ffr ^
FIVE GENERA OF BEETLES IMITATED IN HISTORIC TIMES ClypttLS-^ Head
Plate
Front.
5 c a r a ba. e u s
C a t h a rsi us
C
o p r l 5
P
Cumnopleurus Hypselogenla.
Th» first figure it the natural form, adapted to an oval outline. The second figure is the artificial form.
HP. P.P. 1904.
BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT
AND EGYPTIAN RESEARCH ACCOUNT
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR, 1915
SCARABS AND CYLINDERS
WITH NAMES
ILLUSTRATED BY THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON
BY
W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE
HON. D.C.L., LL.D., LITT.D., F.R.S., F.B.A., HON. F.S.A. (Scot.), A.R.I.B.A.
MEMBER OF THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
MEMBER OF THE ITALIAN SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY
MEMBER OF THE ROMAN SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY
MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF NORTHERN ANTIQUARIES
MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
EDWARDS PROFESSOR OF EGYPTOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
LONDON SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, GOVVER STREET, W.C.
AND
CONSTABLE & CO. LTD., 10 ORANGE STREET, LEICESTER SQUARE
AND
BERNARD QUARITCH, u GRAFTON STREET, NEW BOND STREET
1917
si
82
PRINTED BY
MAZEL! , WATSON AND VINEY, LD.,
LONDON AND AYLESBURY.
BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT AND EGYPTIAN RESEARCH ACCOUNT
GENERAL COMMITTEE (• 'Executive Members)
Hon. John Abercromby Walter Baily Henry Balfour Rev. Dr. T. G. Bonney
Prof. R. C. BOSANQUET
Rt. Hon. Viscount Bryce of
Dechmont Dr. R. M. Burrows *Prof. J. B. Bury {Chairman) •Somers Clarke Edward Clodd Prof. Boyd Dawkins Prof. Sir S. Dill •Miss Eckenstein Dr. Gregory Foster Sir James Frazer •Dr. Alan Gardiner •Prof. Ernest Gardner
Prof. Percy Gardner
Rt. Hon. Sir G. T. Goldie
Prof. Gowland
Mrs. J. R. Green
Rt. Hon. F.-M. Lord Grenfell
Mrs. F. Ll. Griffith
Dr. A. C. Haddon
Dr. Jesse Haworth
Rev. Dr. A. C. Headlam
D. G. Hogarth
Sir H. H. Howorth
Baron A. von Hugel
Dr. A. S. Hunt
Mrs. C. H. VV. Johns
Prof. Macalister
Dr. R. W. Macan
Rev. Prof. Mahaffy
Sir Henry Miers
•J. G. Milne Robert Mond Prof. Montague Walter Morrison •Miss M. A. Murray Prof. P. E. Newberry His Grace the Duke
Northumberland. F. W. Percival Dr. Pinches Dr. G. W. Prothero Dr. G. Reisner Sir W. Richmond Prof. F. W. Ridg i:\vay Mrs. Strong Lady Tirard E. Towry Whyte
of
Honorary Treasurer— *H. Sefton-Jones Honorary Director— Prof. Flinders Petrie Honorary Secretaries— Mrs. Hilda Petrie and Percival Hart Hankers — The Anglo-Egyptian Bank.
Though last winter the war hindered the continuance of excavations, it is hoped they will be resumed, so soon as the position is more settled, with assistants who are not required in Government service. Meanwhile the volumes for 1914 on Lahun and Harageh are delayed by various causes; and, in lieu of the usual volumes on excavation for 1915, subscribers here receive a work en the scarabs in University College, with over 2,000 illustrations of obj'ects bearing royal and private names.
The accounts of the British School are audited by a Chartered Accountant, and published in the Annual Report. Treasurer : H. Sefton-Jones.
ADDRESS THE HON. SECRETARY,
BRITISH SCHOOL IN EGYPT, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
GOWER STREET, LONDON, W.C
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
SECT.
i. Scope of the volume ....
2. Extent of the subject ....
CHAPTER I RELIGIOUS ASPECT OF THE SCARAB
3. Veneration for the beetle
4. Ideas connected with it .
5. The use of the scarab .
6. Literary references to it
7. Amulet and seal .
CHAPTER II
THE VARIETIES OF SCARABS
8. Varieties of treatment
9. Five genera copied
10. Classification of backs
11. Range of types
12. Range of small details
13. Locality of smooth backs
14. System of using the types
CHAPTER III
THE MAKING OF SCARABS
15. Glazing ....
16. Stones used .
17. Glass and paste
18. Cutting soft materials .
19. History of wheel cutting
20. History of point graving
CHAPTER IV THE EARLY CYLINDERS, PLS. I— VII
21. A corpus provided here ....
22. Classes of types
23. Primitive concept of writing .
PAGE
1 1
8 8 9 9
9
10 10 10
CHAPTER V THE OLD KINGDOM, PLS. VIII— XI
SECT.
24. The first four dynasties .
25. The vth dynasty .
26. The vith dynasty .
27. The viith — ixth dynasties
28. Hardstone scarabs, xth and xith
29. The xith dynasty .
CHAPTER VI THE EARLIEST AGE OF SCARABS
30. Little proof of re-issues .
31. Characteristics of periods
32. The Antec V group
33. The Ka-nefer-uah group
34. Fixtures between xth — vith dynasties
35. The Unas group .
36. The vth — iiird dynasty group
37. Summary ....
CHAPTER VII THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
38.
39- 40. 41. 42.
43- 44.
45- 46.
47- 48. 49. 50. Si-
Rise of the xiith dynasty Re-issue of Senuaert III Private scarabs, scrolls . Ur res moba title . Maot kkeru, etc. Notes on peculiar scarabs Private scarabs, borderless Dating of private scarabs The xiiith dynasty The xivth dynasty Doubtful names The xvth dynasty, Hyksos The xvith dynasty, Hyksos The xviith dynasty
PAGE I I
12 12 12 13 13
14 14
IS
16 17
'7 18
19
19 20 20 20 21 21 21 22 22
23 23
24 24
25
CONTENTS
CHAPTER VIII THE NEW KINGDOM
I1CT.
52. The early xviiith dynasty .
53. Hotshepsut and Tehutmes III
54. Amenhetep II and Tehutmes IV
55. Amenhetep III
56. The Aten episode .
57. Sety I and Ramessu II .
58. The close of the xixth dynasty
59. The xxth dynasty .
60. Heart scarabs
61. The xxist dynasty
62. The xxiind dynasty User-maot-ra kings
PAGE
25 26
26 27 27 27 28 28 28 29 29
CONTENTS OF PLATES, List of Kings, and Census of
CHAPTER IX ETHIOPIANS AND SAITES
SECT.
63. Early xxvth dynasty
64. Vassal kings .
65. Later xxvth dynasty
66. Rise of the Saites .
67. The xxvith dynasty
68. The Persian age .
69. Close of the scarab
70. Greeks and Romans
71. Late private scarabs and seals
Scarabs
SUMMARY of museums and of dynasties Index to text
Index of private names (lithographed).
INDEX OF TITLES (lithographed).
1 — Lviii. Plates of scarabs, and pages of Catalogue.
lix— lxxhi. Plates of backs of scarabs.
