mr. Amos Sawyer to settle with them in the ministfy, who acC'-pted the invitation, but died before the time appointed for his Ordination. An in- Titation was then extended to Mr. Joseph Cur- rier to become their Pastor, but in consequence of some difiBculties arising in the Parish, h« gave his answer in the negative. On the 30th of August, 1772, the church voted to give the Rev. Benjivniin Wadsworth a call, who re- turned the following answer : To the North chut-ch & corigregation in Dan-- vers. Dear'ybeloved in Ohrist : — Whereas, the great Governor of the Uni- verse has. in his wise Providence, (some time since.) removed your former Revereni*. wor- thy and "very laborious pastor, into the land ofBilence ; and your desire for the resettlement ^the Gospel ministry has evidenced itself in yoar invitation of me (unwoithy as I am,) to that important work ; tho' it must be con- fessed the voice of all the people did not unite in the call, yet as the answer has been deferred for -a coHsidarable time, the practical language of your offering no objection to me, I can't but suppose speaks your general concurrence. Afture mature deliberation, and many anxious thoughts upon a matter of so great conse- quence, both to yourselves and me, having been importunate with God for direction, and sought the advice of men, I have concluded to accept of your invitation upon the terms pro- posed, humbly confiding in ihe great head of the church for assistance faithfully to discharge the duty incumbent upon a minister of the Gospel, and in your goodness for a comforta- ble subsistence, if what you have already pro- posed for that end should p.ove insufficient' And a^ your earnest prayers for me, that a divine blessing may attend all my ministerial labors, and that I may obtain grace to be faithful, and mercy to be successful, heartily wishing that grace, mercy and peace may be the stability of our times. Thus I subscribe myself your affectionate friend & servant in the Lord. Benjamin Wadsworth. Milton, Nov. 5th, 1772. Mr. Wadswor h was ordained Dec. 23, 1772, and the following persons were present : Dr. Appl'^ton from Cambridge, Mr. Robbing from Milton, Mr. Morrell from Wilmington, Mr. Dunbar from Stoughton, Mr. Williams from Weymouth, Mr. Diman from Salem, Mc. Holt from South Danver.-*. Mr. Smith .''rom Middleton, Mr. Stone from Reading, Mr. Swain from Wenham, and Mr. Sherman from Woburn. The records of the chorch inform us "that Mr. Holt opened the solemnities by prayer ; Mr. Robbins preached from Eph. 2d 17th. Mt. Morrill prayed and gave the charge, and Mr. Smith gave the right hand of fellowship. AH the services was carried on with order and decency. May heaven smile up- on the services of the day." I have been in- formed by aged people, who were present at the ordination, that the dHy was so mild and pleasant, tlie windows of the church were raised. It was a scene of great festivity throughout the parish ; all the houses were open, and these failing to accomtoodate th« concourse of people^ tents Trere erected in tiit 64 fields opposite the meeting house for tht-ir use. Mr. Wadsworth, at the time of his ordination, was 22 years of age. The nnmber of male members belonging to the church at the com- mencement of his niinis:,ry, was 45 ; females, 91. Nov. 3d, 1775 —The church voted to sing out of Dr. Watts's hymns on trial for 8 weeks. On Monday, Sept. 23d, 1805, the so- ciety met with a severe loss, their meeting- house being destroyed by fire. It was discov- ered about 4 o'clock in the morning, & was supposed to be the work of an incendiary. — The following Sabbath the society worshipped in the school house in District No 5, where a sermon was preached by Mr. Wadsworth, from Isaiah, 64th chap. 11th verse. Dec. 26th was observed by the society as a day of humiliation, lasting and prayer, on account of the loss of their meeting house. The church met to consult on measures for supplying the sacramental table with suitable furniture. — The set of table service in the house at the time of the firs, consisted of two flagons & two tankards of pewter, and eight silver cups, val ued about 30 dollars each. They were pre- sented to the church by different individuals, and as the silver was not found after the fire, it was supposed they were taken by a sacri- legious hand. The .Pari.<h held a meeting Oct. 4th, for the purpose of seeing what action they would take in regard to building a new meeting house.—- They voted unanimously to rebuild, and on the 2d of November contracted with Col. Eb- enezer G..odale to build a brick house for the sum of $10,000, to be completed by the 1st of Sept., 1806. On the 21st day of May, 180G, the buildi'ig was commenced. On Thursday, the 20th of November following, on a fine, pleas- ant day, the new brick meeting house was dedicated. Public worship was first held in the house Nov. 23. 1806, and on Monday, the 8th of D*icember following, the pews were sold. Mr. Wadsworth was honored with the degree of Doctor of Divinity from Harvard College in 1816. July 18th, 1819, the scriptures were first read in puijlic. The last record in the church book made by Dr. Wadsworth, was July 18th, 1824. His sickness and death are thus recorded by Eleazer Putnam, Esq : — "Rev. Dr. Wad worth deceased the 18th of January. A. D , 1826, after a severe illness of ten months. He retained his reason to the last moments of his life. He has enjoyed a long and peaceful ministry among us His funeral was attended the 23d inst., by a large concourse of people, and the services were sol- emn and appropriate. Kev. Mr. Green ad- dressed the throne of Grace, Rev. Mr. Dana preached the sermon, and the Rev Dr. Woods made the last prayer. "Bles>ed .are the dead who die in the Lord." He lias buried in the Wadsworth burial ground in Danvcrs, and the following inscription may be seen over his re- mains : Consecrated to the memory of Btnja- min Wadsworth, D. D., a tender, iaitlilul husband and ftxther, a valuable Iriend and ju- dicious counsellor, an exemplary christian, and distinguished public servant of the Prince of Peace, who entered into his rest Jan 18th, A. D , 1826, in the 76th year of his age, and 54th of his ministry in this place. " Tis great to pause and think on what a brighter world than thia his spirit shines. " Near his grftve lies buried his colored ser- vant, who lived many years in his family. — Dr. Wadsworth erected over her remains a stone, on which is to be seen the following in- scription : In memory of Phebe Lewis, who died Jan. 10th, 1823, aged 49 years. She shone a hiight example of integrity and fidel- ity, and proved an ornament to the christian profession. Benj. Wadsworth was born in Milton, Mass, July 18, 1750, and graduated at Harvard Col- lege in 1769. The year succeeding his gradu- ation, he was engaged in teaching a school ; after which he resided at Cambridge, and pur- sued the study of Theology, under the direc- tion of Professor Wigglesworth, and in the spring of 1772, was licensed to preach. On the 23d of December following, he accepted 65 the pastoral charge of the First Church in Dan vers. Enjojing vigorous health, he con- tinued to labor without interruption, until the I last year of his life. He was never detained • from his pulpit, during his ministry more than j four or five sabbaths. The whole number of persons admitted into the church during Dr. Wadsworth s pastorate of 54 years, were 260. He baptized 810 children, and 86 adults. At the period of hii death, there was not a male member of his church living, that belonged to it when he was ordained, and only two fe- males. The following is a list of his publica- tions : — A Sermon at the ordinatnn of Rev. Josiah Badcock,at Andover, N. II , Ajril 30th, 1782. A Thanksgiving Serm>n in 1795. A Thanks- giving Sermon in 1796. Eulogy on Washing- ton in 1800. A Sermon at the dedication of the Brick Meeting House, Nov. 20th, 1806.— A Sermon before the Bible Society, of Salem, and its vicinity, in 1815. An Address before the Moriil Society, in Danvers, for the sup- pression of Intemperance, in 1815. A Ser- mon at the installation of Rev. Moses Dow, in 1815. A Sermon at the Brick Meeting Hnuse, Nov. 7th. 1816. before the Female Cent Socie- ty, in Danvers and Middleton, A Sermon at the interment of the Hon. i^amuel Holten, in 1816. A Discourse on the death of Dr. M.-i- nasseh Cutler, July 28, 1823. A Sermon preached upon the death of Benjamin Heze- kiah Flint, and Bethiah Sheldon, Nov. 19th, 1820. Dr. Wadsworth was not. like his predecess- or, the Rev. Peter Clark, lond of controversial writing, but on the contrary sought and ob- tained a peaceful ministry, undisturbed by the changes taking place around him. Mr. Clark, as a controversialist always had his lance in its rest, and was ever ready to shiver it with any one, who ch'jse to encounter him. The sala- ry of Doct. Wadsworth was small, never ex- ceeding $400 per annum, and would have giv- en him a meagre support, had it not been for his frugal habits, and the income fiom prop- 17 erfy acquired by marriage. He appears to have fully understood that his salary was not what it should have been, as in signing his re- ceipts for money received from the parish treasurer, he sometimes added, "a very inade- quate support." As several of his parinhoners were sea-faring men, he was in the habit of making adventures at sea, and not being charged for freight or commissiim it was a small source of income to him. Our recollec- tion of him is that of a gentleman of the old school, dressed in black velvet small clothes, with silk stockings, and \ hite topped boots. — He wore bands in the pulpit, and black silk gloves, with the ends of the thumb and fore finger cut ofif, the better to enable him to turn over the leaves of his sermon. He was in the habit of bowing to the old men, aud his most distinguished parishoners, as he passed up the broad aisle, first on the one side and then on the other. Although in the pulpit, the tone of his voice was low and monotonous, and he was clos-ely confined to his notes, yet he pos- sessed by nature, superior powers cf mind. — His written productions always evinced a sound and dit>criminating judgment, a vivid imagination, and a correct and refined taste. He rever presented religion in a harsh or un- pleasant manner; but by letting its native at- tractions, sliine through the medium of a rich and elevated style, he sought to inspire every heart with love to its author. He had a deep solicitude for the welfare of the rising genera- tion, and would often call together the chil- dren and youth in his parish, and with the most afiectionate tenderness intreat them to re-^ member their Creator, in the morning of life. His private character was distinguished by a combination of various excelleuves. Hie equa- nimity of temper was remarkable. Temper- ance and prudence combined, with the most refined afiability and benevolence, rendered him an example of personal and social excel- lence. The calm serenity of mind, which he manifested, under every dispensation of Provi- dence, was not the result of iijsensibilit^ ; fop 66 lie hdd a heatt feelingly alive to all the tender sympathies of our nature. Dr Milton P Braman, the successor of Dr. Wadsworth, in the ministry of the first parish in Danvers, was ordained April 12, 1626. The ^mstoratt'S of the three last ministers of this ancient church, embraces a period of 138 yearn, and is probably wichout a parallel in New £ngland. OLD SCRAPS. SEItBRAL COURT IN SALEM IN 1774. Messrs. Editors. — I send you a copy of a document in my possession, which may be read with some in- terest. This paper is in the handwriting of Col Timo. Pickering. B. "Expenoes of fitting the Town House in Salem, to accommodate the House of Representatives, June, 1774: — £ 8 d Benja. Pickman, Esq., for boards, - 2 14 9 Josiah tii>uld, for Carpenter's work, - 1 6 4 Benj. Ward 3d. ditto <t Joists, 19 1 James Andrew, Carpenter's Work, - 16 4 Tbos. lirown, ditto - - -18 0 "Willm. Pickman's acct. for Nails - - 1 0 3 James Gould, lor Carpenter's Work, - 1 13 10 10 16 7 To the honorable House of Representatives of the proviuce of Massachusetts Bay: May it please your Honours. — We received a letter from the Secretary, acquainting Us that his Excel- lency the Governor had directed him to desire us to make provision for the accommodation of the two Houses; in consequence of which we ordered seats to be made iu the Town House, where your Honours now sit; and the foregoing account shows the ex- pences incurred thereby. Many other expences for cleansing and repairing, we have omitted; and noth- ing is included in the foregoing account but the charges necessarily occasioned in erecting those Seats. We pray yonr Honours' allowance of that account, and an order on the Treasurer for tbe amount there- Titho. Pickering, JUn., 1 IVm. Pickman, 1 Willm. Northey, \ Rich'd Ward. J Selectmen of Salem. SAli'L BROWME — MBRCHANT IN SALt:U — HIS 1M.STKDC- TIONS TO CAPT. JOHN TOUZELL— VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. Salbm, New England, Decem'r 19, 1727. Mr. John. Touzell — "You are hereby appointed Master of my Sloop Endeavour, and being Leaden A supplyed with what is needful for your voyage, you are therefore to take ye first good opportunity of wind <fc weather, & come to Sail with sail vessell, di- recting your course and making the best of your way for the West Indies; and you may Touch at Barbados, St. Christopher's, or Antegoa or Jamaica, ai.d if any good marketts att any of those Places, then you may dispose of my Cargoe I consign you by Bill of Loading & Invoice herewith given you, to my best advantage, & Purchase a Loading of good MoUasses, Som<? Rum, good Cotton wool, good Cocoa Nutts & good Indigo, and any other thing you may bring here with Safety, that will turn to advantage, or, if the markets are Low at ye English I.-tlands, then you may goe & Trade at Gruardelupe, Cape Fran- cois, or any of the french Islands, where you Can gett Permition to Trade, & with Safety, and bring my Effdctd as afforesaid. If you should Trade at Martinico, Gett of Mr. Barbolton the_ Eifucts of my Sloop's Cargo Left iu his hands, of tlie Last Voyage in good Mollasses. Imploy your Conpers Diligently in making Cas-k for your Mullasses which you pur- chase for me, make what Dispatch you Can back to New England to me. Leave no debts on my account. If possible to avoid itt, Butt Bring the whole Pro- ceeds of my Cargoe in ?iuch goods as I have men- tioned, be Careful to pay your Port Charges, and not to bring anything Home to endang r a Seizure of my Vessell. Take Care that yourself, Mate & Seamen Pay their Proportion of the charge of Per mition To Trade at the French Islands, if you Should go & Trade there; lor it is Butt Reasonable that they Should Pay their Part who Reap Equall advantage with me according to their Ptir'^s, and Suffer nothing to be brought in the Vessell more than their Privi* leidge, without Paying freight. Consult my Inter- est, & make Dispatch in ray Buissiness, & use the greatest Prudence, Diligence & good Husbandry you Can in all my affairs, and Endeavour to make me a ^ood Voyage, advise me of your Proceedings pr Eve ry opportunity. So wishing you a Prosperous voy- age, Comitt you to the Protection of Almighty God, I am Yr Freind & Imployer, Sam'll Browne. Bring Some Oranges & Limes. NOTICE TO PROPRIETORS OF BEVERLY BRIDGE IN 1788. «Xo .You, being one of the Proprietors of 67 £s$ex Bri'lge, and owning four shares, are hereby notified that a meeting of the Directors of said Bridgp, held at Leech's tavern in Ueverly, on Satur* daj the seventh day of June instant, they asset^sed on each share the sum of tircnty dollars: and that the sQui due from you is eighty dollars; which sum must be paid in fifteen days after this no'ice, other- wise your said shares will be sold at publick vendue, agreeably to the rules and regulutions of the said Proprieto"^. Dated at Beverly this ninth day of June, 1788. Your humble Servant, \\m. Presoott, Propr.'s Clerk. N. B. Payme'Dts must be made in Gold and Silver pr order of Directors." The above notice is filled out and signed by Judge Prcscott, Father of tbo Historian. Richard Weight, Aged about 55 years, being sworne, saith: That he being preasent, standing with Mr. Rich- ard Margerum, neare to the Castle Tavern, he beard the said Margerum say that Mr. Browne kept a false booke and he would prove it soe. John Bushnell, Aged about 40 years, saith: That be was standing by at the same time and heard Mr. Margerum sp<jak the sarse words above mentioned and ffu'ther these Deponents saitb not. — These words were spoken in the open Sireett. 3worne b»fure me tLe 20th of the 4th month 1635. Jo*. Endecott, Qou'r. Salev, March the 13th, 1743. llien Rec'd of Phillip English, Ten pounds In Bills of Crt., of the ould Tennor, In part of his Sub- crition /or the North River Bridge. £10 Os Od. pr Sam'll West. SOME RE.MARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SA- LEM FROM 1026 TO 1740— WITH A SKETCH OF PHILIP ENGLISH— A MERCHANT IN SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4. BT GEORGE X. CBEYER. The Trade or Commerce of Salem most prob- ably dates back to, or even prior to the settle- ment of the Place. Adventurers to this West- ern Coasit after lieh and furs, may have traded with the Naumkeugs, ere Cunant and his asso- ciates settled here. From what remains of Go5no/(/'5 Observations in New England, the Indians by Cape Cod were not unacquainted with trade, and this is in 1602— twentv -four years before Salem is vi^*ited by Conant ! It would seem as if *Conant and the planters might have been en^aj^ed in trade with the na- tives or others, because the planting of tobas- co by these old settlers gave great offence to the second comers (the Puiitans of 1628). the lat- ter maintaining according lo the orders of the Home Company that its culture was immoral, unless for medicinal purposes. Now, the cul- tivation must have been greater^ of course, than was considered necessary fur medicine, and the surplus was for trade. Such, at least, is a fair inference. The second comers, (the Puritans of 1628- 30) were not at first very zealous for trade. — The old planters, being of the moderate Epis- copalian stamp, and ot the Cape Ana settle- ment, were most probably in favor of it ; biit they possessed but little power, being soon swallowed up in the Puritan emigration. The f Puritans (second comers) though regarded by *To judge from the testimony of Bracktnbury , Dix- ty, and Woodhrry (Salem Records, Registry of Deeds, vol. 5, pages 105 to 7) the early Planters were on the best terms with the native Indians in Salem, and thus had the opportunity of trading with them; and the Cape Ann Settlement had boats, which were doubtless used for fishing, and very probably trading, along the coast. As that settlement was originally intended as a planting, trading and fish- ing one, it is most likely that fish and furs were both sought from Sulem, as from the vicinity — the search for both these articles being then common to adventurers to this Western Coast. fThe early settlers of Salem (1628-30) seem to come hither as non-conformists, or at least with that reputation. They soon however became congrega- tional sepatatists, as were the Plymouth Colonists be- fore them. The term Puritan seems in that day to have been applied more particularly to tht se wLo sought to purify the national church. The Ply- mouth Colonists however even before their departure from Europe were called Browhists, that is separa- tists from the national church — and though denying that particular name,were in fact Congregationalisti . 68 the Home Company probably as in eymjiathy with the first settlers of Siilem in their relig- ious views, seem either to have sympathized practically witn the Plymouth settlers ere they (the Puritans) came to Salem, or else changed their views very shortly after arrival. Some of them were evidently non-conformists at first. At all events their religious views assumed in Massachusetts a direct hostility to Episcopacy, and modifit^d all their civil views. Once here, and independence both of the Church and State of England comtnences. Indeed, the Puritans cut adrift from about all authority, except the Bible, and the pauses for it are partly to be found in their spiritual proclivities, and partly in the condition in which they found them- Belves on arrival. The Home Company, in- deed, had given them instructions how to act, and expected a compliance therewith, but some ot these instructions perhaps could not well be heeded, and some others were disregarded. — The Home Company were expecting prompt commercial returns and the Colonists wen' struggling for existence. The sudden liberty, too, which hero greeted the Puritan, helped to break his ties to the Old Country. He shonld here realize, he thought, his enthusiastic dream — religious independence— and he allowed noth- ing to interfere with it. Trade was considered as of trifling consequence in the comparison. — So dominant was this faith and view, that it led the Puritans to do things which seriously embarrassed their al.ies in the Home Company, more particularly after the transfer of the Pa- tent and Government here in 1630. It is much to be doubted moreover, whether the substan- tial Home •helpers of our Mass. Colony ever The latter had been watched very narrowly by the Ecclesiastical tyranny at home, which suspected thera from the first of separating entirely from the Church of England. This they had done, it appears, even before they left England for Europe. The Plymouth Church (congregational) must be regard- ed thrrefore as the Parent Church of Massachusetts — the seed of our Congregational system. ♦Cradook, the first home Governor of the Company, and who was. a very just, liberal and no ble man — with were repaid the debts incurred in their efiForta to colonize. The contrary seems to have been the case, while the expulsion of the Browns — the punishment of Ratclifi" — the sectarian law of f Freemanship, and the reported Judaistic tendency of some of the colonial legislation — all these reacted to the prejudice of the Home Company — paral zed them in fact — strength- ened the enemies of the Puritans in England — came near costing them their charter in 1638, and finally, recoiled upou themselves, perhaps, under the arbitrary James. The existence of Etrong attachments to the church and State of England — which the Colonists evidently did not share with him — left a claim upon the Colony, which amounted in 1648 (so Felt says) to nearly £700. It is not probable that any of this was ever repaid. f There can be but little doubt, that the Puritans acted from policy in their early measures for the exclusion of all but Congregationalists from power and influence in the Colony, the fear that the Episoo- pal tyranny at home would get a foot-hold among them to their destruction, if not utterly banished in anjr and every suspected shape. The miserable in- trigues of Oldham and his confederates (Conformists) at Plymouth — which were evidently intended for the destruction of that Colony — very probably operated against the Browns in Salem — who, however, seem to have been honorable upright men, and who, aa non-couformists, (as they most probably WPre) could not have been in good odor in England. The diflS- culty seems to have been, that the moderate Episco- palians in the Colony — those who were persecuted at home for non conformity — had to sufifer here for the sins of the High Churchmen of Old England or Jfew. The fear of tlie Puritans was natural perhaps, but, we cannot but think, exaggerated. The enemies they stirred up in the Old Country by this course, with the addition of the opposition of those tbns treated by them, £ave them more trouble in the end, than could the toleration of a few mere non-confor- mists among themselves. Toleration seems to have been with them rather a theory than a practice — aa is indeed generally the case among men. Yet the Puritans behaved with very comnendable justice to the Indians in the extinguishment of their land titles. In the one case they were politic — in the other just. A too faithful adberenee to the Old Testament, and a too literal interpretation of it, led them into unreasonable peculiarities at times. 69 our Mastfuchusetta colony for a series oi years, seems to be a History of Escapes, and very nar- row ones too, at times. Tlie Puritans often escap- ed even the consequences of their own want of liberality, or wisdom, by some fortunate civil commotion in England, or some combination ot events no human fo-esij^ht could have perceiv- ed. They were defended, too. and stoutly, by their allies at home, when their acts were even detrimental to the interests ot those allies. — Watched, suspected, and hated for their love of civil and ecclesiastical independence, they invariably escaped the snares laid for their destruction. Helping to maintain the Repub- lic in England for a time, they founded one in New England for all time, and even under the Tery shadow of Monarchy the while. It is not within the range of our subject to attempt to portray the characters of the Pil- grims— to endeavor to do them justice. But it is impossible not to refer to their character- istics, even in a sketch of their Commerce, for •with them, as with all men, in History, Faith made the Man^-whether as a Civilian or Up- holder of Religion. The Puritan, and his polity were not sustained, moreover, b^ their detects, but virtues His Commonwealth was cot really founded on his misconceptions in regard to Divine or human legislation, but on positive and lit»eral ideas. Tlie Puritan began by almost ignoring the advantages of Com- merce, but when he saw his mistake, he be came a firm and wise upholdei of it, and was abundantly rewarded for his efforts. No Col- ony after its first start ever furpassed. Jet us Bay, ever equalled it for energy, industry, pru- dence, and economy. This the English Par- liament in 1643 practically admit. The Pu- ritan and his Conmon wealth, too, were saved by what was good in them — and there was much. If he sometimes went back almost to first prejudices, he went back also to first prin ciples in his taith and polity. The glory of his fame may be brighter, and its shadow Bomewhat deeper than is usual among men, for his lot was a more peculiar one. As the Pioneer of the Great Republic of religious and 18 civil Liberty — seeking to lay the foundations uf its power upon first principles, and that too amid severe spiritual and temporal trials, it is no wonder, that he should have sympathised with the Jews when journeying to their prom- ised Land — -adopted some of their views, and felt fiimself like the Israelite -with the Egypt of Tyranny behind him, the perils of the way and the Heathen around him. and the promised Kingdom before him. Taking the Bible, as his literal guide, his visions and his j<)urney- ings were directed by its Light and Shadow, and that Light and Shade were cast roin that Column, shrouding the Great Jehovah, which swept with such awful yet serene majesty over the trembling deep-daj-shadowed or crimsoned night-sands of Arabia So before our Fathers, visible to the eye of Faith, swept that awful column of cloud and flame, but over the desert of the sea and not the shore, and into (he New Canaan filled with a more numerous Heathen, but of a still more abundant promise — the later Palestine of greater blessings both for the body and the soul. More or less of such a faith and belief entered into the hearts of the Puritans who sought these shores — and something also of the e:?- ciusive spirit of the Israelites as against the outside world. The parallel was carried at times too far with the Puritan, since he cat off even those who agreed with him m essen- tials, if not in forms. Such mistakes gener- ally arose however not from the mere wanton^ ne«8 of tyranny, but that gravity of belief, which considt-rs a different faith as heresy, and as the great evil, because destructive to the Soul. What the Puritan did right, he did well — earnestly, perhaps sterol v, but thorough- ly, and that both in Church and State. What lie did amiss, was done as earnestly and decid- edly— a proof both of the grave sincerity of hid motives, and the fallibility of all human judg- ment in the hour of conflict between human power, whether temporal orepiritual. and the new faiths demands and wants of humanity. The Puritan failed in his mistakes and preja- 1o dices, but lived, and will ever live in his vir- tues. The Home Company m England — under whose auspices Salem was permanently settled — was originally intended (sa>8 IJutcliinson,) for trade and colonization, like the East India, and other great companies. It is certain, however, that the Ittading commercial men ol the Company. Cradock. as an instanne, had nobler tiews than mere pecuniary ones, al- though detiiring, o( course, remuneration for their outlays. The transfer of the Patent and Government here in 1630 moreover aided the commercial as well as civil freedom of the Col- onists, since it was a practical bar to any Company monopoly in England. That trans fer gave also, practically, the land of Massa- ohubettb to the guvernmeni of the Colony, which soon thereafter held it mainlv as a trust for the coiumon benefit of the people, which was not the original intention of the Compa- ny. This community of interests was partly based on old baxun laws, and partly, perhaps, on reasons and necessities ari.-ing from their religious belief — their acknowledgement of common needs and a common destiny in things temporal, as spiritual. It gave a somewhat democratic character, at all events, to the par- tition of lands, and the establishment of the common rights of the Colonists in the ongrant ed land — the rights to wood, grass, pasture, passage, — of sea and shore. The necessity which compelled the early authorities of the Colony to grant land in fee, without reeeiva- tion of rent or othei qualification, so that the settlers should not be discouraged by not hav- ing lands of their own, — this very necessity both gave and begat a freedom which was fa tal to all monopoly. The necessity, moreover, which compelled the early authorities to dis- charge tlie company servants, that they might not perish by famine while under their con trol, broke down the partition wall of an old ■world Caste never to be rebuilt. The settlers under the charter had aJso valuable commer- cial privileges — being free from all duties to and from English ports for 7 years, and there- after for 21 years, except after the 7 years 5 per cent on merciiandize entered into the Eng- lisii ports. At first, these privileges were thought but little (»f by the Puritan settleis. They were tliinking more of their independence of Enj/land in matters of faith, than of any emnuiercial advantages to be gained in the new country. Tiie Company in London urged trade upon them with a divided motive, partly to pay the expenses of colonization, and partly to defeat the schemes of Gorges and Mason by occupying advanced trading posts, and so gaming or maintaining title by adverse occupancy. The < arly Puritan settlers, how- ever, besides feeling small interest in trade, lound themselves on arrival in a position, not alone of independence, but without restraint, A wide ocean rolled between them and all home control. There was no spiritual or tem- poral power over them, whose arm could be immediately felt. A new and boundless Con- tinent lay before them, with all its wealth and resources— the very aids to their spiritual in- dependence. They were themselves laboring under a nev^ vision for the future; were new men — with a new faith — in a new world. Some of their dreams were grand and true ; some were mixed with old world prejudices and tyrannies. Suddenly called upon to real- ize their wishes, hopes, ideas and prayers amid new and strange scenes, privations, darigers and siifil-rings, is it to bo wondered at, that they, being human, should make errors? that having been bitterly persecuted, they in turn should sometimes abuse power? that having a stem, hard lot, they should at times be cold and literal themselves, or that thev should oc- casionally mistake bigotry and prejudice for principle? Sudden freedom and power in this new world put them to the practical test, and by this, but in charity, must they be judged. It is pretty certain, however, that the commer- cial schemes of the Company at homo proved a failure ; that they realized neither power nor 71 profit under their charter — that the transfer of tliat charter to MasHachiisetts ; the in- dependence of the Colonit-ts here- at times even defiunt — the large emij^ration into Sa lem ; the peculiar circumstances of the Col- ony : and the civil troubles m England, — all served in a fevy jcarstoopen tlie way for liberty, both civil and commercial, — a liberty, the fruits of which we, even at this day, are reaping. Tlie entire separation of the Colony from England, may be said to commence at the set tlement of the Puritans here. It was so also at Plymouth. Tiio religious yoke is firft thrown (iff — then follows the civil. There is an Often.-i lie deference paid at times to the civil authorities in England, but underneath all there is a boleinn determined and earnest independence of the mother country — the d'^ep undertone of the faith and policy of the Colo- ny. The Colonists were not, perhaps, always aware whither this was tending, and some ol their measures were rather in reasonable dis> regard of England, and for economy, than pointedly intended as independent measures; but, as it had been with the hiith of the Colo- nists, so it was with their commerce and trade, and they soon freed themselves, and were freed by circumstances also, from any restraint by the home Company, and resisted (and wisely and justly too,) the application of the laws of trade, which the Rulers of England, particu- larly after Cromwell's decease, sought to fas- ten upon them. The policy of the General Court and tiiC large towns, from an early day, was to free themselves from dependence on England — to develope their own resources. — From the year 1645, and running to the Amer- ican Revolution, commences a series of meas- ures and laws fostering home ^manufactures of hemp, flax, clothing, &c. — some of these *Up to 1680. however, Massachusetts seems to Lave exported few or no manufactures, the clutb, both woolen and Linen, shoes, tiats <ic. made here were ased in the country. Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol 8, p335, Governor Bradstreet's answer to the Lords of the Council . measures being very stringent and compulso- ry. As early as 1645-G. a Town meeting waa ordered in ^jalem to consider a stock of cotton wool— an agent at Barhadoes — and sowing of hemp and flax. The "Agent at Barbadoes'' was of course to ciillect cotton for the public benefit, and in furtherance ot the home manu- facturing policy of the Colonists. This policy was not carried through without opposition from the English manufacturers, who, in af- ter years, opposed it bitterly, but fortunately witiiout success. The Hume Company begin their trade with Salem and vicinity in 1628. They send over with Endecutt certain goods to traffic with the natives for beaver, otter, and other furs, and in 1629 he is ordered to send home to tho Company in London two or three hundred fir- kins of Sturgeon and other lisli. timber, f sassa- fras, fsarsaj<arilla, fsumacb, fsilk grass, and f The "Sassafras" waa the root of the Sassafras Tree, [-^nrubl] valued in 16U2 at 3 shillings a pound, and £336 the ton. To it was ascribed "Sovereign and Manifold Virtues.'' In Archer's account of Gos- nold's Vo>aj;e to the North part o.' Virginia. (New England) Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series 8th vol. pp 77-8, there is recorded a cure of "a great Surfeit" by the "powder of Sassafras." Sassafras seems to have been especially souglit alter by the early traders, most probably as a medicinal drug. It was called by the native inhabitants "Wynauk.'' It was thought to be good against contagious diseases. fThe silk grass, or grass silk was similar to that found in Persia, and out of which a lomewbat coarse silk stuff called gro;;raine [^rnjrram] cuuld be made. See Tracts appended to Urereton, Mass. Hist. CoIL 3d Series vol. 8, page 117. Through the kinJness of Prof. John Lewis Ru.«sell, of Salem, we have been enabled to state what this grass i». He has deter- mined it to be the Yucca filnmentoxa found growing in the Southern and We.-^tern States, and there vul- garly called Bear and Buffalo grass. Whether it grew wild in AVw England ai that time is somewLat questionable. It appeals to have been found in Florida and Virginia proper. ■f-The Sumach was well known ard used in Eng- land in several of the arts, as affording a fine dye for black, green, or yellow — also for tanning. It la perhaps the Virginia Samaoh which is meant, and 72 Beaver. Corn seems to have been at first paid the Indians for Beaver — afterwards Watupuin. The Colonists this year demand of the Home Company in turn, men skillful in making salt and pitch. JStaves are ordered this year as part of the return cargo of the Company ; also Beaver and other lurs, Clapboards and other •wood. The Company seem now to Ijcontrol trade in Salem almost entirely, but this seems to have lasted but a very short time. In 1629 we find the Home Company sending into Salem six ship builders, of whom Rjbert which grows naturally in almost every part oi North America. fSarsaparilla is most probably the same root as the Virginia and Jamaica Sarsaparrilla, and which from its superiority finally excluded thp oriental species from commerce. This is most probably the same Kout "Tsinaw" mentioned in the tracts appended to Brereton (Mass. Hict. Coll. 3d series, vol. 8, page 119) as being one of the native products of Virj<in- la. Both Sassafras and Sarsaparilla appear to have been abundant in Now England at the first settle- mentor, or are reported so. ria"" and Hemp were also native products of Ma&- fachusetts, but the high price of labor is the reason given for their non exportation about 1080. Enough only was raised for domestic purposes. $It is very probable that the Colonists, who were engaged then or afterwards in fishing, gave about five months of the year to that calling, and the re- mainder to planting, cutting timber, cleaving pipe Staves, making chip-boards, boat building, &o. We infer this from some things (.-nentioned in Levett's voyage into New England 162.'i-4) that could well be done by Fishermen in these parts, and the Colo- nists were certainly a very industrious, capable set. See Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol. 8, p 187. The Colonists, it appears first fished in our harbors and bays, and at the Banks of Newfoundland, and after wards also off the coast of Acudia [Nova Scotia]. ||For the trade of the Company in London with Salem see Felt's annals. It was at first a monopoly, or something very nigh it. Our object is to sketch the trade of tho Colonists — their own trade — and not the Company's trade, which was both a forced one, and of short duration. As a monopoly, it seems to have been abandoned both in London and Salem, and even then seems not to hivve been remunerative, to judge by Hutchinson, and others. Moulton is chief, and two coopers and cleav- ers of timber, the last to prepire staves for re- turn cargo, and that they order three ^shallops to be built in Salem, doubtless fur fisiiing pur- poses. It is m')st probiibla that these shallops il ever built, were built upon the Neck, near or upon Winter I.nUnd, which was used for the fisheries and ship-building from the very commencement of the town. There was in 1637 a ^forest side to the Neck, as appears in ITThe Shallop (ohaloupe) is the long boat, the lar- gest boat usually accompanying a ship, furnished with a maet and sails. Those fitted for tenders to ships- of-war were sometimes decked and armed. Falcon- efn Murine Dictionary, 1789. An Encyclopedia of 1798 describes the Shallop as a largo boat with two small masts and lug sails. It seems to have been in vogue, though with different rigs, with the French, Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch. The word Sloop is an abbreviati'-n of Shallop or Sballoop, thongh now having an entirely different signification. Judging from what is said of the shallop in the New Eii<;land Voyages in the Mass. Hi.st. Coll., — of what Prince and Bradford say, and the comparison Hutchinson makes between the fi.4bing shallops of 1749 and the fishing schooners then employed, the shallop of New England was often a decked boat of from ten to twenty tons. Like our New England pinn&ce, it seems to have been larger than its name- sake in Engl.ind or Europe, to judge by Marine Dic- tionaries. In a manuscript journal of a voyage 'In ye good Sloop Surah' from the Island of Jersey to Capo Ana in 1724, which journal is in our possession, ive notice the following, confirmatory ot these views in regard to the shallop as a large decked boat 'From Thursday to Fryday ye 10th of July, 1724. * * • at 4 this morning sounded, found 65 fath- om cors (coarse) gr ^y sand, ijot a cnsk, saw two shal- lops <fe one Skooner of Marblehead, and they told us that Cape Sable Bore of them N. N. W Dist. about 15 Leagues.' These shallops appear to have been fishing off Cape Sable, and were, to judge by what Hutchinson says of them in 1749, about half the size of the schooner of that day. §[25th of the 7th monetb, 1637.] 'George Wright is granted half an acre of the Neck to build upon, and five acres on the forest side to plant on, and to keep a Ferry between Butt poynt and Darbye Fort.' 1st vol. Records of Salem, page 25. Note. The above would seem to indicate bj one 73 the Book of Grant« in Salem, and from this very forest, the first craft in Silem may have been framed. Salem became noted afterwards as one of the principal places for building ves- Eels in the Colony. The early, the long continued, the staple trade of Salem, vras the Jfisheries. We see manner of reading, certainly, that there was a build- ing side and a,/orest side to the Necij in 1637. It may be that the "forest side" means Forest (lliver) Side, though it jeeois otherwise. As the Islands in our Harbor were, however, ''replenished with thiche wnnd and high trees" (according to Mr Higginson) in 1629 it is most probable that the Xeck was covered, in part at least, by a native forest, and that oat of this forest there were trees fit for ship-building. That the Neck was very early used for ship-build- ing, we infer, from one or two items of History. In 1636, Richard Hollingworth, a ship builder, gets a grant of land from the Town, and in 1690 the land (on the I\'ech) formerly belonging to Richard Holling- worth, was ordered to be laid out (Felt 1st vol. 192 page). Moreover, in 1637 (20th 4tli mo.) Richard Johnson is received an inhabitant and is appointed half an acre of Land (the same amount as George Wright was granted on the Neck) "for an house lott nere unto Richnrd Holtingworth's wnrkes. Salem Rec ords, 1st vol. page 21. As it is a matter of history that this Richard Hollingworth buil a ship of 300 tons in Salem in 1641, these items, with the tradi- tion on the subject, which agrees with them, go to prove that Richard Hollingworth had a ship-yard on the Neck in 1637. Robert Moulton probably had one there even before him. Ship-building may also have been commenced thus enrlv in the Criek (Snuth River). George Curwen (according to tradition) built a ship there in 1640. ^:Tho English bad freely used the coast of New England for tne fisheries before the settlement at Salem, and the royal charter reserved this right to Englishmen after the settlement — a right which was freely used, it seems. Newfoundland had an English settlement at the time. The early fisheries were quite profitable, to judge from Levett's account of the trade in 1623-4, where in he says he has "attained to the understanding of its Eecreta." According to him, a ship of 200 tons, with a crewof 50 men, the ordinary crew for such lized vessels in the fisheries, would be ataa outlay 19 indeed some of her sona from 1630 to 1658 en- gaged in the Beaver and Peltry trade, once valuable, but this was almost extinct in 1688, and at that time the fisheries, whale and oth- er, were as productive as ever. Ihe harbor and rivers of Sa'em swarmed with fish,among which cod and bass were very plenty So plentiful were they, that they were used for manure up to 1639, when the General Cour; fort>id it- — Great favor was early shown the fishermen in Mapsachusetts by law, such as freedom from taxation on their stock and fish, and from mil- itary duty while engaged in their occupation. The early foreijin trade, that is im[>ort9 of the colony, seems during the first few years to have been in the hands or power either of the Home Company, or the Government 0(' the colony, as repi-esenting either them or the cohmists ; but it is doubtful if this policy ever extended over the fisheries, or if so, it must have been for a very short period. The fisheries were consid- ered CO important, that as early as 1635, the of some £800 — the cost for 9 months victualling, &o. One third of the catch, "fish and train,'" being deduc- ted as "fraught" for the owners — another as a share for the crew — and the balance for expenses, — the owners' one third part <>f the cargo would yield £1340 "for disbursing of £800 9 months." The cargo gold in Spanish ports from 36 to 44 rials per quintal. Our 8alem fi.-hing craft were not so large as Lev- ett's "ship," but were shallops of from 10 to 20 tons, say— ketches of from 20 tj 40 — and finally schooners from 30 to 60 or mora, carrying not more than from 4 to 8 or 10 men say. Small boats were perhaps u.sed at first. Still the trade was profitable, Salem and Massachusetts being built up by it in the early day. The fisheries and the timber trade gave Salem, doubtless, two thirds or more of her early wealth. In the middle ages, the Alchemists said, ''cum sol* et sale omnia fiunt," Wilhembulkels seems to have been the first, who, in the middle ages, suggested the idea of making use of salt in the curing of fish. Tho plan succeeded so well that Charles the Filth, being in the low countries, went to Bier-Vliet to see thfl tomb of the humble fisherman, wishing thereby to honor the memory of one who had rendered so great a service to his country. American Journal of Phar* macy, vol. 31 No. 3 p<*ge 259. 74 General Court appoint a committea to impress men, who ehall unload salt when it arrives. — This ia evidently in a good part owing to the value of the salt for the fisheries. Tliey were not hampered with the early restrictions iin posed on foreign imports so far as we can find, and soon became profitable. After the colo- nists had built their houses, cleared their lands, established their common rights, raised enough to help support life, either in ||grain or animals and somewhat settled down, their attention ■was more particularly devoted to the fisheries. It seems most probable that a certain class of men, however, devoted themselves fri Salem al- most exclusively to this business, and from the commencement of the town. Winter Is land was their head quarters. They obtained the use of certain lots on the Island, and cer- tain common rights adjacent, and this island continued to boused by fishermen until, and after a division of the common lands about 1714. It was there expressly reserved by the commoners for the fisheries, as it had ever been before. This reservation, moreover, was of a great common right, viz — the free use of this Island for fishing purposes; since the /ec seems, as a general rule, never to have left the town like other grants. Those who built houses, fish-houses, warehouses and wharves on this Island, only gained an usufructuary right for the time being. Yet this Island has seen a busy fishing population gathered upon it, and as late as 1731 there were conveniences According to the same authority, the Hebrews were well acquainted with the antiseptic properties of salt, and enaployed it in the preservation of their meats. The Pagans even used it to retard the putre, faction of the flesh of their victims. For Levett's calculations of the profit of the fishery, see Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d seriee vol. 8 fp. 186-7. Ar- ticle— Levett's Voyage into New England. II Massachusetts could not well have exported much grain before 1640, whatever she may have exported in fish, since in 1637 there were onJy 37 ploughs in the whole colony, says Graham, the most of them being in Lynn. upon fho Neck, which in all probability means this Island, iot forty vessels and their fares. All this is now a tale of the past. Indeed, just before 1700, this Inland was a still busier scene in all probability, as Salem sent out over sixty fishing Ketches, of from twenty to forty tons, which evidently discharged their cargoes in Salem, and moht likely on the common ground or land for the fishermen In 1600, Baker's and Misery Islands were both set apart by the General Court for the free use of fisher- men, and were probably intended to be espec- ially used by the Salem, and perhaps Marble- head fishermen. From the year 1629 to 1740. or thereabouts, ^Winter Island seems to be the liead quarters of the Salem fishing trade, and that trade itself seems to have been our staple trade down to a much later period, even to the American Revolution, and the great change of trade consequent upon it. ITWinter Island seems (according to Fell's Annals,) to have been used for the Fisheries up to about 1739. The business was then removed, and it was let with the Neck for pasturage of cattle. In 1079, so many were the residents there, that John Clifford was li- censed to keep a victualling house for tbeir conven- ience. In 1684, several merchants had leave to build wharves on its flats. In 1698-9, the Island had a regular street, called Fish street ; and in 1701 the shoremen had permission to fence it in, to keep out animatls, with a gate for men and carts. When the Commoners in 1714 granted it to the town, they expected it would always be used for the fishing business, as it had been before. It would seem as if even the bmlding hits early granted to the fishermen on this Island, were only usufructuary rights, sinca the whole fishing villnge there has totally disap- peared. The building lots, on the contrary, granted in the body of the town, were mainly proprietary — gererally with certain conditions to be first per- formed— atid thenOe in f6e. See Vol. 1st, Records of Salem, paL«stm. It mfty be as well here to state that what is now Collins' Cove, at the bottim of Essex Street, was anciently called "Shallop Cove," accord- ing to tradition — and this because the fishermen moored their shallops there, and lived on the shores. This was an important Cove of Salem, at and prior to 1692. It had a street of fishermen's huts, which ran on a line with the Cove. 15 It 18 not probable that the Commerce of Sa- I She perhaps comes up from Cape Cod, where lem beji^an to have an independent being be'.ore i whales were first captured by small boats from •16-J('-1. Tiie arrivals before that time are mostly foreign ships into Salem — that is ves- sels belonging to the corporation in England, or other parties abroad. These supplied the colony with various needed articles, which seem to have been under the control of the Gen- eral Court and Governor, who levied certain duties upon them. The Governor, (Hutchinson says,) was the naval officer of the colony. The monies so raised went into the colonial treasu- ry. As to the laws of trade in England, the colonists seem to have ignored them utterly — Up to 1670 no custom house seems to have been established in New England by the home authoriti.