PAGB 31
31 32 32 32
33 33 33 33 34 to 40
• 41 43 to 46
ERRATA IN PLATES.
xix, 4th line : 1 to be under 1st of Queen Ana.
xxxvi, 6th line : Names of the Aten begin at 45.
liv, 3rd line : 1 3 to be 1 ; 1 to be 2 ; 2 to be 3, 4 ; 4 to be 5 ; 5 to be 6.
The British School of Archaeology in Egypt has been making a collection for a war fund since 1914. We undertook to raise £ 1,000 for the Officers' Families Fund, and achieved this in about a year. We are now collecting entirely for the Scottish Women's Hospitals, to maintain Dr. Elsie Inglis' two Field Hospitals, which are serving the Serbian division of the Russian army in Rumania, and are greatly valued by our allies (Hon. Sec. S. W. H., London Units, Hilda Flinders Petrie). It is hoped that all subscribers will help to make this the special War Work of our organisation. We have no hesitation in continuing to receive usual subscriptions to the School, as such are invested in War Loan, and thus pass into the National Savings for the present. Our students are now all serving their country, but when that sad duty is passed, they will again turn to the School to support their researches. Meanwhile our supporters, by their subscriptions, ensure getting the volumes of this catalogue, which will be continued for the years of the War. The volumes are : —
Amulets (previously issued by Constable).
Scarabs, for 191 5.
Tools and Weapons, for 1916.
Funeral Statuettes (Shabtis) "1 .
„. . , . ,T ' \ for 1917.
Weights and Measures J
Following volumes will be on Ornaments and Toilet Objects ; Stone and Metal Vases ; Scarabs with designs and Button Seals ; Prehistoric Egypt ; Games and Writing Materials ; Glass and Glazes (in colours) ; Beads (in colours) ; and ten or twelve other subjects.
At a time when all our energies are required for our defence, it is needful to state the conditions under which any historical work is produced. At the beginning of the war the writer of this volume offered to resign University position until peace, but was officially instructed to retain it ; and the most direct duty of such position is the present catalogue of College collections. His offer also, in two official enquiries, to take the work of other men in public service, has been refused. The printing of this volume has been left to be produced entirely as deferred work, only taken up to level the output of the printers and plate-makers ; thus equalising the conditions of labour, without employing more workers than are otherwise needed. The splendid early volunteering of over 250 men from the firm of printers, shows that they do not hesitate at complying with the national requirements. Great delays in printing have necessarily occurred, and it is doubtful if volumes beyond this, and that on Tools, can be issued till after the war.
Til
SYSTEM OF THE CATALOGUE
The current description of the plates, and discussion of the materials. The HISTORICAL Index, and general census of scarabs in the principal collections. The TEXT Index.
The PRIVATE NAMES Index (lithograph). The TITLES INDEX (lithograph).
The CATALOGUE plates and description of all early cylinders accessible, and of all
scarabs with names in University College. The TYPES OF BACKS of scarabs.
The order of the scarabs under each king is (i) Falcon name; (2) Nebti name; (3) Hor-nubti name ; (4) Throne name with phrases, or with titles, or plain, proceeding from the longest to the simplest ; (5) Personal name in similar order. Other objects with names follow after the scarabs under each person. Private scarabs, etc., are placed as nearly as may be in their historic position. Heart scarabs are all together between the.xxth and xxist dynasties.
The system of numbering is not continuous throughout, as that does not indicate the period at sight. Each object has the number of the dynasty, the king, and of the object under that king. Thus 18-6-23 is the xviiith dynasty, 6th king (Tehutmes III), and his 23rd scarab. The drawings of scarabs outside of this collection are only inserted to complete the series, and are not numbered or catalogued. The colour stated is the original colour wherever any part of it can be found, regardless of the general change in such cases. The letter and number after the colour refer to the types of backs.
In the plates of backs LIX — LXXIII the references below each drawing are the dynasty, king, and number, as above stated. Where there is more than one reference, the underlined reference is the source of the drawing, which the others resemble. The top number of each drawing is that of the type, and is used with the type letter of the class for reference in the Catalogue pages. Occasionally two drawings have the same number when the type is alike, and they only differ in work.
References are made to the following works : —
Hall, H. R., Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, etc , in the British Museum, 1913.
Newberry, Percy E., Scarab-shaped Seals (Cairo Catalogue), 1907.
,, ,, Scarabs, 1906.
Ward, John, The Sacred Beetle, 1902.
Frazer, George, A Catalogue of Scarabs, 1900 (now in Munich). The Golenisheff Collection (photographs privately issued). Petrie, W. M. F„ Historical Scarabs, 1889.
V1U
SCARABS
INTRODUCTION
i. The little amulets of beetle form, which are the most usual production of Egyptian art, have fascinated the amateur collector for a century past, but have not yet fully received the scientific attention which is due to them. The most obviously interesting class of them are those with names of kings, of the royal family, and of officials. These carry with them in most cases a dating, which fixes their historical position. They stand thus to Egyptian history much as coins stand in relation to Western history. They often add historical matter which is otherwise lost to us ; and the style of their art and manufacture serves as an index to the changes which went on in the civilisation. In the present volume we only deal with the scarabs — at University College — which bear names ; and to these are added the cylinders, plaques, and other small objects with names, as they are closely similar in work, and stand on the same footing. In another volume the scarabs of other kinds will be dealt with ; but their dating must depend mainly on comparison with the styles of those here described.
2. At first sight it might be supposed that the subject was boundless, when looking at the hundreds of scarabs that lie in the Cairo shops. But this is far from being the case. The named scarabs are only a small proportion of the whole, and the greater part of those are of Thothmes III. Any one can form a collection of that king's scarabs in a year or two, as readily as of coins of Constantine, and very few of them would be of any interest. To acquire the variety of different periods, and the rarer names, needs a very long search. When I first went to Egypt I used to buy about a hundred name-scarabs each year, and only included those of Thothmes III which were of interest. Latterly about thirty each year is all that I can get that are worth having.
So far from the subject being boundless, there are only about 300 different kings and royal relatives who are thus commemorated on scarabs, cylin- ders, and seals. Of that 300, there are at University College over 240 different royal persons, about
150 at the British Museum, about 90 in Paris, 70 in Cairo, and various minor selections in other museums. Thus the collection here described is by far the most varied in its range ; and in order to make the view more complete, drawings are here inserted of the scarabs, cylinders, etc., of persons not represented in this collection.
Turning to the total numbers of scarabs, cylin- ders, rings, and plaques with royal names, the limits of the subject are also well in view. Apart from the overwhelming commonness of Thothmes Ill's objects, there are rather over 5,000 named objects in all the public collections together. Of these there are over 1,600 in this collection ; the same in the British Museum, about 300 in Paris, and fewer in Cairo and elsewhere. Practically a third are here, a third in Bloomsbury, and a third in all the rest of the museums. Thus the subject is quite within reach, and can be dealt with toler- ably completely, with this catalogue and that of the British Museum. Of course there are many scattered in private hands, and some collections of note ; but it is seldom that much of importance is seen on going over such gatherings. In stating this, the scarabs and seals with private names are not included, as they are not so fully published for comparison. They form, however, only a small minority of the whole, probably not 5 per cent, of the name-scarabs in most collections, and generally much less. There are about 330 in this collection, and a little over a hundred in the British Museum, but no other collection has more than a few dozen. A considerable part of the illustrations were prepared, more than a dozen years ago, from photo- graphs by Mr. Nash ; this unfortunately has entailed a loss, as the cost of blocks was then double of the present amount. The drawings of backs were also partly done then, and the classi- fication of the types. In the last two years the collection — now largely increased — has been worked up to date, and the text completed, and rearranged to suit the present form of publication. In this manner the illustrations and catalogue are always together, while the advantage of finer paper for the figures is obtained.
RELIGIOUS ASPECT OF THE SCARAB
CHAPTER I
RELIGIOUS ASPECT OF THE SCARAB
3. That various kinds of beetle were venerated in Egypt from prehistoric times is clearly proved, both from the preserved animals, and from the images of them. So far back as s.D. 53, in the earlier part of the second prehistoric civilisation, two jars in a grave contained numerous dried beetles (grave b 328, Diospolis). Rather later, in s.D. 66, a grave (b 234) contained a jar with scarab beetles. Of the same age another grave (b 217) contained a jar with dozens of large desert beetles, and an immense quantity of small beetles. Another grave, undated (b 17), had thirty-six beetles in a jar.
Not only are the dried animals thus found, but the intention with which they were buried is vouched for, by the models of beetles pierced to be worn as amulets. At Naqadeh two beetles of green serpentine were found, of prehistoric age, copied from the long bright green beetle now found living in the Sudan (Naqada, lviii). Other beetles of the same kind cut in sard, and one in crystal, have been found in graves at Tarkhan, about s.D. (Sequence Date) 77-8. In another grave (1552), of s.D. 77, was a group of amulets with two desert beetles cut in opaque green ser- pentine. Of s.D. jy also, was a translucent green serpentine beetle found in the lowest level of the town of Abydos (Ab. i, li, 7). Slightly later, but before the ist dynasty, was another long beetle found in the temple of Abydos (Ab. ii, xiv, 282). Of s.D. 78, just before Mena, there is the most striking instance of a reliquary case, to be worn as a charm, made of alabaster in the form of the true Scarabaeus sacer (grave 27, Tarkhan I, hi, 4, xiv, 19). About the time of King Den (s.D. 81) in a grave at Tarkhan (120) was a jar containing many large desert beetles. Passalacqua found the Buprestis beetle embalmed at Thebes. The variety of beetles here mentioned, beside the commonly recognised scarabaeus, is what is to be expected, as we find that four other genera are clearly copied in the scarabs of later times, and are alluded to in papyri for magical use.
4. What then must we conclude as to the Egyptian view of the beetle, before the engraving of designs upon it ? It was certainly sacred or venerated, as shown by the many amulets, and
especially the amulet case or reliquary in the form of Scarabaeus sacer. It was, by the same examples, certainly worn as an amulet. This being the case, we have no right to dissociate it from the very primitive idea which we find connected with it in later times, that the sun is the big ball rolled across the heaven by the Creator, and hence the scarab is an emblem of the Creator, Khepera. The scarab is figured with the disc of Ra in its claws in the xiith, xviiith, and later dynasties. Such a sym- bolism is assuredly primitive, and would not arise after the anthropomorphic gods filled the religion of Egypt ; moreover Khepera is called " the Father of the Gods " (Lanzone, D. Mit. cccxxx). This symbolism of the beetle is a part of the primaeval animal worship of Egypt. The idea of the word Kheper is " being," existence, creation, or becoming ; and the god Khepera is the self-existent creator- god.
On turning from the material remains to the inscriptions, we find that the importance of the scarab emblem was transferred from the Creator to the soul which is to be united to him. In the Pyramid texts it is said, " This Unas flieth like a bird and alighteth like a beetle upon the throne which is empty in thy boat, O Ra." Teta is said to " live like the scarab." Pepy is " the son of the scarab which is born in Hotept."
The scarab also passed to the other gods as a creative emblem. Ptah Sokar has the scarab on his head ; so also Ka, " father of the gods," has a scarab on his frog's head. Horapollo refers to Ptah having a scarab.
5. We are now in a position to see the Egyptian idea which underlay the immense popularity of this form in historic times. We need not suppose that the original amuletic purpose and theologic allusion ruled entirely; mere habit of association was perhaps all that was commonly in the thoughts. We know how in Christian times the cross was popularised, and was used so incessantly that at last a higher value had to be attached to the emblem by forming the crucifix, in order to renew the solemnity of it. In somewhat the same spirit, after the scarab had become too familiar in common use, it was resanctified in the xviiith dynasty by being carved in a very large size, with a purely religious text upon it, and placed in a frame upon the breast of the dead. On this frame it is often shown as adored by I sis and Neb hat. It is said to be the heart of I sis, who was the mother of the
MAGICAL USE OF THE SCARAB
dead person, thus identified with Horus : to be the heart which belonged to the transformations or becomings of his future life, in order to give soundness to his limbs ; and to be the charm which should ensure his justification in the judgment. Such were the high religious aspects of the scarab in the later times, removing it from the almost contemptuous familiarity to which it had been degraded, as the vehicle of seals and petty ornament. On passing to the xxiiird dynasty and later, we see the winged scarab placed on the breast of the mummy, as the emblem of the Creator who should transform the dead ; and associated always with the four sons of Horus, as guardians of special parts of the body.
From this time, and specially from the xxvith to the xxxth dynasties, many scarabs were placed on the mummy, usually a row of half a dozen or more, along with figures of the gods. Such scarabs are almost always carved with the legs beneath, and are never inscribed.
On reaching gnostic times we see on amulets three scarabs in a row, as emblems of the Trinity, with three hawks as souls of the just before them, and three crocodiles, three snakes, etc., as souls of the wicked driven away behind them (see Amulets, 135). Thus the function of the scarab as emblem of the Creator Khepera was transferred, and it became in triple group the emblem of the Trinity.
6. Turning to the documents of that age, there are descriptions which throw much light on the way in which it was venerated. Pliny says of the scarabaeus, " The people of a great part of Egypt worship those insects as divinities ; an usage for which Apion gives a curious reason, asserting as he does, by way of justifying the rites of his nation, that the insect in its operations pictures the revolution of the sun " (xxx, 30). Horapollo (i, 10) explains this allusion, saying that the scarab " rolls the ball from east to west, looking himself toward the east. Having dug a hole, he buries it in it for twenty-eight days ; on the twenty-ninth day he opens the ball, and throws it into the water, and from it the scarabaei come forth." This de- scription applies to the most usual place for the scarabaeus insect, the western desert edge. There we may frequently see the scarab rolling its ball toward the rise of sand to bury it, and holding it between the hind legs, pushing backward with its face to the east. The same description is given by Plutarch (Isis and Osiris, 74).
There was regard for various kinds of beetles in Roman times, as previously on the carved scarabs, and the prehistoric amulets. Pliny (xxx, 30) says, " There is also another kind of scarabaeus which the magicians recommend to be worn as an amulet — the one which has small horns thrown backward. A third kind also, known by the name of fullo, and covered with white spots, they recom- mend to be cut asunder and attached to either arm." This method of use is described in the Demotic Magical Papyrus (xxi, 18) ; " you divide it down the middle with a bronze knife . . . take its left half . . . and bind them to your left arm."