^8. From lt529 to 1G40 Salem seems to get along without much shipping of her own, but the failure of the emigration about the lat- ter year, threw her upon her commercial ener- gies, and the Rev. Hugh Peters stimulated her with a far sighted sagacity into ship building. To be sure, between these years we see occa- sional gleams of commercial life in the first few beginnings of the col'jnists. A small ves- sel of some twelve tons (belonging to Salem) is in our bay in 1631, wiih two hogsheads of train (whale?) oil as an item of her cargo. — *Ilutchinson sars that the colooists began about 1637 to build small vessels for tbefishuries, and 'rade vritb tlie a(<jaceiit colonies. Tbb leading men, at the first, in Ma-sacbusetts, wer« not in favor of, or en- gaged in commerce. The colony was probablj forc- ed into it to supply its wants. Il is most probable that prior to 11137, Robert Moulton, ol Salem, and his shipwrights built several small decked vessels on the Neck, tor fisheries and trading. The three shal- lops to be built in 1C29, were very probably decked boats of several tons burthen. The first mention of commerce in the Colony Rec- ' ords is iu 1()45, when friendly foreign ships are per- ! mitted to trade here on payment of certain duties I almost a free trade. In 1652 a committee are ap pointed to consult ihe best way of trade. {Notr. Commerce had, however, evidently got to be a power in the State before 1645 or 1652, or the General Court would not have been aroused to its importance.) In 1655 we see that the General Cuart adopt a pro- te3tive policy lor the i-taple commodities of ^hi^ coun- try, by forbidding tbe importation of malt, wheat, barley, biscuit, beef, meal and flaur (Which are des- cribed as our principal commodities) from any part of Europe, unless it be to provision ships, on peoaltr of Confiscation! See CoiyOj Kecords. the beach. The same year a pinnace goes down from Salem to Plymouth for corn, Salem had an abundance of canoes (pine dug outs) in 1633. and there were more here than in the whole Patent. With these the colonists fer- ried our rivers and went out even leagues to sea for fowling, fishing, &c. Alter these, dnubtlebs, came shallops, fpinnaces, and final- ly larger craft. The impetus given by Rev, Hugh Peters in 1640-1 to shipbuilding, pro- duced an abundant supply of vessels in a few years, Richard Hollingworth, a siiip builder by trade, and who came to Salem in lt)35, be- gan in Feb'y, 1041, to build a ship of three hundred tons, which was finished and launch* ed the succeeding June. From all which can now be gathered, his ship yard appears to have been in the lower part of 8alem, on the Neck. This ship may be the ship Mary Ann, of Sa- lem, mentioned as of 1643. What number of vessels were thus built in Salem about this pe- fFalconer, in his marine Dictionary — 1789 — des cribes tlie Pinnace as an eight oared boat, navigated with oars and sails, having generally two masts, and rigged like a schooner. This description, however, is manifestly inapplicable to the early Pinnaces of New England, for Prince, in his New England Chro- nology, speaks of tbe arrival into Salem, May 27, 1631. of a Pinnace of 18 tons, from Virginia laden with corn and tobacco — a very happy arrival, the corn, at least, — lor the Colonists then here. She was bound further North, but foul weather compelled her to put in here Prince moreover speaks of the way in which the Plymouih Colonists in 1626 made a small Pinnace, viz: by sawing in halves their larg. er Shallop, adding five cr six feet in the centre, — strengthening her timbers, — building up decks, and giving her sails and anchors. From further items in Prince, it appears that the Pinnaces of New Eng- land were large ducked boats, for not only can they carry 100 bushels of corn, 12 Hogsheads of corn, Ac, but he mentions the fact that Capt. Dermer went t'rom Cape Cod to Virginia, discovering by the way Long Island Sound, "in an open pinnace of five tons." The presumption is, then, that the Pinnaces of the Colony were generally large decked boats. Prince mentions one Pinnace sent over to the Plymouth Company by the adventurers in England, for the use of the Colony, of /o/^tyy"M'' tons burthen. Pinnaces and Shallops are very often mei tioned in tbe early history of Ma.-<sachusetts— the S^.allops appearing, however, to be tbe smaller boat, and often open.— The I^eich was built bert quit^s early, to judge by an item in Prince- As Princu gets his facts mainly from Bradford, we can be sure they are correct. 76 riod does not appear, but probably quite a number. Tt ia most likely that email vesselo were built to supply the colony with grain from the neighboring colonies, for Massachu- setts seems never to hare produced continuous abundant export crops o( grain. At times, corn and wheat were alarmingly scarce in the colony. Massachusetts had a more certain crop in her fisheries, and the mackerel, cod, cusk, &c., which she soon cured and exported to the West Indias and Spain, brought her back an abundance of money and foreign pro- duce to supply her own needs Besides fish and oiljshu first sent back to the Old Country, timber, tar, pitch, turpentine, staves, clap- boards, and other wood, and afterwards to the West Indies her lumber, corn, beef, pork, (masts, clapboards ?) pipe staves, and sundry other commodities. In J 16-13 she English Par- liament release New England trom all duties on imports and exports which are for home consumption. M.issachusetts, and Salem as an important port in it, geem now to have fairly entered into tie West India and colonial trade. Salem began cautiously, but soon used her commercial freedom to advantage, Th-^ Porcugut?se and Spanish West Indies were not forgotten, though her largest trade was, it would appear, with jjl^arbadoes and the lee- ±"rn consideration of the success and increase of the New England Colonies, and that they had been no charge to the nation, and in prospect of their be ing in luture very serviceable to it, the English Par- liament, March 10, 1643, granted them an exemp- tion from all customs, subsidies and other duties, un til further order." This gave to the Colonies a free- dom of trade, by which they flourished greatly. |]We hear much of Harbadoes as one of the early and earliest Ports at which our Salem vessels traded. This Island, according to PiiikeitoQ, was settled by the Eii^li-h a- early as 1624, is one of the chief of the Carribeo Group, was exceedingly fertile, and be- came the favorite centre of a great emigration dur- ing the civil commotions in England, so that in 1650 it c'intaine.l some twenty thousand whit" population. Being left to its own efforts, and with an unlimited freedom of trade, it flourished greatly. Charles the 2d, at the re.-itoration, tor its loyalty, bestowed the dignity of Baronetage on thirteen of its principal inhabitants. Antigua, called Ontega, another of the group, raentiontrd in our later Salem commerce, may be said to have commenced to flourish after 1G74, and at or about 1700 coutaiued some five thou- ward Islands. She traded with the Dutch and English Buccaneers also, who. robbing th o Spaniards of their bullion, paid it over to Sa. em and New England merchants for supplies. About this time the larger colonies also unito for defence and protection, and a common spir- it of good will and of enterprise bind them to- gether commercially, and favors adventurous trade. Being, too, on the right side of the Re^ publican party in Enailand. they are favored in that quarter, and this was a decided advan- tage. We find, moreover, that our Salem peo- ple as a general rule discuss matters of trade as a public aflf lir, for in 1645 a general town meeting is ordered to consider of ''Publique tradings and other things." The community soon seem to have been awake to the impor- tance of trade either internal or extirnal, for we find the subject of manufacturoH, clothing, trade, raising of wool, flix, "Ifheti-p, &c., not unfrequent topics of public discussion in town* sand white inhabitants. Barbadoes produced, a3 chief products, s'Jgar, cotton, ginger and aloes. An- tigua, sugar, Cotton Wool and Tobacco. This latter Island had excellent harbors, which may have ren- dered it more of a favorite for our shipping than some others of the Carribee Group. According to Salmon, (in his Geographical Grammar, 17G0,) Bar- badoes was settled mainly by Caviiliers from Eng- land. Tobacco was first planted tnere, which did not succeed, and afterwards Cotton and Indigo, wnioh were profitable. Sugar works were first erected by tlie English Cnvaliers in 1047, ami the trade then became profitable. The sugar trade of N. E. with Barbadjes commenced say between 1G47 and '50. The Cotton Wool trade began before. That Salem should have commenced trading with Harbadoes is very natural, since S. was for a while after its settle- ment the resort of the modt^rate Episcopalians — those who hail not entirely abandoniMi the Church and 3tate of England, .and Harbadoes was not very dis- tant from this faith and belief. St Christopher seems to have been the first settled of the British VVest India Islands, though Barbadoes has the credit of being. .St. Cliri.-*topher seems not, however, to be mentioned much in our early Salem Commerce, that is before 1700. Philip English was trading there in 1688-9, to judge by old accounts. Edwards' Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, 405, commences the history of this Island, which see. ITHeinp grew wild in Massachusetts, and the Indi- ans (says Lewis,) made fishing lines of it of great fineness. The early Colonists were advised by those in Authority to cultivate it for manufacturing pur- poses; and the Inventories of the old estates some* times show that this advice was heeded. To be Cuntiuued. HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX INSTITUTE Vol. I. July, 1859. ISTo. 3. SOME REMARKS ON THE COM.MERCE OF SA- LEM FROM 1«26 TO 1740— WITH A SKEJTCH OF PHILIP ENGLISH— A MERCHANT IN SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4. Br GEORGE P. CBEVER. [Continued from Page 76.] If we are to judge of the success of our Sa- lem fishermen about 1647, t>y that of ourijklar- blehead brethren at the same timo, we shall see that thiv trade was vabmble ; fur the latter bad taken up to the middle of January that year, about £4000 worth of fish. In 1648 Salem sutTered, we must believe, from the scarcity of corn, caused by its excessive impor- tation from Mass. to the Spanish and Portu-' guese West Indies ; and it is not at all unlike- ly that these repeated scarcities of grain final- ly compelled our people to ret.iin their own grain, and even replenish their stores by seek ing the more Southern settlements, Virginia and Maryland, where wheat and corn were a staple crop. At all events this trade sprang up, and most probably in this natural way Virginia and Maryland, perhaps before, but certainly after 1680, took West India products. Rum, Molasses and Sugar, and also salt, wood- en ware, Kegs, Cider, Cans, &c. from us, and in return gave us Wheat, Corn, Pork, Bacon, Peltry, Tobacco, Hides, Old Iron, &c. Boston seems to have been, throughout, the great mag- azine of English and European goods and manufactures, and supplied the Coloflies main- ly with these. As early as between 1650 an<l 1660 a line of Packets ran between Boston and 20 the old country. Between the years 1629 and 1650, espeoially between '40 and '50, Salem commenced her commercial career, and at the close found herself with shipping and means ; and trading not alone with the mother coun- try, but with the West Indies, Bermudas, Vir- ginia and Ontega (Antigua } Siie had found supplies of salt, probably at *Saltitudo8 and *Tortuga, and moot probably also received them from Lisbon, Cadiz, St. Ubes and Isle of May. So important had become the com- merce of Massachusetts, and Salem shared no mean part of it, that a Committee are appoint- ed in 1650 to examine a book entitled "jLcop Mercatoria," and report to tlie next Gen'l Court what they find therein applicable to ''deciding of maratime afftirs in this jurisdic- con." During this period, however, the Bar- *SaUiiuda, or Saliitudos, maj be what is now known as Salt Island, one of the Virgin Group, West Indies, S. E of Tortola, and belonging to the English. It is evidently a Spanish word, and per- haps a diminutive of the name Salt hland. It is difiBcult to locate this spot, even if an English pos- session, since Salmon, in his Geographical Grammar of 1760, is entirely; silent about it. At all events, we may safely conclude that Salt was the staple pro- duct of this place, wherever it was located in the W. I. group. Toriuga is probably the Tortuga of the Carribee group, close to the Spanish Main, and not the Tortu- ga near St. Domingo — an early French possession. Edwards, in his history and map of the West Indies, 1793, calls the Tortuga, near the Spanish main, "78 bary t<-'orsairs troublecj our commerce geriously. Id ouDDectiua with the iisheri' a, ship build- "Salt Tonogo,^' which makes our supposition the more probable. Various attempts were made by a few of the early and enterprising Colonists to supply our Salem fish- eries witb Salt manufactured here, and they obtained certain protective privilege? from the General Court in aid of their efforts, but the Colonists obtained their main supplies abroad, and were compelled so to do. See Felt's Annals in regard to Salt manufactur- ing in Salem- •f-Piracy and freobooting seem, in the early history of the Ci'lony, to have been considered more as an annoyance than a crime. The West Indians were in" fested with Pirates — Freebooters — Dutch, French and English, who preyed generally upon the Spaniards* and traded freely with ihe N B. Colonists. Buccaneering or freebooting does not seem to have been, or regarded as pir icv in the beginning, because then based on regular letters of marcjue and reprisal. Besides, the Buccaneers were also smugglers for the Spaniards. C-iarles tlie 2d knighted Morgan, one of the ct-lebrated Buccaneers, aod (.says Edwards' Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, p. 161,) is charged with being priv.itely concerned in their fortunes, even af- ter having issued public orders for their suppression. The system begat license, however, but being fash- ionable in high quarters, no wonder that piracy, so much resembling it, should be regarded by the Colo- nists as an annoyance ratber than a crime. English pirates came boldly into Massachusetts Bay from IfcSa to 1705, and plundered vessels, and though sometimes naught, generally seem to have escaped punishment. In 1689, pirates took the ketch Mary, Capt. Chard, three leagues from Half "Way Rock, were afterwards captured in the Vineyard Sound, by Capt. Samuel Peas of Boston, brought to Boston and condemned, though they seem (."ays Felt,) to have been reprieved — and this too when they had mortally wounded their captor. This same year, the ship Pelican, a pirate, brought a prize into Salem {1) and sold her. It has been said that the pirates about New England, for thirty or forty years prior to 1700, were connived at. Lord Bellamont seems to have been the first who arrested and pun- ished them. Numbers were executed in Boston just before 1700, while Bradish, Kidd and others were carried to England and executed. In 1704, Major Stephen Sewall, together with Captain John Turner and forty-eight volunteers from Salem, capture inj; of CDurse fl juriehed, anl groat pains wero taken by the J-Jarly author! tiea of rtiilem to Capt'n John Quelch and his piratical crew, who had gone boldly into Gloucester, and Quelch and five of his men were hung. So says Felt. It would seem as if the freebooting spirit had rather been encouraged at first, as against the Spaniards; but the general license it begat, convinced the Colonists finally that it was totally wrong and criminal, and they resolved to break it up. The history of Piracy and Freebooting has been written, and for a reference thereto, see Edwards' Hist. W, Indies, and Ree's Encyclopedia, Article, Buccaneer. After the p< ace of Ryswick, in 1G97, Buccaneering in all quarteis seems to have declined. Before that time, Piirt Royal, Jamaica, seems to have been their rendezvous— the English profiting by these forays as against the Spaniards. The Span- iards seem to have borne the principal brunt of these outlaws, who, if they could not smuggle for them robbed them, whether by land or sea. The New England Colonies reaped, after all, perhaps, the main benefit of their 1 rays against the Spaniards. The Turks, that is, we presume, the Barbary and Tunisian pirates, troubled our early Commerce, es- pecially when in the EDgli>h Channel, for many years Even the vigorous action ol the great Admi. rals of the Commonwealth in England, did not whol- ly subdue these outlaws. What witl.these Pirates — Spanish, and French Privateers — Eniihsh Freeboot- ers, Dutch men-of-war, and the Indians — the Cors- meice of Salem up to 1730 ran at times a fearful gauntlet, saying nothing of the usual dangers of the Sea. It is evident that the old times of commerce were not as good as the new. ifAs early as 1637, the citizens of Salem prohibited the transportation of boards and Clapboards from their Plantation, without leave of the Selectmen, since many of "the bt-st tyuiber trees' had already be«n used for these purposes; and in 1640 the Au- thorities publicly asked tor plank fit for shipping, and forbid any ship timber near Salem or Marble, head being made into Clapb-ianis or pipe slaves. Aa the forest in and around .