Horapollo (i, 10) states, " There are three species of beetles. One has the form of a cat, and is radiated, which is called a symbol of the sun . . . the statue of the deity of Heliopolis having the form of a cat, and the scarab has also thirty fingers like the thirty days of the month.
" The second species is two-horned, and has the form of a bull, which is consecrated to the moon.
" The third species is unicorn, and has a peculiar form which is referred to Hermes like the Ibis."
This third species is evidently the Hypselogenia, which has a long beak in front ; this seems to have been compared to the long beak of the ibis, and hence was referred to Tehuti. Of the two- horned scarab there is a bronze figure in the British Museum ; it may be that known to us as the stag beetle. To the cat-shaped beetle we have no clue ; from being put first it may be supposed to be the Scarabaeus.
Another account of varieties is in the Demotic Magical Papyrus (xxi, 10), where for a love-potion " you take a fish- faced (?) scarab, this scarab being small and having no horn, it wearing three plates on the front of its head, you find its face thin(?) outwards — or again that which bears two horns."
Whatever may be the modern equivalents of these various descriptions, it is certainly evident that five or six different kinds of beetles were all venerated, and used for their magical properties. . 7. We have now seen that the scarab and other beetles were regarded as sacred or magical, from the earlier part of the second prehistoric age down to the Christian period. The religious texts that we have of the vth, vith, xviiith, and xixth dynasties all refer to it as an emblem of the Creator- God, as a symbol and guarantee of his assistance to the deceased, or as an emblem of the apotheosis of the deceased. In the xiith dynasty this emblem
RELIGIOUS ASPECT OF THE SCARAB
came into common use, and served as a seal, doubt- less owing to the name of the person being placed on it, to ensure that its powers should be given to him. Just as the use of the divination arrows drifted down into the vulgarisation of gaming cards, or the cross became used for various unseemly purposes, so the personal amulet of the scarab became treated commonly as the seal for every- day use. This did not however prevent the symbol being most generally employed with a religious significance.
The purely utilitarian view of the scarab as a seal was true enough in some instances ; but the facts of its actual use show that this was not the main purpose, even if we had not the use of it vouched for as a sacred amulet in the earliest, as in the latest, times. In the first place, the scarabs were originally nearly all coated with glaze, which has since perished from the majority, leaving the lines clear. But, when the glaze remains, we see that a large part of the lines were so filled with glaze that no impression could be taken from them. As to the actual use for sealing, we know of very few instances of such except in the xiith dynasty ; hardly any scarab sealings of the xviiith to xxvith dynasties are found, although scarabs were commonest at that age. For signets it would be required that the name and title of the person should appear, as on many that are known. Yet such name-scarabs of private persons are very rare, except in the Middle Kingdom, and even these are but a small minority of all that were made. Further, those with kings' names are, in some cases, later than the rulers whom they name, and could not therefore be used for official seals, but must refer to the claim on the protection afforded by the deceased king to the wearer, like the medals of saints worn by the devout.
A somewhat similar change of usage is seen in the cylinders of the late prehistoric age. Though cut in one of the softest materials, black steatite, it is seldom that they show any wear. They can never have been carried on the person in most cases ; the few that have been so used are so much worn as to be scarcely legible, and even hard scarabs of later times show much wear if they have been carried on the finger, owing to the prevailing grit and sand. The subjects generally engraved on the cylinders bear this out, as' in the earlier classes they are seldom titles. The usual subjects shown
are the seated figure with a table of offerings — as on Memphite tomb steles subsequently, or the aakku bird, emblem of the soul — as on Abydan grave steles subsequently. Names of gods are also usual. Apart then from any question of the reading of these cylinders, the subjects show that they are funerary in character. The absence of wear upon them shows that they were not usually carried during life, but were engraved to place as amulets with the dead. Thus the cylinder — like the scarab — was essentially an amulet, and usually for the dead. Subsequently the titles were added, and then the cylinder developed in the ist dynasty into an article of daily affairs. We should note the contrast that while hundreds or thousands of impressions of the business cylinders are known, but scarcely a single actual cylinder ; yet, on the contrary, over a hundred early cylinders of the funerary type are known, but not a single impres- sion of such. The complete contrast of usage shows that the early cylinders were entirely different in purpose to the business cylinders of the ist dynasty and onward.
CHAPTER II
THE VARIETIES OF SCARABS
8. We have already seen that the Egyptian fully recognised several varieties of beetle, all included in the sacred class. Both among the animals preserved, and among the different kinds described by authors, the variation is unquestion- able. When we turn to the artificial figures of scarabs, we find a similar variety. Not only are there great differences in the workmanship, and in the attempt at imitating nature, but the models that were followed were clearly quite distinct.
Having started from many varying models the conventional types naturally tended to become con- fused and parts copied from different genera were mixed together. In the same way the Egyptians mixed elements of the papyrus and lotus together in their architectural forms. To gain any rational classification of the various types, it is necessary to follow the various genera separately. Yet this must not be done slavishly ; as, owing to the mixture of forms, it is often needful to follow some one detail as a means of clear classification, even though it may run across two or three genera.
FIVE GENERA OF BEETLES
The designs of scarabs are generally unique. Common as may be the scarabs of any one king, yet it is very seldom that an exact duplicate can be found of the name and titles. The backs are equally varied, and seldom will a drawing of one scarab represent a second specimen efficiently. It is only when endeavouring to make a set of type drawings for reference, that the extreme variety of detail can be realised.
One of the first considerations in arranging any scheme of classification of types for reference, is that the critical points shall be clear and quickly settled, so as to be able to run down any type to its right place for identification as soon as pos- sible. For this purpose all distinctly different elements must be brought forward, while keeping the natural differences of genera as much as possible in use.
9. In order to clear up the questions, it proved needful to work over the scarabaei and allied beetles in the Natural History Museum, South Kensington, and to draw from those for the frontis- piece, as there is no efficient publication of these genera. Not only the form but also the distribution must be taken into account ; it is useless to compare forms that are unknown in the Old World, but South- and Central-African genera may well have been known in Egypt, looking at the great zoological recession from North Africa in historic times.
It appeared that the varieties of form could not be accounted for without recognizing five genera (see Frontispiece). The main genus is the generally recognized scarabaeus — classes E to N — with a serrated clypeus, and a usually lunate head. The species Scarabaeus venerabilis is marked by ribbed elytra, see pi. lxxiii, 13, 16. A definitely square head seems to belong to Catharsius, classes S, T, the next most common genus. Occasionally the clypeus extends far back in a pointed form over the head, apparently imitated from the horn of the Copris, U. The presence of marked side notches, turning in above the elytra and then downwards, is characteristic of Gymnopleurus, V, W ; and probably the deep collar where the head joins the pro-thorax, belongs to the same. Lastly, a long beak is probably copied from Hypselogenia, classes X, Y.
10. The details of workmanship which may also serve for distinctions are : (1) the feather pattern on the edge to imitate the hairy legs ; (2) the head of lunate form, or (3) deep form, or (4) merging
into the clypeus ; (5) notched clypeus ; (6) smooth clypeus; (7) V-shaped marks at the top of the elytra ; (8) curling lines on back.