^alem was then a common property of the inhabitants, these laws had a public force. To judge by .«ofne accounts of Capt. Wm. En- glish, as late as 1713 14. such laws were probably common to the maritime tiwns throughout New England; as he, being then at Brantoid, Connecti- cut, in the Briganteea ^Vm & Susannah, charges as one item of expense at B., "«o ye Selectmen, for 2 79 preserve the dhip timber on the comoiun lands i'itv this purpose. They seem to have been tol- erably successful in their efFirts. The fifHt at- tempts at ship building in Salem were perhaps somewhat rough, lor as late even as 1667, a maritime code of laws are adopted, looking to the better building of vessels, and more correct proceedings in admiralty cases. As early as 1644 the Gen'l Court pass an order for the bet- ter building of vessels. From 1650 to 1660, Salem seems to have flourished. Beginning with a population of some two hundred say. in 1629, she bad in- creased to some thouf-and or more in 1640,and in spite of the setting oflFof Marblehead, Wen- ham. Manchester and part of Topfifield between 1639 and 1650. still in 1654 she contained o- yer a thousand inhabitants as is supposed, and in 1660 probably contained from a thousand to twelve or thirteen hundred. Iler wealth was most probably great in proportion to her population. Iler territory diminished, and almost hfr population, yet she flourished in trade. B<«ing in favor with the Commonwealth and Cromwell, Silem in common with the col- ony flijurishr-d. while Bermuda, Virginia, Bar- badoes and Ontega (Anti>/;ua) fell under the displeasure of the Parliament, because of their loyalty to the royal party, and were cut ofT from their trade for a while, and linally sub- dued. Very severe commercial ordinances were passed as against the colonies, but though professedly general in their nature, yet MaB»a ohusetts and New England never suffered much by them, the main intent ot these laws be perrruts to load Staves, Jive sktllings." The Ist vol - nme of the Town Records of Salem contains various items of interest in regard to the disposal of the an- cient forest of Salem ; the tenure by which it was held, both by the public and individuals, (tbr wood being sumetioies expressly reserved for public uses in town grants ot land) and the disposition to be made of it by fishermen and others. The history of the ancient summon rights of Salem is a very singu- lar and instructive one, and based upon a somewhat Democratic eommanity of interests. ing to punish the royalist colonies, Virginia suf- lering »e<erely by them. In 1651 iMassachusetts is exporting corn, beef, pork, masts, clapboards, pipe staves, fish, beaver, otter and other commodities. In 1652 she commences to coin money, an act of sover- eignty, and sends out her silver coin, the prod- uce of the bullion taken from the Spaniards by ihe Buccaneers, and ol the West India trade of the colonists. In 1654 no person is to carry out of Massachusetts more than 20 shillings la •coin, and searchers are appointed to see that the law is obeyed. About this time the Dutch trade (with New York) is so profitable to Mas- sachusetts, that our people are indisposed to war with their Dutch neighbors, the other col- onies being otherwise disposed. This hhows that the commerce of Massachusetts with New York was then important, and in all probabil- ity Siilem was somewhat engaged in it. In 1655 Admiral Blake punishes the Algiers and- Tunis Pirates, and Jamaica is wrested from *Money was scarce in Massachusetts for a long pe- riod, and even the custom.-* were often paid in grain, of oour.^e at a certain cash value. The General Court in 1631 maue Indian corn a legal tender for debts, unless money or beaver was expressly mention- ed as the consideration. This was partly to encourage the raising of grain to prevent future famine, and partly, perhaps, a necessity of the times. Beaver, wampum, grain, fish, lumber and live stock were all specie in the early davs of Massachusetts — part of them even down to 1775. One of the reasons fur th's state of things was, that Massachusetts mainly creited her own wealth by her own independent industry, and with none of the pre- cious metals in her soil. It was in furtherance of her independent industry and spirit, that in 1632 she Cuuimenced coining money on her own account, and it is a striking evidence of her practical independence of the English government both at that time and for years afterwards. It was as reasonable in her, too, as it was independent, and was finally regarded in England as a practical declaration of independence, and is duly paraded as one of the crimes of Massa- chusetts in the judgment to vacate the colonial char- ter in 1684. The coining of money is one of the at- tributes of sovereignty, and was so considered as againet Massachusetts. 80 tihe Spaniards, and so opeaa another field for our commerce. The fame of the great English Admirals of the commonwealth made all our colonial commerce more secure up to 1660, eyen the Dutch beinj; obliged to give way be- fore them, in 1655 the General Court see and feel the necessity of encouraging commerce as well as husbandry, and of promoting an union between them. In 1658 appears a notice of the farmers of the customs in Massachusetts, the customs being let out — farmed out — i-as was a custom in Old England at the time. Felt says that there was a port house (tCustom House) on the South River in Salem in 1636. and that there was another called The French House on South River in 1645, lasting thirty- four years. These must then have been instj- tuted by the colonial authorities, and not by the home government. From the restoration of Charles the 2d, in 1660 to J1670, the period when we take up the fThe Custom House in Salem in 1682 was a small building adjulniug, or attached to the old mansion of Benjamin Brown, Esq , still sts^nding on Essex and Bast streets. This fact seems? to indicate that the oominerce of Salem at that purio I was carried on in the lower part of the town, and that this location was a centraX one. Our authority here is Benj. Brown, Esq., himself, now an octogenarian and a dweller up- on the spot. :{:The Massachusetts colonists, according ^a Hutch- inson, admitted to the King's commissioners in l<i65, thatthev possessed about 80 vessels of from 20 to 40 tons, about 40 from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen ships above 100 tons. Of these Silem had undoubt- edly built, and then owned, her share. The Colony Records confirm this. Vol. 4 part 2. In 1680 Massachusetts seems to have about 120 strips, sloops, ketches and other vessels, vjz: — 8 or IQ ships of 100 tons or upwards, 3 or 4 of 200 tons or more, 40 or 50 fishing ketches between 20 and 40 tons, and about 6 or 8 English ships which come to ^rade. The most of these 120 vessels belonged to the colony. The balance (unaccounted for) were co- lonial. West India and other traders, we suppose, and were sloops and ketches very probably. See Mass. Hist. Coll. — Article, "GleaninKS for New England History." 3d series vol. 8 page 338. history of Philip English »8 one of our Salem merchants. Salem seems still to progress in commerce. Salnm is ||biiilding vessels for her own trade, and perhaps for other places. From 1659, to 16,77 there appear to be not less than four noted ship builders in Salem, one of whom, Jonathan Pickering, get? a grant of land about Hardy 8 Cove, fsom the town, to him- self and heirs forever to build vessels upon. — From 1692 to 1718 seven ship builders appear prominent in Salem, among whom are the names of Joseph Hardy and William Beckett, the latter name being associat'd even down al- most to thesf days with ship building — a Beck- et having built the fast sailing America, cruis- er, for the Crowninshields. In 1721 so impor- tant had become our ship building in Massa- chusetts, that sixteen master builders belong- ing to the Port of London petition the Lords of Plantations not to encourage ship building in New England. They say their journeymea are drawn to this country, and that in case of need there would not be a suf^oiency of ships for tiie royal navy. Massiijchusetts was then too well rooted and grounded in independence and prosperity to heed these assaults. She practically disobeyed too, the act of 1660 — the plantation act — which would have compelled her ships to give bonds to the Custom House in England, to carry plantation produce to England, or the other JjjngUsh possessions,— In 1662 our town authorities endeavor to ac- commodate at the Burying Point, those desir- ous ol graving vessels, wiiich shows our com- merce then to have been of pu'>lic importance. About this time the Virginia trade is of conse* quence, several of our citizens being engaged in it. In 1663 William Hollingworth, a Sa- lem merchant, agrees to send 100 hogsheads of tobacco from the river Potomack by ship from IjThe Neck — about the Burying Point — on the creek (South River) — various places on the South River — Hardies Cove— Frye's Mills — are all noted as locali- ties for ship yards in our Salem history — the Neck (including Winter Island) being probably the most ancient among them. 81 Boston to Plymouth in England, the .Island of Jersey, or any port in Holland, and thence to the said Island for £7 Hterling a ton. The un warrantable war eomuienced against theDutcli by the home government in 1664. and which resulted in the capture of N. York Irom Hol- land, reacted upon the colonial commerce se verely.for De Ruvter made in 1665 conniderahle havoc at Newfoundland, by accident alone was kept fiiim Nhw England, and alarmed all the colonies ; and in 1667 some Dutch men-of war ravaged the coast of Virginia, plundered some eighteen or nineteen sail of merchantmen John Brown, son of elder John, of Salem, NVjI liam HoUingworth. John Norman and Robert Stone of Salem, being taken prisoners and plundered hy them. They threaten<^d to visit New England, and this irritated and seriously alarmfd the colonists. In 1667 the colony encouraged the making a dry dock which is subsequently located at Charleeti>wn. It appears in 1668 from a peti- tion extensively signed in Salem, for the repeal of an order of a late General Court. laying a *duty oi one per cent, on imports and exports, ♦The dutiea levied by the Colonial Government on its Commerce were not oppressive, or if judged to be onerous wern soon changed, especially as the Geceral Court and Governor looked to the popular sentiment of the Colony, and respected it far uiore thda the threats or frowns of the mother country, whether in matters of trade or policy. In 1635, the duties amount practically to £5 per cent. In 1636Ti>baec(), strong drinks. Wine, Sugar, Spices, aiid trait— that is articles of luxury — pay one-.sixth of their value, with an additional one third for retailing. In 1645, Wines fr<'m different quarters pA'f ^rom 5 to ten shillings the pipe — fresh wines 2s 6d per liogshead, and Strong VVaters 10 sbilliags per hhd. In 1648, somewhat similar duties are paid on Spirits. In 1676, Goods, Wares and Merchandize, living cattle and provisions pay 10 shillings on eacb'£iOU value — \ Wines pay from 10 shillings to £1. per tou — Brandy i £2 do. Every ship of 200 tons and upwards, 10 shillings the ton — small vessels each vovage 68. 8d. (this was for the Colony vessels — their pai>se8 from i the Governor, we presume) — E!ach Stranger vessel, | not built in the Colony and above^O tons, paid each i 21 • and 2 d on all grain from adjacent colootes, that from 30.000 to 40,000 bushels of graia were brought into Massacliusetts. Other towoB petition likewise. From this we see that Ma3- sachuHetts w<ks dependent on the more south* em colonies, probably, for grain, and that a considerable trade was carried on 'between voyage one half pound powder per ton, or 9d in mon- ey— Strangers vessels, a ton 6d — no customs on any exports, except 6d each on Horses. At this date, foreign vessels from all quarters trade freely with Mass., and are encouraged to do so by Our authori- ties in direct oppusiti<)n to the English Laws of Trade. In 1680, one penny a pound on goods im- ported— no export duty. In 1686, Sir Edmund An- dros began bis tyrannical rule in Ma.s8iU3hu:<etts, and levied exorbita-bt taxes, according to TnimbiiU, part of which may have fallen on Commerce. In 1689, he is over thrown, and King William proclaimed. The Charter he grants, is not so favorable to the Coloni.<ts for Commerce, as tLeir old one, which they bid construed moreover in their own (avor, and in a verjr libeial manner. As the Coluni.sts had con- trolled their own trade, and had enjojed heretofore a comparative free trade, and had thriven by it, and saw its advantages, they spiritedly declared through the first act of their Legislature after they had re- ceived the Charter, that "no aid, tax, to'ttage, assess- ment, cu^ttom. loan, benevolence, or impo^Uion what- soever shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied on his majestys subject.-: or their estates, on any pre- tence whatever, but by the act and consent of the Governor, Council and representatives of the people assembled in General Court." This was intended to maintain their independence in trade, as before the ohartfr, and in 1718, the General Court went "so far as to lay a duty on English goods and English built ships, which, however, was soon repealed, but their boldness caused great displeasure in England. These things however show the spirit ani iudependence of the Colonists. la 1726, the duties ran from 20 to 30 shillings per pipe on Wine — Kum 20s. the libd. of 100 gallons — Sugar 28. the hhd. — Mula.-<ses Is. do — Tobacco 20s do — Logwood 38. the ton — other goods or merchandize, except those from Great Britain, Id. for eve'y 20s. worth. In 1701, the duties on Rum and Wine in Salem, were £60 10s , and in 1732, £800 to £900. ' This latter amounted to three fifths of the whitt^ Tfvenuf of Massachusetts in 1680 — whioh was then, according' to Gov. Bjsadstreet, alfont £1500. 82 them. A« the colonial tuhsbIs in those days were smuU, and carried otitet articles besides grain, there were probably, (judsi^g from car- goes some years later) from forty to fifty vessels employed in the coast trade, avera^^ing from twenty-five to thirty-five or forty tons. — Of these, Salem undoubtedly had her share. — This, too. is independent of the rishing fleet, which doubtless was simply engaged in fishing. The colonial ketches and Sloops ran to the West Indies, to Spain, the Wine Inlands and the Streights, and brought return cargoes which were despatched fuoastwise, together with our •f To judge by Qov. Bradstreet's answer to the Lords of the Council in 1680, our coastwise trade to Virgin- ia and Maryland for grain, tobicco', &o , must have begun after that time, as be appears to be silent on the point. Knowing the desires of the authorities in England to fasten their laws of trade upon us, he may, however, have rather underrated our commerce and enterprise at that time. The trade (and direct Salem trade) with the southern colonies was evident- ly well established between 16C0 and 1G70, and was even then important. Between 1690 and 1720 it flourished greatly, and was prominent, if we a-e not mistaken, down even to the American Revolution. — The coastwise trade of Massachusetts, and of Salem »8 one of the t^jf^ principal seaports in it, was con- fitied principally at first -prior to lti40— to the New England states, and tbence gradually extending to New York (with the Dutch) and still further South- So it seems, at least. The coloniitts finally purchased their grain, tobacco, Ac. oi Virginia and Maryland, by the West India produce they bought with their fish Ac. It is of course impossible to tell the exact time when this particular course Of trade commenced. Too colonies bought grain of the southerU Colonies at an early day, however — to judge from some few items of history. The early authorities of New En- gland may not have been very communicative to the English rulers, knowing that every admission they made was to be used as an additiontil argument why fbey should conform to the laws of trade in England. The colonists plead poverty to evade these laws, •ometimks truly, sometimes perhaps wisely; and oc- casi<>nally resisted them outright. They sometimes boldly carried on a contraband trade, and the Gene- ral Coart was butb wisely silent and blind in the mat- ter. The nolonists were for free trade, aud it proved to be an ineradicable irtiit in their ooiAmereial char- •oter. Yankee notions, and this very grain taken us part of the final return cargo to Massaehusetts. It is certain that Salem flourished by this gen- eral trade, as Josselyn says of Salem in 1664, ••In this town are some very rich merchants." The colonists seem occaHionally to have been troubled with Jpiracy, both native and for- eign, which was not put down until after 1700. By a law passed by the town in ||1669. refus- ing permission to transport' wood or timber by land or sea from the town commons, without leave of the selectmen, we can judge that a free use hud been made of the native forest of Salem for lumber, staves, and ship building, as well as wood for the fishermen, and the com- mon uie of the town, and that the scarcity wa? beginning to be felt. From the years 1640 to :(In 1684 the General Court pa^a an order for the seizure of pirates and privateers, authorizing certain officers to raise armed men for that purpose — making it lawful to shoot those resisting such officers or men under them, or if captured, are to be put to death as capital offenders. Any officer refusint; to serve against sucb outlaws, to be fined £50 or be imprisoned, and any inhabitant called upon by such officers, \( refus- ing to' appear promptly, and well armed, to pay £5 or suffer corporal punishment. In 1685 Capt. Sampson Waters of Boston, is grant- ed a commission against certain pirates off New Lon- don, and a proclamation made by order of General Court, and by beat of drum, for volunteers. The vol- unteers, as an inducement, are to "have an equal and just divi.-<ion in all the pirates' goods and estates taken witb them; aud no purchase, no pay" — Lord Bellamoot seems to have been the first who was suc- cessful in suuduiug them. ||.n 1676, boiVever, Salem is said to be one of the principal places for building vessels, at £4 the ton. In Book 2 leaf 47 Salem Records (Registry of Deeds) is an agreement between John Browne & Company aijd William Stevens of Gloster.in N. E., shipwright, under date of 1661, in which Stevens agrees to build ''one new shipp of sixty-eight foot long by ye keele Ac" at £3 5s the ton. Brown A Company were con- nected with the Jersey trade, Browne himiielf being a resident of Salem, the others at the Isle of Jersey, as it appears. The trade was most probably a Frinck one. The "shipp" appears to have been a little over 100 tons burthen, say 110. 83 1670 it is reaHonahly certain that Salem 6our- lahed greatly in comiueree, and all branches connected with or dependent upon it, and to a greater eitent comparatively, than for the thir- ty years after 1070, cloning with the century. Her prosperity, in common with the colony, af- ter 1670, attracted the jeaiojsy and greed of the home government, and the days of the Com- monwealtl) being numbered in England, she had no powerful friends there to interpret co- lonial lawb in her favor, or drive her enemies from power. The impetus, however, which she ha I already gained in commerce, atid I er natural independence, carried her through and over many obntacies, nor was Salem fairly sub- dued by her subKpquent ill-fortunes until 1711. Her troubles may have been sad to have fairly commenced in 1677, when our General Court order the navigation laws of En;;land to be obeyed, and culminated locally in 1692, with a continuation of commercial misfortune up to 1711. The Fisheries, as we have said, were the main reliance of Salem in the early days, and were indeed declared by the Council to the House in 1708 to be "the chief staple of the Country.'' (ireat attention was paid of course to them. In 1670 the General Court denounce Tortuga Salt as impure, and declare Fish cured with it to be not merchantable. The phrase *' Merchantable Cod tish'''' is often met with in the old accounts some years prior to and after 1700, and this may in some degree explain the phrase. There is also the phrase "Refuse Cod," which was ordinary or defective from eome cause, and was shipped largely to the West Indias. for the Negroes most probably. The dry Merchantable Cod Fish went to Spain, the Streights and the Wine Islands. In 1726 •we see the General Court passing an act for the better curing and culling o' Fish — the lack of care having brought our Fish into disrepute in foreign markets. From the year 1670 to 1740, the period at which we close our remarks upon the com merce of Salem, oar New England trado was to the *We8t Indies, and must parts ut Europe — *AmoDg the old Cummercial papers of the English Familj, is found tlje following letter directed *'To Corun'll Samuel Brown Esq., Maroli't in .ralem. New England. St. Christopher. Feub: ye Uth, 1727-8 Coro'll Brown. Sr — Having mett with ye Opportunity to writ to yon by Capt. Tiuiberlake that Stoppeu to c-ime here from Suranam having bin tiikeo to Mindwurd of Martinico By ye Gunrde coast & Brought to Uuarde- loopeand had a law sute with theiUy I wiit to you from Martinico to Acquniut you of Being a new General arrived there Which will not grant any pertuigsioa att all, then I went to •iuardeioiipe A they would not lett me come a Shoare then I went to Antigoa, <k tound ye Markett there .•'o loe. fi.<h wa? sold for lOs per ql then I came Here & thi)U;:ht fit to stay here Be- cause wee have news ot three >paiii!ib Privateer that was about ye Leward Island- I sold all ye fii<h at 14 per ql Board sell from lour to five pounds Ruiu is here 2:i 3d p gall, Malas^es is at i)d Cotton is at 12d p pound I can not sell ye Shingle I have about lUOUO of Board to sfell, tliere '» no Soalt at any of ye Island.-) I here that ye fleet will not £oe to Tortuga I shall make all ye ilispatch home Again I can, so Remain Sr. yr Ilumble Serv"t John Touzel. Molasses i£ very sCase to be had" Note. Id No. 2 of this Magazine will be foand a letter of Instructions from this same Sam'll Brown to Touzel in 1727. By the fleet going to Tortuga, Capt. Touzel probably means the New England vet- selsthen trading to the West Indies, which would go toT. to load in part, at least, with Salt for the New England Fisheries. But what a pursuit of Com> merce under difBculties does Dot this letter digclose? U hat with rumors of Guard Coasts, law suits, re- fusals to land, low markets, and Spanish Privateers, Capt. John Touzel seems to biive had trouble enough! There is no doubt, but that he did "make all ye Dispatch home again" be could, keeping too bis eyet sharply tn windward as he sailed out of St. Cbristo* phers, and for many a good league beyond, to iiee whetner the "Three Spanish Privateer" were not on bif track. Right glad too was ''Coron'll Samuel Brown E^q.," to see Capt John sailing peaceably into Salera Harbor, safe at last from fears and foei. Those who look upon the old times as the best, would nave been cured of their delusion, no doubt, could they have taken this cruise with Capt- John, aftgr one to the West Indies and back in this day and gea> eration. We will only add, this Capt. John Touzel WM « Son in law of Philip English, and appears to faavt 84 lincluding'fSpain, France, and ilollind At times there uppear tu have been insCinces of irregular trade with the French at Newfound- land, bj which brandy, wine, oil and English manufactures were brought into Salem. This trade seems to have been boldly and openly maintained however. From the year 1G86 New England appears to have a flag of her own, having a cross of red color on a white ground with a crown in the middle of the cross, and un- ,der the crown J. R. (James Rex ) A Dutch book entitled the Ship Builder, (so saya Felt) and printed in Amsterdam in 1705, states that the flag of |New England is blue, vtith a sailed for William & Samuel Erowne, noted mer- chants of that day. Some of bi3 Sea Journals are yet extant, and in the Essex Institute. fin the Salem Records (Registry of Deed?) Book 3 Folio 170, is to be found recorded the Instruct ions of Richard Lowe to bis partner Mr. John Black- leaob,:.who is directed to purchase what fisb or other goods are needtsd (beside the fish already bought in Salem) for the Ketch Blessing, theuoa to proceed z<< Bilboa, Spain, to sell his cargo, and thence to some part of Fiance , where it may be most advantageous to lay ont the proceeds in Linen cloth, and v^haiever else may be best, and thence directly to Boston. Blackleach as partner is to have "noe wages" but instead, 10 per cent on the sale of Lowe's portion in Biiboa aad 5 pur cent do at Boston. Date of In gtructions Nov. 21, 1672. From several wills we have seen in the Probate Office from about the same date to 1700, Bilboa, it seems, was a favorite mar- ket for our Salem vessels, and continued to be for a long time after. :j:!t may be that the flag spoken of by the "Ship Builder," printed in Amsterdam, 1705, was .a New England fl.igpn>r to 1686. What makes this proba ble, is, that in 1665 the King's Commissioners -de sire, among other things, that the true flag shall be hoisted on Massachusetts vessels. Colony Records, Vol. 4, Part 2. This would seem to imply that Massachusetts, if not New England, had then a flag of her own. The flag of 1686 is that of New Eng- land, under Sir Edmund Andros, and any one desi- rous of seeing a good representation of that flag, can fia 1 it (as taken from the Briti.<h State Paper office,) in Arnold's History of the State of Rhode Island, Vol. 1, opposite page 4d6. It is by no means ua- white free quarter, whinh is divided in four by H red croiis, having in the first subdivision a sphere of sepurated hemispheres, alluding to America as the New World. From the years 1686 to 1689 inclusive, Sa- lem is trading to iJBarbadoes, London, Fayal likely that Massichusetts (and New England acting with her,) had a separate flag as early as 1660 It was no more an independent measure on her part than the coining of money n 1652, and that was clearly an act of sovereignty. The Magistrates in 1673 tell Wayborne, who taen complains to them of their permitting a free colonial and foreign trade, as against law, "that they were his majesties vice admirals iu those seas, and that they would do that which seemed good to them," and they evidently did, including very probably the hoisting of a C<)loniaI flag on board their ships. As the peogile then chose their own Governor and Admiralty offic;eis, as well as Representatives, we c.n readily see that they had about their own way in all matters relating to Com- merce. It was not until the Charter was cancelled, that this freedom was checked — and then only to gain new force for the final explosion of Liberty at the Revolution. II Among the English papers is a letter of Wm. Hollingworth, then a merchant in Barbadoes, under date of Sept. 19, 1687, which is of a commercial character, relating especially to the imports into that Island from Salem. The letter, is directed on the outside. "For Mrs. Elanor Hollingworth, Att Sallem, In New England," and reads: "Dear and Honoured m^-ther "My Duty be presented to you with my kind love to my brother and sister and to ye c lildreri. Yours by Mr. Prance I Heci^ved; fish now att present bares A gv»od rate by lleasou ye Newfoundland men are not yet Come in but I believe itt will bt» low anuflfe about three monthes' hence; bread and peiece [pease] hath been A good Commodity and Contenue.s, louiu- ber is lowe still, oylo will be ye principle Commodi- ty but in good Cuske wee are in great likelihood of A brave cropp; this latter part of ye year hath proved very Sea.-sonable, ye lord be praised for itt, pray lett my brother see this letter I cannot tell what to ndvioe him to send as yett besides oyle but iu A short tyme wee shall see what these new.''ouad- land men will doe what quantitye:* of fish they bring in and then I will advice lartbor I will slip noe op- portunity in advising bim, soe with my serviss to all my frinus [friends] [ subscribe my Selfe your obedi- ent Son to Command. Wm IIo I.LI. vg worth. pray fail not my dear Mother in sending me half 85 and Biirtjiidoes, rennsylvaniii.St Christopliers, V'irjjiiiia and Antigua. The great luajor^t^ of her vessels are ketchea from twenty to tarty tons, and from four to six men. Only one ship appears among tliem, and her tonnage is but 130 tons. Salem however, it appears, was in- directly engaged also in the Virginia and Hol- land trade, carrving tobacco from Virginia to Europe. In 1G90 there seems to have com- menced a local trade of boating gixids to and from Boston, but how long it continued after l693 is in doubt. The French war now begins to trouble -Salem, and from this tisna to 1697 she loses over fifty of her fishing ketches bv the French and Indians. Some of our Sa'em peo- ple stiflPer in these years by being impressed on board British men of war. In 1698-r9 Regis- ters are taken out for 26 vessels tielonsr'ng to Salem— 2 ships, 1 b-irq-ie, 3 sloops and twen- ty ketches. The most average from 20 to 40 tons. Only five exceed the latter amount. One of the ships was 80 and the other 300 tons. The largest was built here, as well as 17 more of thp number. In 1700 the foreign trade of Salem is thus described by Higginson : — 'Dry Mercliantable Codfish, for the markets of Spain, Porcugal and the Straits. Kefuse fish, lumber, horses, and provisions for the West Indies. Keturns made directly hence to England, are sugar, inolassps. cotton wool, logwood and Brasilctto wood, for wliich we depend on the West Indies, Our own produce, a considerable quantity of *whale and tish oil, whalebcne, furs, deer, elk kentle of Cuske and some aples and Eonifi barbe- ryes and ye lott of Cuske. Barbadofs, Sfptni 19, lt)87, Bridgetown. My StTvisp to Mr. Croade, Mr. Andrews and to Mr. Adauies, and to Mr. Beuj Allin. W. H. Note. The oi7 mentioned in this letter, may, in part, have been Whale oil from the Cape Cod whale fisheries, or taken perhaps by Salem whaling boats in Massachusetts Bay. ♦From some old testimony searched out from the Files of the Es?ex, Co. Courts by Ira J. Patch, Esq., and referring to the Ancient Whale Catching Cus- toms of the Fishers in Cap<6 Cod Bay in 1708, we are inclined to believe tbit Beverly was engaged in 22 and bear skins are annually sent to England. We ha-ve much shipping here, find freights are low,*' From 1700 to 1714, inclusive, registers were granted to the following vessels of Salem, — 4 ships, 3 barques, 9 brigs, 24 f sloops and 19 ketches. They ranged from 15 to 90 tons ; 40 of them were f>uilt in Salem. In 1705 the ship Unity, of 270 tons, was built in Salem, this fishery then, and in all probability Salem also. The testimony, as copied by Mr. Patch, can be seen in the Salem (jazette of Jan. 1, 1858. As whaling, was tiien an old, long e8tabli:'hed pursuit in our Bay. Salem may have enteied into it, as Boston did, and with a like profit. This is most probably the case. f Among the English Papers are to be found a few acconn«s of Capt. AVm. English, (son of Philip,) who in 1709 and 11 is commanding respectively the sloops Mary and Arke bound to and from Virginia and Maryland. He carries thither Molasses, Hum, Salt, Cider, Mackerel, Wooden Bowls, Platters, Paijs, Kegs, JMuscavado Sugar, Cans and Cod- fish, and is ordered to bring back to Salem, Wheat, Pork, Tobacco, Furs, Hides, Old Pewter, Old Iron, Brass, Copper, Indian Corn, if cheap, and English I Goods. In 1712 Wm. £nglish sails for Surinam j (Dutch Guiana) in the Mary, with orders to fill up with Molasses, or freight (or Salem and Boston. There is a letter extant of this Wm. Engli.-h to a "Mr- Isaiic Knolcott cif Surinume,'' which may have some little commercial intormation in it, and which rather goes to disprove the modern idea that the liquors the ancient people drank were alvays of the ' purest description, and therefore very wholesome. In this matter, as in most matters of tue past, "Dis- tance lends enchantment to the view." "Salem, July the 2d, 1713. Mr. Isnack Knoleott, Sr: beair is in Closed Bill of Lading & invos for one hogshead of Verey Good .Midlin Cod fish shii'cd you by the Sloop [illegible^ Capt. John Shad ock comniand'r whitjh 1 hope will Com Safe to yr hands. I baue not yet sold all your Melasses By Ue.<en yt when it cauie a shore it Stunk & was Salt I So that Every Body tbat came to see hitt Sade yt it , was I ut in Either a fish Barrell or Porke or Beef tiarrell I have Sent it to ye Stillers to have it Stild [Distilled] into Rum. I shall make ye most of it I cann, & as for Talow [Tal ow] thare is none to Be had. I shall Send jou what Remanes yet dew to von By the next opportunity. I Rest y Vs. Wm. English." 86 for Boston and London oierchuntH, and in 17U9 JoSfph Hardy built the ship American Mer- chant, ol (jilascow, in Salem, fehe was of 160 tons burthen, and he was one of the owners, from 1714 to 1718 our vessels traded to Ma- deira, 8urin<iui, Jamaica, B.irbadoes, Biiboa, Lisbon. Bri!