On the basis of these various distinctions twenty- three classes may be formed, which can almost always be quickly distinguished so as to find any given type. (See plates lix to lxxi, where all the varieties of form are drawn.) The types are classified as follows :
With legs on underside (not in catalogue)
f fore and aft lone way only
this
General range.
Feathered
1 ff
Scara- baeus
flunate head
V notches . .
, , < deep head on elytra r .
(merging
, . , flunate notched
, -{deep .
clypeus I \ .
(.merging
., flunate smooth ,
. -{deep .
clypeus I r .
I (merging
Scarabaeus venerabilis, ribbed
elytra . Scarabaeus ? ribbed head Curl on back Quadruped heads, and peculia
ties
Catharsius Copris .
rsquare head \A head .
~ L, 1 side notch Gymnopleurus I ..
Hypselogenia {J££U'
Scaraboids
n-
. A, B
X— XIII C
X— XV D
XVIII— XXVI E
XVIII— XXV F
XVIII— XXV G
V— XIX H
XI— XIII J
XI— XXVI K
III— XXV L
IX— XVIII M
IV— XXV N
XIX, XX O
XXV, XXVI P
XII— XXV Q
XIX— XXV R
XII— XIII S
XIII— XVI T
XIII— XVI U
XVIII— XXV V
V— XXVI w
XII— XVIII X
VI— XVIII Y
. . . z
11. It may seem surprising that such a variety of types should have had so long a range of use. We might have expected that only a few types would have been fashionable in one age, and would not have recurred later. Yet there can be no question that six of these types were usual from the xiith to the xxvth dynasties at least; while on good grounds some of them, as we shall see, go back to the Old Kingdom. With such ranges of date commonly over thirteen dynasties, it is evident that vague statements of resemblance between a given scarab and others of a known date are of
THE VARIETIES OF SCARABS
no value. The only way to reach results for discriminating dates, is to look for any characteris- tics of workmanship — often quite trivial — which are only found over a short range of time. The general type is not a question of date but of locality.
Some types with a short range are already clear. The scarabaeus with feathered sides for the legs belongs only to the xth to xiiith dynasties ; limited to the front or to the back legs, it was in use till the xvth dynasty. The Catharsius head begins in the middle of the xiith, and extends down to the xiiith and xvith dynasties respectively. An- other of short range is the Copris, which only belongs to the Hyksos age, xiiith to xvith dynasties. The Hypselogenia is rare in the xiith dynasty, and is not found later than Rameses II. Minor details may also have but a brief range ; the deep Y outline of the elytra is only found on scarabs of Khofra and Zedra (? Dad-ef-ra) ; the nearest approach to it is at the close of the xiith, and the xiiith dynasties, but that is less deep, and the form of the head and clypeus is then different. The palm-branch pattern on the back, in Class J, is only known from late xith to xivth dynasties, and in a one-sided form in the xvith. The curling lines on the back, Class Q, begin at the end of the xiith dynasty, and end in the xxvth. It is in tracing the limits of such distinctions as these that progress may be made in dating scarabs, and hence in fixing the age of burials which have no kings' names.
12. On examining the various small differences statistically, some strong preferences for certain types are found in some periods, though not ex- clusively of one age. The notch marks on classes E, F, G, vary in form. The V or I line from the girdle line (as E7, E"28) is early and continues late. The V from the girdle to the side line (as Eg) begins in the xiith dynasty. The diagonal line from the girdle to the side (as E'4) begins under Thothmes III. The loop on the girdle (as E17 and F"2o) does not begin till Rameses II.
The number of lines in the girdle, or in the division of the wing cases, is not exclusively char- acteristic of age ; but certain types prevail at different times. One girdle line and two or three vertical, and two girdle with two vertical lines, prevail in the Middle Kingdom. Two girdle lines with one vertical is chiefly of Old Kingdom and Saite ages. The double girdle with three vertical lines is mainly of xxist to xxvth dynasties.
13. The local sources of smooth and lined backs may be examined by various tests. On separating the bati khetm from the deshert khetm, there is presumably a local separation of Upper and Lower Egyptian scarabs. The numbers are :
Per Total. Smooth, cent.
8 bati khetm . . . 1 = 13
22 deshert khetm . . . 16 73 These percentages — as we shall see below — are the same as 13 per cent, of smooth backs in the xviii-xixth dynasties, mainly Theban, and yy per cent, smooth backs in the Hyksos period, mainly Delta.
Another test is the use of names compounded with Sebek, that god belonging to the Fayum, Manfalut, Silsileh, Ombos, and Syene, but not prominently to the Delta. Of such scarabs, pre- sumably of Upper Egypt, there are —
Total. 13 Sebek names
Per
Smooth, cent.
.1=8
Another test is that of Amen names, also pre- sumably Upper Egyptian, there are —
Total.
7 Amen names
Per Smooth, cent.
. 0=0
Taking now the general review of the numbers of smooth backs in each of the main periods, there are in —
Dynasties.
Total. Lines. Smooth. Per cent.
|
iiird to viith . |
33 |
21 |
12 = |
= 36 |
|
ixth to xith |
40 |
21 |
19 |
47 |
|
xiith to xivth . |
316 |
196 |
120 |
38 |
|
xvth to xviith |
86 |
20 |
66 |
77 |
|
xviiith . |
350 |
306 |
44 |
13 |
|
xixth |
165 |
143 |
22 |
13 |
|
xxth |
5i |
38 |
13 |
25 |
|
xxist to xxiiird |
83 |
59 |
24 |
29 |
|
xxivth to xxvth |
86 |
7i |
15 |
17 |
|
xxvith to xxxth |
55 |
48 |
7 |
13 |
It is obvious that the xvth to xviith dynasties were the special period of Delta scarabs, there being practically none then of Upper Egyptian rulers, and most or all of the scarabs coming from the Delta. This is the period when smooth backs are
CLASSIFICATION OF DETAILS
far commoner than at any other time. On the other hand the period of special Theban importance, the xviiith and xixth dynasties, has a smaller number of smooth backs than any other age. It seems, however, that smooth backs decrease in the later periods, regardless of locality, as the Ethiopian period at Thebes and the Saite in the Delta hardly differ in the proportion.
As a whole we must conclude that until the late times the smooth back was the product of the Delta, and the lined back that of Upper Egypt.
Another feature is the crescent line on the head, usually on about one in thirty of all periods ; but on one in eight of scarabs in the Ethiopian and Saite age.
The ribbed head, P, is very rare in the xviiith and xixth dynasties, about i per cent. ; the only other age of it is in the xxvth and xxvith, when it appears on one-quarter and one-third of the scarabs, and is the commonest type of all. The square Catharsius head, S, is the commonest type in the xiith and xiiith dynasties, appearing on one-fifth of all. The pointed Catharsius is scarcely found outside of the xiiith to xvith dynasties ; it is on one-sixth of the xiiith dynasty and on two-thirds of the xvith. Type U, which is similar, is only found in the xiiith and xvith, with a stray example in the xviiith.
The form of the girdle line, and its junction with the vertical, has many varieties, but they seem to have been used more or less through all periods. On the whole there was a far more continual usage of varied types than might have been expected. General impressions are only of use as suggestions for research ; the conclusions here are from tabulating every well-marked differ- ence throughout the whole collection.
14. For the sake of ready comparison of scarabs with the plates lix to lxxi, the system of arrange- ment should be here explained. From the preceding table it will be seen that the points on a scarab back to be successively noted are as follows :
(1) If legs are feathered at side. If so, then C on the whole length, or D on the back legs only. If not feathered, then
(2) By the head distinguish scarabaeus E-N, S. venerabilis with ribbed elytra 0, ribbed head P, curl lines on back Q ; wide legs or mammalian heads R, square heads, A-head T ; Copris U ; Gymnopleurus side notch V, or collar W ; Hyp-
selogenia X, or modified Y ; Scaraboids without animal pattern Z.
(3) If scarabaeus, then with V notches on girdle (E-G), or with clypeus notched (H-K) or smooth (L-N) : and each class divided into three according as the head is lunate, or parallel -sided, or merging into the clypeus.
After thus discriminating the class, each class is subdivided into sections as follow :
C and D, being small classes, are grouped by the form of the head, in the order of the different genera. E is divided by inner crescent on head 2-29, A on head 32-40, double fines for eye 42-49, single line for eye 52-64, plain deep head 67-78, lunate head 80-98. F is divided by inner crescent on head, 1-9 double eye, single, or none ; angular head 11-19 — eye, or none ; slope- sided head 20-30 — eye, or none ; square head 31-53 — double lines for eye, single, or none ; barred head 55-67 — double lines, single, or none ; long head 69-99 — double, single, or no eye, and in order of length. G in order from widest base to narrowest base for head. H in order of inner crescent on head ; double line eye ; single line ; plain curved head from deep to shallow. J in order of inner crescent ; double fine eye, single line, on sloping head ; double line, single, or no line, on square head ; barred squared ; long head with double, single, or no eye lines. K hour-glass head, wide below, equal, round eyes with straight clypeus, sides sloping more to end with narrow base. L in order of E. M sloping- sided head ; square head ; long head with square eyes, round eyes, or no eyes. N hour-glass head, wide below, rounded eye, equally divided, round clypeus, head proceeding to narrower base. P back lines increasing in number. T, U, complex forms, see key at the foot of the plates.
By following the regular order of discrimination an example can be run down to the nearest drawing in much less than a minute. The range of date of each type is marked by giving the reference to the examples in the form of dynasty number, king number, figure number ; thus 18 -6 -47 means xviiith dynasty, 6th king (Thothmes III), 47th scarab of the king. This mode of numbering serves to show at once the date of the example. In the case of private scarabs, or kings that are undated, they are grouped together in periods and designated by the dynasty number and a letter as, 12 R, or 30 am. If the reign is approximately known (as by style in the xviiith dynasty) the king's number
8
THE MAKING OF SCARABS
is also included, as, i8-6-c. Thus the numbers give an indication of the age, and the letter distin- guishes the example, and shows that it is not precisely dated.
CHAPTER III
THE MAKING OF SCARABS
Materials
15. The usual material is variously termed stea-schist, fibrous steatite, or schist. It varies in quality from a smooth, translucent steatite to a hard, fibrous schist. All kinds have the valuable property of being superficially hardened by the fusion of a glaze over the surface ; thus after the coat of glaze has entirely decomposed and perished, the face of the stone remains glass-hard. The result seems to be due to part of the magnesia of the stone combining with the silica of the glaze, thus changing the surface from soft soapstone to hard magnesia-hornblende. This material is so general for scarabs that it is not specified separately to each in the catalogue ; so, where only a colour is named, it means glaze of that colour upon a steatite or schist body.
16. Various other materials were occasionally used for scarabs ; the dynasties in which I have observed examples arehere stated after eachmaterial. Clear quartz crystal is rarely used (xiith, xxvith) ; white quartz rock is also rare (xith) ; blue glazing on quartz was made in the prehistoric age and onward, and used for scarabs (in xiith) ; translucent green quartz is very rare (xxiiird) ; chalcedony is very rare (xixth) and agate was seldom used (xxvith); amethyst began to be used in xth or xith, but is nearly all of xiith, and rarely of xixth.
Carnelian began to be used in xiith, but is most usual in xviiith and xixth. Jasper of various colours was employed ; red in xixth, yellow in xviiith and xxvith, green in xith, xiith, brown in xiith and xxvith, and black in xith, xiith, xviiith.
Felspar was usually green, and its source is as yet unknown. It has no relation to beryl or " mother of emerald," with which it is often con- fused. It was used in xith, xiith, xviiith, xxvith. Red felspar was used in xiith, xixth. Beryl or emerald is unknown in scarabs, and was only worked after the cessation of scarab making.
Black obsidian was a favourite material for fine
work in xiith, but is very rare later (xixth). Diorite is rare (xith, xiith). Peridot occurs once (xviiith). Serpentine was occasionally used, and is mainly late. Black steatite was the usual material for early cylinders, down to the vth dynasty, and sometimes later (xviiith to xxiind). This is the natural colour of the stone, and is not due to smoke, as has been strangely supposed. Jade was used for large heart scarabs (xixth), but seldom — if ever — for small name-scarabs. As the use of this material has been doubted, it should be said that it has been mineralogically identified by all tests, especially specific gravity. Basalt was rarely used, the brown kind is seen in the cylinder of Khufu. What is usually termed " green basalt " is really a meta- morphic volcanic mud, much like slate in com- position but not in fracture ; as there is no recog- nised name for it, I have termed it Durite (in Amulets). This is very usual for heart scarabs, but too dull and coarse usually for the more delicate cutting of small scarabs.
Lazuli was known from the prehistoric age, but seldom used for engraving ; scarabs and amulets of it occur in xiith, xviiith, xixth, xxvth, and xxvith. Turquoise is very rare in scarabs, though it was a staple material in jewellery of the xiith dynasty. It has no connection with malachite (which has been confounded with it owing to both occurring in Sinai) ; of the latter I have only seen one scarab, uninscribed. Haematite was very rarely used for engraving, probably always under Syrian influence.
Limestones were favourite materials in late times, the hard coloured varieties, green, yellow, red, and brown, appearing in the Saite ages. The pure calcite, or Iceland spar, was far too soft for wear (though called " glass-hard " in a recent work), and it only occurs in a cylinder of Pepy, filled with blue paste, and here (18-9-166) in a large bead of queen Taiy. It was used for beads in xxiind, xxiiird. Shelly brown limestone occurs in about xth dynasty, and xviiith.
Of metals, gold scarabs rarely appear in xviiith, and inscribed gold plates were applied to plain stone scarabs in xiith. Silver appears for scarabs in xiith (scroll patterns), xviiith (silver plate of Akhenaten) and xxvith (Shepenapt). Bronze is very unusual, but there is one here of xxth.
17. Glass first appears as a light blue imitation of turquoise, used for an uzat of Amenhetep I ; after that, clear blue and opaque violet glass scarabs appear in xviiith, and dark blue glass in xixth.
METHODS OF ENGRAVING
A rich Prussian blue transparent glass was used about xxiiird, and on to Persian times. Glazing was the most usual surface for scarabs, of all colours, as stated in this catalogue throughout. The blue glazes were very liable to fade away to white under the influence of damp ; the green glazes, which contain some iron, decompose to brown of varying depth, which is the commonest appearance of scarabs. Coloured paste begins in the xiith as light blue, hard and finely finished. It is darker in xviiith, xixth, and very common as a soft paste in xxvith. A soft yellow paste was also usual in xxvith.