«tol and London. In 1721 some of our citizens wefe accused of an irregular trade with Cape Breton, and the Legislature wink at it. Lumber, provisions, and tobacco are car- ried tliither, and wine, brandy, linen, silks and other goods brought back. In 1733 as manv as ten vessels bound to or froiii Barbadoes and Saltatuda. are in tha ice in bur harbor, and people are employed to cut thein out. From J1721 to 1740 our trade was to vaiious parts of the West Indies, North Carolina, Maryland, Saltaluda. Oporto, Fayal, Lisbon. Canso, Bar- badoes, l|Bilbi>a, Gibraltar, Leghorn, Canaries, Jamaica, New Foundland, ^Leeward Islands, Cadiz, Alioant, Mediterranean, Virginia, St. Martins, Antijjua. The trade of Salem, immediately after its per- mament settlement, was under the control and ^Iii 1721, the Collector of the District, which in- cludes Salem aud adjacent Sea Ports, states that he tlears out 80 vessels on an average every year Felt's Annals. I|H e have In our poFsession a few letters of in- struction, from .S&in'll BroVirne of Salem, to his Capt. John Touzull, ranging through ».ne years 1728 9, in which Touzell i« ordered to deliver his cargo of "Scale Fish, middling C6d, and merchantable Cod" at Bilboa, S'f)aiti, arid thence get freight for Lisbon or Cadiz, and load with ialt at St. Ubea for N. E; or he may take a freight from L. or C. to Ireland, fiolland or England, and then go to the Isle of May for salt: or he may sell the Brigantine [Endeavor of lixty tons, plantation built] for £45U or £500, if be •an get that for her abroad. ir 1732— Salem has about 30 fishing Tcssels, much less than formerly, and the same number which go on foreign voyages to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and other 'West India islands; gome to the Wine Island?; others carry fish to Spain, Portugal, and the "Streights." •—Frit's Annals, appendin. Hu/cAin.von 8&> « our Massacbusetti trade with tbe Briligb West Indies was mutually {trofitable until tbe peaM of Utreoht ia 1713. It then began to deelioe. auspices of tiie Home Company. They, howr- ever, finding that their joint stock (tor the trade was manHgcd by the Company as a Cor- poratiun^ was sinking in value through the ex- penses of colonization, viz : purchase and main- tenance of ships, supplies, tranhportation of passengi-re, colonial expenses, and probably in- suflSjent returns, re-organized their operations, creating two kinds of stock, or else more effect- ually Separating and dividing their old stock. One ol these stocks was trailed the Joini Stock, the other the Common Stock. The Joint Stock was to be a trade stock. Tiiis they passed over to the management of Mr. John VVinthrop, Governor, and others, as undertakers. These undertakers were to manage this stock for seven years, with certain pcciiniiry advantages to themselves, run all risks, and, at the end of the seven years, account lor the stock and its profits, the Same to be divided to every stock- holder in ptoporfion to his adventure therein. It was not, therefore, a sa/e of the stuck to the undertakers, but only the a8sum()tion of its management, on favurahle pecuniary terms, by the undertakers, in consideration of their running all the rirfks. The common stock was entirely distinct from the joint stock, which was expressly declared by the Company, Feb. 10, 1630. (-ee Felt's Annals, vol. I. p. 148,) to be '•ordained for the maintenance of the trade," At the same date and meeting of the Company, (see Felt's Annals, game vol. same page.) it was determined ''that a common stock should bt raystdjrom such as beare good affecon to tht pla Uacon and propagacon thereof, and the sam* to be employed on(y in defrayment of puhlique charges, as maintenance of mtnisttrs, transpor- tacon of poorejamylyes. building of churches and ffortyfycalions aud all other fubhque and necessary expenses of ih" plantacon. dj^c.'' The reason given for the formation of this *Commoji 'This Common Stock was evidently in furtberanea of Plantation purposes (not trade) since every per- son BobHCribing to it tbe sum of £50 was entitled t» 200 acres of land, and proportiorably for any smaller earn. Bu it was an emigration measure. 87 Stock WU8, that the jurtherance of the planta I Colonists here, who managed things, after all, tion would necessiinly require a great and con- their own way. and panl.y in the destructiye tinual cliaige, which could not, with conve- nience, be defrayed out ot the Joint Stock (trade stock) of the Company. Certain undertakers seem to have been cho- Ben to manage this common stock, perhaps the same as wore to manage the trade or joint stock. It is obvious, however, t^>at the Home Company, did not part with their interest in this stock, since at the same meeting (Feb. 10, 1630,) "if IS further agreed on and ordered, that an order bee draicne vpp and publishfd vn- der the seale of the Company, to sigmfie and declare to what vsns all such monyes as are giu- en to the common stock shal be employed, and what land shal be allotted to each man that giues therevnto, <!fC." The further facts that ilr. John Winthrop waa chosen Governor of the Colony by the Company in London, and their comfirmation of (300 acres in the Colony to Brewerton at the same meeting at which they established the common stock of the Com pany, prove that the Uome Company did not part with any of their proprietary rights in the Colony, when they agreed to transfer the Pa- tent and Government hefe in 1030. Their joint stock or trade stock had a limit of seven yea's to run in the Colony, and at the risk of the undertakers, but we are unable to find that the common stock of the Company was ev- er limited in any way. To dispose of it, was to dispose of proprietorship, and we see no evi- dence of such an intention any wljere. It was natural and proper that the government of the Colony should be transicrred to the Colony, but tho Company in England would have sold their proprietorship, if desirous of disposing of it. We see no evidence of such a sale, or the intention of selling. We see charly that the trade of the Company was self-limited to seven years, and was most probably defunct several years before that period, but when did the pro- prietor's right of the Home Company cease to have any validity here ? The answer is per- bap» to be found la the independeDce ol the confusion produced by the civil troubles in England. Cradcck evidently considered that he had a proprietary right in the Colony, for he left a claim upon it, amounting, in 1648, to nearly £700. We have devoted a short space to the investi- gation of this matter, not only for the pnrpose of arriving at the facts of hittory, but because we are aware that some are of the belief that the Home Company parted with all their inter- ests, pecuniary and proprietary, in the Colony, to Winthrop and tho.se coming over with himi and to those already here. We see no evidence of it. The Government and Patenr were trans- ferred, and the general management, both of government and trade ; but we cannot see that right or interests in either wore disposea of to the Colonists here. The trade of the company was indeed to empire at a limited period, (neveh vea''8),but their interest in the Patent and Gov- ernment to continue. That it did not continue, can only be explained, now. by a combination of circumstances, permitted i)y a higher power; in part to free the Colony from a landed mo- nopoly, and give it a wide freedom aa the basis of the more glorious Commonwealth. Practically speaking, however, the Colonial government managed affairs, either of Church or State, from the start, to suit themselves. Many of the early laws, either religious or civil, are evidently the work of the Colonial au- thorities, spiritual or temporal, and very prob- ably entirely their own. The laws of trade gvhich they passed, often b<ive strong local characteristic), though they may have been for the benefit of the joint stock of the home com- pany and their partners id the Colony. la 1631, no corn, provision or merchantable com- modity could be purchiu^ed from any ship with- out the leave of the Governor or an Assistant. In 1634-5 the penalty of confiscation, or tht loss of value of the goods, hung over those wli* hought any commodity, from any vessel coming into the Colony, without a license from the Governor. In 1635 this was repealed. la 88 1634-5 a committee of iiierohants are appointed to purchase the cargoes of friendly vet-scls, etore them, and any time within twenty days after the landing of the cargo, and notice given to the several towns, sell them to the inhabi- tants of the Colony at £5 per cent, profit, and not above. By the preceding section it would seem that the cargo was prol)ahly not to he purchased by the undertakers of the joint stock of the Company, and if tiiis be so, then Salem begins in 1G34-5 to enjiy a comparative free- dom from the Home Company. This agrees well with the fact of history th it in 1637 the Colonists began to build vt'S^iels for trade and fishing. In 1640 their independence was obvi- ous, and the Home Company's trade has en- tirely disappeared. It was probably dying or extinct in 1635-6. Some of the early and re strictive laws of trade in the Colony may have been, and probably were passed as protective measures, and without much reference to the Home Company, as for instance that of 1634-5, which puniched any person who should go on board any sliip on arrival without leave of some of the assistants, uiilevSg she had laid at anchor twenty^four hours in some inhabited iiarbor, (nor tlien unless a friend) wi!h the confiscation of his estate, and such lurther punishment as the General Court should think in(!et to in- fli t ! Also that of 1635-6, wherein all persons are forbidden to buy any commodity from any ship before the invoice has been given to the Governor or Deputy Governor, nor any provi- sions without K-ave, nor to buy any provis^ions or victuals from such ship to soil again, or f car- ry from the Colony under pain of a punishment at the discretion of the Court. Both these laws were soon repealed, and were, therefore, we presume, merely local law8 to suit some local euiergoucy. f Even as lato as 1C62 we see another of those pro- hibitory laws, so common in the earlier day of Mas- sachusetts. Corn then is so scarce, that its export is forbidden on pain of Confiscation-f-the law to con- tinue in force until Gen'l Court so order otherwise. Here the alarming scarcity of corn in the Colony was doubtless the controlling cause of the Law. Tlio weekly Wednesday tuarkets permitted in Salem, commencing in 1634, and the two yearly Fairs granted her by Gen'l Court — the one in May, and the other in September — com- mencing in 1638, must have done their share in 8tin>ulatmg the internal, and perhaps external trade of S. The Home Compiiny built a bark here in 1629, but then only for their own fish- ermen— yet evidently a largo decked boat — large enough to visit Newfoundland. If the Colony was practically free of the Home Com- pany in 1637, then between tl at year and 1639 the fisheries and trade perhaps with them took a good start, since in 1639, ship carpen- ters, which follow their calling, are exempted from training, as also were fishermen and mjllers nnder similar c rcumstances ; though they are still to be furnished with arms. These peculiar privileges prove tlie impn tance of their uncontined labor to the Colunv at that time. In 1641 the Gen'l Court are fully a- roused to the importance of perfecting ship- building, which it calls "a business of great importance tor the public good, and therefore suitable care is to bi taken that it be well per- formed.'' and makes it lawful for the owners to appoint and put in some suitable workman, as is usual in England, to survey the work and workmen, givi.ig him such power and lib- erty as belongs to his office, and, in else of disagreement between him and the ship car- penters, provides for the selection of two im- partial ship carpenters as referees, who shall decide the matter and have power to remedy the complaint, and their charges or fees are to be paid by the party at fault. In 1642 Stlem is the second commercial town of the Colony. She pays £75 taxes, and Boston £120. The order of 1644 in ref- erence to ship building evidently applies forci- bly to her, as well as some other places — in which order the Genl Court offer to incorpo- rate a Company of ship builders to regulate building of ships, and make such laws and orders among themselvos as may conduce to the public good ; — (and thus make a Guild or 89 Couipiiny reseiuhliiiij tliose in tl:e old world ) In 1615. a Cinary Ishind ship, the Gilbert, is in Boston — with wines — and it is not unlikflv that the Wine Liland vi;s8el,s may have visited Salem a8 eirly. In 1646 wharfage reuulationt* are ordered by Genl Court for wharves in Boston and Charlestown ; and Saleta, as next I : IS against the UdIory, though in favor of them. When Charles the 2d came in, howey- i-r, his ministers weie detenn-ned. as well as the Kin>; himself, that ^L:^sachu8etts should he curtailed in her commercial freedom. The Colonial Antlioriiie^ saw t!.is, and the Gen'l Court in 1661 repeal the law a lowing friendly in Commercial importance to Boston, may have j ships to trade freely in our harbors. As they had wharves thus early. In 1645 or earlier, there appear.-' to have been trouhle between foreign vessels in our harbors (perhaps in Sa- lem) and (S'^a ?) fights took place between them. T/ie General Court dif<courage this by ordering that no ships in our harbors shall fight any other ships during the time ot their j ^^'^ t)*^" evaded, or were relaxed, and it was found abode liere I ni'ces.«Hr5 to revise and confirm tbem. When the Tii r-' I ■ 1 Ti M r 1. i Republicans triumphed in Enjfland, they past^ed a ho fisheries and Home Manufactures were ^ ^ o j ^ be-ran prior to the rei^^n of Henry 7th. During his reign (in 1485.) and the rei>rn of Elizabeth, (in loG2, and again in 15^3,) acts were passed favoring En- glish Com'nerce at the expense of foreign, and for the benefit esp»cially of the Royal N.ivy — to build it up. During the reign of Charles tiie Is , these laws always carerully watched over hy the Colonial authtirities. In order that raw-bides and un- ' suinewliac rough aot in 1650, prohibiting a}l ships of foreign nations from trading with any English plan- tations without license from the Council of State. — wrought leather should not he exported, the i i„ i(;5i (hey passed a Navigation Act, levelhd in General Court prohibited their transportation ' part ag.ainsr the sugar islands, which still adhered to from the colony in 1646 on pain of confisca- the King, and paitly against the Dutch, who then tion, or the value thereof, unle.ss first imporred into tiio Colony as Merchandize. The Fisher- men were early protected by law, and granted Tarious privileges, and in 1663 were empow- ered to use wood from any common lands for fiali flakes and stages — the English fishermen possessing still greater privileges — being al- lowed to enter on to private lands for the pur- pose, paying a reasonable sum, however, for damages It was trespass in our Bshermen to do this, but the English fishermen were con- sidered to have their privileges under the char- ter. The Colonists did not like such an exer- ci^e of their claims, but from policy perhaps forebore to deprive them of tbem. were the principal carriers of Europe, and whose ships were employed by Eaijlish merchants to bring mercnandize from America and the West Indies into England, in spite of former unrepealed laws, and at a lower rate of Ireight than native ships. This law enacted that no commodities (colonial or of any oth« er description) should be imported into England, un- less in vessels solely owned, and commanded, and principally manned by English subjects, and wheie the Commodities weie foreign, unje.-is entirely con- veyed in such vessels from the place where the com- modities grew, or to wbich they were usually in the fir.*t instance transported by sea. By this the Dutch were cut off from the carrying trade of the Colonies, and their importation ot fish into England laid under great restriction and heavy burdens. This act, moreover, did not permit any but En- In 1645, the whole Colony was in a prosper- gH-h subjects to be factors or agents in the English ous state, and Salem of course wit.'t ir. When the Navigation laws were passed, Salem, as well as the Colony evaded their application for a while, professing that they did not apply to tbem. since they were under the Charter, and Uot the Parliament. Cromwell seems never to have urged the *Law8 of I'rade pertinaciously *The laws of trade, or navigation laws of England, 23 Colonies. Before that time, the principal factors or agents in those Colonies were Dutch. At the restoration, Charles the 2d and bis Parlia- ment sustained substantially tiiese laws by statute! in 1660 and in 1662 — the first being known as the famous Aavigntion Act. The Mass. Colonists had not obeyed the laws of 1650-1, nor those of the ear- lier date, whiab were not repealed, and struggled against the Navi>;ati<m Act and kindred laws nntil their final separation from England. 90 tend lit the same time n verj humhlu luyiil ad- dress to the King, it is muHt lik ly that their reason waa a denire to conciliate CharlcH. yielding only what they were forced to yield, and to save other privileges, or peihaps for form's oake. The object of the Traiie and Navigation lawH and policy of England was to make England the Magazine of ColoniaS Trade, drive off the Dutch, and compel her own ehipjiing. especially the Coli>nial, to seek her own markets, pay her the legal duties, and to drive off all foreign Ireighting vessels whatso- ever, when in competition with her own shipping. The N E Colonists had enjoyed a comparativb free trade under Charles the 1st, and CromwHll, and had thriven greatly hy ir, and saw and felt its advantages. They were unwilling to come under the Laws of England in matters of trade, and evaded them in every ■Way they could. When the Commissioners of Charles the 2d came over here in 1665, backed by three Frigates, as a hint of the power of the Mother Country, the Colonists paid them all ostensible de(< rcnce. and worked againpt them in secret. The inde[)endence of Mas a- chusetts was well known in England, and the *King bated the name ot Commonwealtk even ♦The King (Charles the 2d,) was much incensed agninst Masisacbunetts at the first, and told Sir Thos- Temple, Gov. of Nova Scotia, (brother to Sir Wil- liam,) that, among oth<«r things, the Colonist.s had invaded the roval prerogative by coining money. Temple, who hud retained f>-om America, and had geun the urgent reasons which had induced the Col- ony to t»ke that step— the scarcity of money here, and the difficulty of procuring it from England dur- ing the civil troubles there — stated these to the King in extenuation, and showed him some of the Pine Tree Money. "What is that," asked the King, pointing to the Pine Tree, which the artist had made bushy and broad like the Italian Pine. "That is the Royal Oak,'" answered Temple; "the tree which •heltered your Majesty." Charles being highly pleased at this proof of loyalty, and in great and eondt^scending good humor, exclaimed, "Honest Dogs*" He appears in 1665 to have thought otber- wi>e, but the date of Temple's virit is not given. It may have been after the Commissioners' return. — in the Law Book of the Colony, and her con- tempt of Episcopacy ope*ily exfiressed therein. Both these things he desired should be swept away. They were a sore reminiscence to him, lor ihey reminded him of the Commonwealth at homw. liis Commissioners demanded also, among other things, that alt Masters of ves- sels and Captains of Companies should carry the /rue f colors of England, by which they Felt, however, in his History of Mass. Currency, puts the date of Temple's visit to the King as in l(Jt>2 Bifore Charles died, he evidently thought tlip Colonists were a set of "dishonest dogs." The mint was finally clo.'ed, about 1C86, say, though stated by one authority to be in existence in 1706. Felt evidently is the better authority on this point, and he gives about 1686 as the date. Massaciiusetts was early and long suspected in England of aiming at Independence, but her pro- gress thitherward seems to have been in the main a reasonable and somewhat unconscious one. As ear- ly lis 1639, 'ieorge Burdet, who had been an assis- tant of Rev. Hugh Peters, privately tells Laud, and others of Lord Comin'rs. thai the Col'^nifts were aiming more at civil independence, than ri'formation in ecclesiastical matters. S;e Felt's memoir of Hugh Peters, in the 5th vol. Mass. Hist, and Gen. Regis- ter. It seems but fair to say that the civil independence of Massachusetts was the natural result of the re- ligious independence she assumed and maintained trom the first. -fin 1629 the English Ensign appears to be tho flag of the Massachusetts Colony. In 1634, part of the red cross had been taken out. la 1633 the Gen. Court came to a reluctant conclusion to admonish Eodecott for cutting it out, which, it appears, be was somewhat instigated ta do, and in the belief that it was an idolatrous sign — a belief then held by not a few of the Colonists The English ensign seems then to have been laid aside, and as in 1636 the national fiag was unfurled at the Castle in Bos- ton Harbor, under the protestations of the magistrates, gianting that libert; to various ship masters going from that port, we can readily see that the English ensign was no favorite in the Colony, The reason then givtn by the magistrates tor their protest, was, that they held the cross in the ensign to be idola- trous. From 1651 to the close of the Commonwealth in England, Massachusetts may have adopted the "old 91 might be known tu bo hie* iuaj<»tj'8 Ifgiiiuiate itit'jects. It was evident by tliin that the Cul- onitttt* bad a fl.ig bj land aud S'ta, whicii was not of the ro^al putifrn. They demanded that the law which the Geni^ral C'<urt Imd passed again»t the Act oi Navigation of En;; laod should be repealt^d, and that the coinin^j; of money shuuld ceane, as being a Koyal pre- rogative. Tlie CoininissiunerH, moreover, charge upon the colonists, as from the King that ^'our subjects there doe not submit to our Government, but look at th'mselces as independ- ent on {of) MS." These Comlui8^iorleIs gave much trouble, and failed in their efforts. In 1667. the General Courtorder the Naviga- tion Laws to be obeyed, but this legal and formal submission was a hollow and really profitless one, and so intended, for in 1673 Wayborne, and m 1676. Randolph, inioriu the Englisti Government that the Laws of Trade are not observed in Massachusetts, — in fact are virtually inoperative — all nations trading here English colurs," viz: tbe CroM of St. George, need by tbe Parliamtnt, thuugb tbe General Court, wben adopting tbein in 1(551, strongly desired an alteration of tbem. As tbe King's Cuuiuiifsioners, in lb65 de- sire tbe Culunists to raise the true flag of England, botb on their ships and in tneir companies, it Would appear that Alas$aoDusett:i had adopted another flag than thai even of tbe Parliament; for our authorities were too politic to have worn the colors of the late Eni:lish Couiuionwealtb before tbe eyes of the King's CouimiAsioners, especially while disputing with tbem; and it is in evidence, that though they adopted tbe Parliamentary flag in Ibol, yet they then much de- sired an alteration in it, perhaps on some scruple of conscience. Up to l(j86, and under the tyrannical reign of Andros, the flag of New England only ap proximates to the Flag of England. The ensi&;n which Cromwell adopted, was, we believe, the simple Crosci of St. George, and which appears on the coin of the Commonwealth. The Colonists did not like the Cross, but may have continued it, with additions of their own. It is evident that they did not follow Cromwell or tbe Commonwealth blindly in any mat- ter. They were unwilling to war with their Dutch neighbors at bis command, declined to obey his laws of trade, kept aloof trom bis monied policy, and re- fused bis offers either as to Jaioaica or Ireland. without restraint. The Magistrates told VVaj- borne, thai tiiey, as Viue-Admirals of Ilia Majesty, in these seas, shuuld do as seemed good to them. Still these laws munt have troubled our merchants. In 1663 'he General Court appointed, for appearance's sake, Uil- liard Veren to be an officer for the ports of 6alem. Marblehead and Gloucester, to see that the Navigation Act of Parliament be enforced. He accepted the office, and avoided its ^dutiea. The Koyal Commissioners had failei in their attempts to practically enforce the act. Crom- well himseK had not been more successful though he in secret, perhaps, favored the Colo- nists. Still his attempts to induce the New Englanders to remove to Ireland and after- wards to Jamaica, arc capable of two different constructions. At all events, our Massachu- setts people and rulers united in mistrusting England, her Rukrs and her Laws, and obeyed them only under compulsion. f One of his duties wa.i to suite ships or vessels pp iiib-ted by that act trom tradiug here. It evi- dently was not done, tbougb Sulew, as the second (or third) commercial town in the Colony, must have violated the law. It was generally violated ia Mas.■>achu^ett3. S'ill tbe Colonists were troubled by the law, as putting them in a false commeroial posi- tion. To be Continued. ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS. INVENTORIES, Ac., ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF COlJRTrf, SaLEM, MASS. Copied by Ira J. Patch. COKTINOED FROM PACK 52. Andnw Creek. Sept., 1658. Inventory of estate of Aiidnw Creek, ap- prized by Francis Peabody and Robert An- drews of Topt^field, the 17th Sept., 1658, a- mounting to £17 17s 4d. List of debts owed by said Creek when he died, amounting to £19 16s 2d. Returned by Dan*! Clark, 29th 7th mo., 1658. John Wnght. Mar., 1659. AdministratioQ ol estate of Jubo Wright of 92 Newburv, frniiited to Edward Brafijf 30th 10th mo., 1G58. and an inventory ruturned by Ttiomas Bisljop and KuhertKiusuian. Benfn Montjoy, 4th mo.. 1659. Inventory of the est^ite ol H.nj'n Montjoy, amounting to £19 2s 51, returned by Wai. Clarke and Josepii DoUiver ; administration gianted to hisj wile, 28th 4th mo., 1659. Jno. Wondice, Ath mo., 1659. Will o( John Wood is of 8al.Mn, dated 2kli 3d mo., 1659, mentions ;?am"l Very and Alice his wife, dau of said VVoodis, Sim'l, Elizal)eth, Sarah, Thomas and John Very, children of Sam'l and Alice ; Eiuma Muse. Appts son in law, S.im'l Very, ex'r, Thomas Antrum and Thomas Flint, witnesses, proved 29th 4th mo., 1G69. Inventory of above estate, amounting to £69 5-< Od. 'taken lOih 4th :na., 1659, by Ti.om- as James, Thomas Flint aud Thomas Anthrum. John Lraih, 4ih mo , 1659. The testimony of Eliz'h Buxton and Mary Felton, as to Mr. Jo'^n Leaeh. senior, speech about the disposing of his estate. They say, "we, whose namiisar vnderwritten, beinge both in one roome, about half a yeare before the de- cease of sd John L"ach, senior, the sayd John Leach comming" in from worke he sayd vnto V8, he was so sicke he thought he should haue falln downe dead at iiis worke, and he did feare tluit he might at one tyme or other dye suddenly : therfore he did desire of vs i)oth (that if in case it should so fall out.) to be witnesses that all that he had he gaue vnto John Leach ; and at another tyme, hauinge further conference about the disposingeof his estate vnto the sayd John Leich, we told him there vrere seueral John Leeches ; be should doe — — not to expresse wch of them, he sayd to John Leach, the son ot Rich'd Leach, eayinge further that he had was but litle ; if he should deuide it it would come to but litle." loventorj^ of above estate taken 20th lOtb mo . 1658, by D.m 1 Ilea and Henry Cooke, amouMtiuji tu £37 3^ 01. Li«t of debts amount to £3 lOs 8d. Wm Jiggles Alh mo.. 1659. Inventory of estate of VVm Jijigles, taken 26th 3d mo,, 1659, by John Browne, John Gardner, R Imund Bitter, amount £148 3 of the cliiiiiren mar'd in time lonjr since, the otrier abroad at sea, tlie eldest son in England, a master of sliip. Returned by Eiiz'h, widow of dec'd, 28th 4th mo., '59. Kxigh Laskins, 4th mo.. 1659. Inventory of estate of Hugh Laskins nf Sa- lem, taken 21st mar,, 1658-9. amounting to £50 2-1 lOd, returned by John Marston and Samuel Pick man. Seeth. wife of Joshua Conard, 9th mo., 1659. Inventory of esfateot Sieth Conant. wife of the late (ieo^ased Joshua Conant. tiken 28th 3d mo., 1659, am Hinting; to £32 6-i Od, re- turned by John Brown and Ricimrd Prince. Geo. Norton. 9th mo., 1659. Inventory o( drorgn Norton of Sih?m, taken 221 7th mo, 1659, amounting to £134 lla 6J. returned by Jolin Powlew, Jacob Birney. FreegracH and John Norton, eldest sons of abovesaid George Norton, oflf;r and petition to the Court to allow and confirm the offjr to give up their portion of their father, George Nor- ton's estate to their mother. M<i''ia Norton, for her sole use during her wi lowhtjod, and if the Court will make division and see what the shares of tlieir brothers and sisters are, they will pay thorn their shares that their mother may have the whole. Ages of George Norton's children • — Free- grace Norton, 24 years : John Norton, 22 years; Nithanell, 20 years; George Norton, 18 years ; Mary, 16; Mehitahle, 14; Sarah, 12; Hannah, 10; Abigail, 8 ; Elizabeth, 5. James Moore. 9lh mo., 1659. Will of James Moore of Hammersmith, dat- 93 ed ofh 5th mo., 1659. mentions littl« daujihter Duni'-hj. wifti Ruth Moore appts Oliver Piirchis and J-ihn Clarke to he overseers. Jo- seph Jenks. sen'r and Joseph Jenke, junior, wiine8si'8. Inven orv of above estate, amounting to £56 8s Od. returned by Joseph Jenks and John liathorne. Sam' I Porter, 9t/i mo , 1659. Will of Siim'l Porter, dated lOih 12th mo., 1658. being bound for the B.irhadoes. Wife liiinnuh i of his farm, son John the other half of his (arm at Wenham ; after the death of his wife the other half to return to bia son. Father Porter and father-in-law Wm. Dodge, and Edmond Batter to be over- seers W^itnesses, Edm"d Batter and Sara Batter, proved 28th 4th mo., *G0. Inventory of above estate, taken 22d 4th mo.. 16t30, amounting to £331 19h Od. return- ed by Koger Conant and John Rayment. Edward Brown. Mar. 1660. Will of Etiward Brown of Ipswich, dated 9th Feb., 1659, mentions 3 acres, a gift given to his son Thomao by his aunt Watson in Okl England, said Thomas being dead he account? bia son Joseph to he his heir. Joseph to iiave his 8 acres in the common land which he bought of his brother Bartholomew ; wile. Faith Browne, son John Browne, his wife sole ex'tx. Witnesses. Rohert and Thomas Lord, proved 27th Ist mo.. 1660. Inventory of above estate, taken 20th Feb., 1659. amounting to £225 5s 7d : debts due from the estate, £24 8s Id ; returned by Mo- ses Pingry and Robert Lord, 27ib Ist mo., 1660. John Clements, May 1660. Consent of J.ib Ciemente that his Brother, Robert Clements, shall be satisfied for his voy- age to England on his Brother. John Clem- ent's ac't out of the et-tatfof his brother John Ist mo., 26th day, 1660. 24 Jane James, June, 1660. Inventory of estate of Jane James, widow of Erasmus James, dec'd, amounting to £86 Is 9d, returned by Francis Johnson and Mosea Maverick. The land in Marhlehead. with the house in wch the deceased lived and dw<!lt in being in controversy between Erasmus Jamea junior, and Richard Read, wch we know not whose It is, but being desired by sd Erasmus Jomes to apprise it, the appraisers valued it at £40. List of debts due by Erasmus James when he died, £19 Us lOd, allowed 26th June, 1660. Wm Golt. 4th mo., 1660. Inventory of estiite of William Golt of Sa- lem, tvken 21rtt April, 1660, amounting to £49 Os Od. List of debts. £22 02s Od, return- ed by Jf flFrey Massey and John K.itclien. Chil iren : — Reliecca, 19 years ; Debora, 15 years; Sara. 13 years. Ed. Norris, Ath mo., 1660. Will of Edward Norris of Salem, minister, and teacher of the Church of Christ, dated in Silem. 9th 10th mo. (D.c.) 1657. Son Ed- ward Norris; John Home and R>chiird Prince, deacons of the cliurch in Salem. Witnesses, Walter Price and Elias Stileman. Proved 27th 4th uio., 1660. John Bradstreel, June. 1660. An inventory of estate of John Bradstreet of Mablehead. tak.-n 14th 4th mo , 1660, by John Bartoll. Joseph Doliiver. amounting to £102 19ti Od, returned 26th 4th mo., '60. Joshua Conant, ith mo., 1660. List ol charges due to Mr. Joseph Gardner, from the estate of Joshua C'nant, amounting to £35 7s lid, and testimony of Hugh Junes and Jane Coffin, wife of Robert, concerning it, 20th 4th mo., 1660. Lawnnce Southtctck, 4th mo., 1660. The testimony of Wm. Robinson and Thom- 94 as GardntT, that John and Dunjel South wick havS uiiide a very fiiir iigreeinent about tho dividi. g of their father's estate. Wm. Paine, Nov., 1660. Copy of iiiVHiitory of estjite ol Wm. Paine of lJo>ton. merchant, *aken 22d 8th mo., 1660. hy lien Shnmpton. Josliua Soottow, and John Richards, amountinjr to £4239. lln 5d, reiurnud by John Paine, his son, ^Jov. 14, 1660. Edm'd Nicholson, Nov., 1660. Inventory ol ent-iie of Bduiond Nicholson of Marhlehead, taken 22d 9th mo., 1660, by MoNcs Maverick. Wm Nicke, John Lejrg, amounting to £150 Os 6d. 28th Nov 1660. Elizabeth, relict of the deceased, app'd, and Bworne to tlie truth of the iciventory. List of debts. £54, 4s Od Cliildren : — Christopher, 22 yrs. ; Joseph. 20; S.imuel, 16; Joan, 14; Elizabeth, 11; Thomas, 7. Chris. Codnor, dth 7no., 1660. Inventory ot Cliristopher Codnor, amount- ing to £252 Os 9d. Children — Mary, 5 yrs., Christopher 3 yrs. Lawrence Southwich, 9th mo., 1660. Will ol " Lawrence Setbick, late ot 6alem, in New England, now being at the house of Natbaniell Sylvester, on Shelter Island," dat- ed 10th 5th mo , 1659. son Daniel, John Hur- nell, JoHiah Southwick, daughter Provided, son John, iSamuel Burtai, Henry Traske, Ma- ry bis dan., and wife of Henry Traske, Deho rah Southwick and young Josiah. Ann Pot- ter, Mary, Sarah and Hannah, daus. of Henry Tratike, Sam'l and Sarah, John South wick's children. Wm. Robinson and Thus. Gardi- ner to be overseers of his vrill. Witness, Nuth'l Sylvester, Thomas Harris and Wm. DuranJ. proved 29th 9th mo , 1660. Inventory of above estate, taken hy Wm Jlobinson and Thomas Gardner, amounting to £196 Os Od, returned 29th 9tb mo., '60. Eran Thomas, Philip Kerlfand. 4th mo., 1661. "A Inventory of the moveahle estate wch Ev- an Tliomas hath and doth enjoy with and by Alice his now wile ; taken before marriage," amounting to £160 148 Id. returned hy Alice Thomas, late wile of Piulip Kertland, 26th Juno. 1661. THStimony of John Kertland, aged about 52 years, savs, "I often hard my brother, Phillip Kyrtl.ind. say uftiuies that his wife shoulald hauo all that hee had to dispose of, ^o long