Pottery scarabs were made of the usual siliceous paste, bound together by a coat of glaze ; they were incised in the xiith and xxvith, but often moulded in xviiith, xixth. Under Saptah they were made in two moulds, back and face ; the groove for the hole was cut, and the two halves joined together, and united in the glazing. Ushabtis were also made in the same way.
Wood is very rare ; but there is a large wooden scarab here (12 -2 -5), a wooden seal (12 -5 -13), and a delicate scroll-pattern seal of hard wood (all xiith). Fossil wood is once found used for a scarab (xixth ?). Amber was rarely used, but two scarabs (u.c.) which are uninscribed will be published with the nameless scarabs.
Engraving
18. Though the surface of steatite is rendered glass-hard by the action of glaze being fused upon it, the interior of the mass is quite unaltered by the heat to which it has been subjected. On broken scarabs and objects it is found that an ordinary bronze needle of the xviiith dynasty can cut into the steatite freely ; on the schist it is more difficult to work, the siliceous particles glint the metal, but yet lines can be cut with sufficient ease. There is therefore no question about the cutting of all the stea-schist, scarabs ; bronze in the xviiith dynasty, hardened copper in the earlier ages, and possibly flint splinters, would readily do the work.
The question of the hard stones is quite different. We know certainly that sawing and drilling of granite with copper tools and emery was practised on the largest scale in the ivth dynasty. Copper and emery were familiar materials from prehistoric times, and such would suffice for dealing with all the materials used for scarabs. The forms of the tools can only be inferred from the results, as no such tools have been found.
19. Nearly half a century ago an article on " Antique Gems " in the Edinburgh Review (Oct. 1866), debated when the wheel was first used for gem engraving. The opinion that its work begins to appear under Domitian was questioned, and the evidence of the stork of Dexamenos was quoted in favour of dating the wheel a few centuries earlier. When we here turn to the evidence of Egypt, we see that the question is of thousands, not hundreds, of years.
We may start from the onyx bearing a head of Ptolemy Soter (?), which is clearly cut with the wheel, and we may see it also plainly used under Shabaka on lazuli (25-3-14), as under Amenardas (25 -2 -6) ; along with the drill on green quartz (23 -h), with the ball drill on jasper under Usarken I (22-2-1) ; on jade heart scarabs (Ab. 20, 21) ; on large durite heart scarabs (Ab. 7, 8, 9) ; on jasper of Rameses X (20 -8 -5) ; on jasper of Rameses II (I9'3,37) ; on safd 0I Amenhetep III (18-9-101) ; on black jasper of Tehutmes IV (18-8-13); on black granite of Tehutmes III (18-6-129); on black jasper of Tetanefer (18 -6 b) ; on carnelian of Hotshepsut (18-5-10) ; on blue glass of Amen- hetep I (18 -2 -15) ; on brown jasper of Meny (12 a e) ; and most brilliantly shown on the earliest example, a private scarab of Onkhy son of Mentuemhot (10 m) in green jasper, probably of the xith dynasty, certainly not later than the xiith.
20. Side by side with this there was the older system of graving with a hard point, and scraping out lines ; also sawing out lines with copper edge fed with emery, and grinding holes with a point and emery. Beginning with the earliest, we see the hard point scraper and the emery saw on the crystal of Aha (1 -2) ; the point graver on the diorite of Khosekhemui (2-9). The Khufu cylinder of basalt (4-2-5) shows the use of a hard point graver, and a pecking out of the bases of the hollows ; similar pecking can be made on this material with a quartz crystal point, which was therefore probably the tool used. On the chert slab of Assa (5-8-3) a point graver was used, probably fed with emery. The jasper scarabs of the xth dynasty (10 c, 10 g) show a hard point scraper. In the xith dynasty the amethyst scarabs (10 T, u), quartz (10 h), and green felspar (10 l) show a point, with both scraping and graving action. The obsidian scarabs of the xiith dynasty were not cut by the wheel, but by a copper edge-tool fed with emery, and a scraping point, perhaps of rock crystal. The jasper cylinder
10
THE EARLY CYLINDERS
of Khondy — probably made by a Syrian — shows a point scraper to have been used. When we reach the xviiith dynasty, the point only appears on softer stones, as the limestone pebble of Sataoh (18 -2 -55), and the wheel was universal for hard stones. It seems then that the older graver and scraper overlapped the use of the wheel, from the xith to the xivth dynasty ; while before that the point alone, and after that the wheel alone, were used on the harder stones.
What mechanical arrangement the Egyptian had for the wheel cutter is not known. Probably it was developed from the bow drill, and would be on a vertical axis worked by a bow.
CHAPTER IV
THE EARLY CYLINDERS (PLATES I-VII)
21. The early cylinders of black steatite have been hitherto neglected, because they belong to a stage of the writing when the recognised canons had not yet become fully regulated ; and they need to be studied by inter-comparison, rather than by the same rules as the developed inscriptions. The present renderings given here are only a first attempt ; and for the detailed reasons of the read- ings, reference should be made to the preliminary articles in Ancient Egypt, 1914, pp. 61-77, 1915, pp. 78-83.
In order to reach any conclusions, it is needful to have as much material as possible for comparison. The University College Collection already contained by far the largest series of such material ; my best thanks are due to the Rev. W. MacGregor, for kindly lending me his cylinders from which I took casts, and also to Mr. Blanchard for supplying me with casts of all his cylinders ; thus the two other principal collections are here shown in photographs. Beside these I have drawn all those published by Dr. Reisner from Naga ed Deir, and also obtained many drawings from other sources. Thus there is here practically a corpus of such remains, which will enable them to be compared for the first time.
22. The cylinders are classed here under the following divisions: seated figures, phrases, Aakhu figures, titles, later phrases, columnar inscriptions, figures, early dynastic titles. These classes are in the apparent order of their origination, but of
course they largely overlap in their dating. Within each class the order is that of the apparent date, grouping together those of similar style. As to definite ages for these, there are a few fixed. No. 81, of ivory, is of s.d. 65-76 (Diospolis, pi. x), a little before the Tarkhan cemetery and the earliest known kings. No. 56 is of s.d. 78-80, the beginning of the ist dynasty (El Amrah, pi. vi, p. 39) ; this by the style of the band on it carries with it No. 39, which is obviously later in style than the simpler work of most of those on pi. i. No. 95 is dated by the name of King Athet, the third of the ist dynasty. The more complex and detailed style of the Naga ed Deir cylinders, as 32-35, is well dated by the pottery and stone vases found with them, of s.d. 81, or the middle of the ist dynasty. The dating by the forms of the tombs — on the strength of which several are assigned to the iind dynasty — is dependent on the theory of two forms of tomb not being used simultaneously; the pottery shows conclusively that these tombs are all contemporary, as it continuously changed, and differed from this style in the later period. Thus it seems that the titular cylinders may belong to the ist dynasty ; while the religious types, even of advanced forms, are before the ist dynasty, and probably go back to the incoming of the dynastic race. There is no ground for assigning any cylinders to the pre- dynastic race, before dynastic influence entered the country.
The cylinder impressions found in the Royal Tombs of the ist dynasty quite agree with the dates above stated. They are of more advanced style than most of these cylinders, and would quite imply that these were earlier than Mena. They do not serve to explain these, as they are entirely connected with the royal estates and property, whereas these are concerned with private devotion or religious service. The royal sealings are not included in this series, as they do not serve to explain these, and they have been already fully published in Royal Tombs i and ii.
23. Before considering the style of inscriptions found on these cylinders, we should glance at the ideas of such an age about language. The early Greek supposed that truths about ideas, and the nature of things, could be reached by arguing over the words by which he expressed himself ; he took words as equivalent to thought, whereas we recog- nise now that they are a very inefficient expression of thought. Looking further back we see that the
OLD KINGDOM SCARABS
it
historic Egyptian valued words even more ; he believed in creation by the word, the greatest of intentions was supposed to take effect only through spoken words ; no object really existed without a name, the word gave it reality ; plays upon words meant to his mind a hidden connection between the realities named. It is therefore to be expected that in a still earlier stage the word would be still more important ; inversions of a word giving different senses, plays upon words, slightly varied repetitions of words, would all be supposed to have special value and meaning. We should expect to find this manipulation of words in any inscrip- tions which had a religious or magic purpose, in the same manner in which we actually see it upon these cylinders. Another consideration is that in early historic inscriptions the regular position of writing was not yet systematized ; on the panels of Hesy, the tombstones at Abydos, and the varia- tions of duplicates of the royal labels, we see that the rules for position were by no means certain. So long as all the elements were there, the value of them was the same in whatever order they stood. Hence the confused arrangement and inversions here seen on the cylinders are only an earlier stage of this unregulated writing which still prevailed in the first two dynasties.
The forms of some of the signs show how remote the usages were from those of even the ist dynasty. The mouth was distinguished sometimes by a side view of it open, showing the teeth, as in Nos. 2, 3, 74. At other times it was shown in front view with the teeth as in Nos. 1, 5, 31, 32, 62, io8a. The hand is shown with all the fingers spread, as in 113, 114. The mat, p, is drawn with loose ends, as in 101, 102, instead of a square, as on 132. Onkh is very rarely found, as the future life was certain, and only its welfare was prayed for ; but it occurs on 123 in a very different form to any known later, with short, wide-spread ends — compare the normal form on a much later style of cylinder, 133.
CHAPTER V
THE OLD KINGDOM (PLATES VIII-XI)
24. The question raised by assigning to a later origin all scarabs with names earlier than the xiith dynasty, can best be considered after reviewing
the material which exists, and will therefore be discussed in the next chapter.
PI. viii. The scarabs with the word Ra-menas are obviously late, and whether they are intended to commemorate Mena is uncertain. The scarabs reading Heseptu m&ot kheru are certainly not con- temporary, as the signs are corrupt ; they may be modern attempts copied from the form in Lepsius, Todtenbuch, pi. 53. With Nebkara begin the scarabs which may be contemporary. The second and third here might perhaps be of Ra-neb-kau Khety of the ixth dynasty. The fourth is probably later, by the style.
The square plaque of Khufu (4-2-4) shows the first instance of the winged sun. That next appears over the figure of Unas at Elephantine. There is a sign among the pot-marks of the ist dynasty, which looks as if the winged sun was already designed (Royal Tombs, i, xlvii, 169, and perhaps 1, 483-485 ; R. T. ii, Iva, 104, etc.).
The cylinder seal (4-2-5) of the great pyramid, is one of the most interesting seals known. It is in perfect condition, carved in the brown basalt which was used largely for building in that reign. The basalt has slightly altered, as it does in the course of ages, and fine fissures vein the surface. These fissures are the absolute guarantee of anti- quity, as they isolate portions of the signs, which could not now be cut without breaking up the stone. The cylinder was found at Gizeh, probably in the tomb of an official which was opened just before I bought it. The seal was apparently intended for sealing documents and produce belonging to the endowments of the great pyramid.
The piece of a large alabaster vase of Khufu (4-2-6) I bought at Koptos; it doubtless belonged to the furniture of the temple there. The plummet of hard limestone (4-2-7) I obtained at Gizeh; probably it was used by workmen of Khufu.
PI. ix. The scarabs of Khofra are commoner than those of Khufu. There are twenty-two known of Khufu, twenty-six of Khofra, but none that can be equally clearly attributed to Menkaura; those with the inscription Ra-men-ka probably belonged mostly to the age of Menkara the vassal of Shabaka (25 -3 -18-22). Two Menkara scarabs at Aberdeen, and one in the British Museum, seem to be of the Old Kingdom by their simple, bold style. Now that we have evidence of Menkara and Menkheperra as vassals of Shabaka, the scarabs formerly supposed to be re-issues by Hotshepsut (Historical Scarabs,
i*
THE OLD KINGDOM
936-953) may probably be assigned to these later kings. The plaque from Marathus with both names together is clearly of the Shabaka age (H. S. 1951). The Zedefra scarab is probably a forgery ; but condemned scarabs have so often been proved to be ancient by similar ones being discovered, that unless a scarab is of a well-known class of forgeries it should be left in suspense. The Ra'zed scarab appears to be early, and so may be of this reign. The Shepseskaf has the best and most naturalistic work on the back, far better than anything after the xviiith dynasty. The private scarab of Hetep'hers shows by the name that it must belong to the ivth or vth dynasty. It is the earliest private name-scarab known.
25. In the vth dynasty the cylinders almost supersede the scarab. A systematic resemblance is seen between the falcon names and cartouches in this dynasty, Nefer-kho-u = Nefer-ra, Men-kho'u = Hormenkau, Zed-kho-u = Zed-kara. Now a second name of Sahura is yet unknown, but as the falcon name is Neb-kho-u we might expect to find Neb-ra or Neb-khou-ra. Hence the scarab Neb-- khou-ra is here assigned to Sahura. It is true that the name Sahura is treated as a throne name, by both the Sinai inscription and Manetho ; but as no separate throne- and personal-names had yet been started in Egypt, it might well be that at first Sahura was the sole name, and later he adopted Neb-kho-ra as a throne name parallel to his falcon name.
The clay sealing placed after those of Sahura bears a Horus name which is yet unidentified, but by its style seems to be of this period. The scarab of Shepseskara is the first one known in this dynasty. That of Ne-user-ra An appears to be royal by the title " son of Ra " ; the large central disc to the Ra belongs to this age, as on the tablets of Sahura and An at Maghara. The cylinder of Zed-ka-ra is fixed by the Horus name ; the cartouche looks more like Zedefra, and was so described by Wiede- mann (Geschichte, i, 187) who saw it at Luqsor ; after being lost for some years, I bought it in Cairo. The metal is a peculiar hard white alloy. The name on the chert ink-slab, 5 -8 -2, is lightly incised on the base, the only part shown here ; the whole slab is exquisitely cut and polished, with perfectly flat planes and sharp edges. The scarab of Zedkara with spirals cannot belong to Shabataka in the xxvth dynasty, as there are no spirals of any kind after Ramessu II, nor any spirals of this form
after the xiith dynasty. The first two scarabs of Unas seem to be contemporary, by the style and inscriptions. The others may be also of this age.
26. PI. x. Of Meryra Pepy there are many scarabs known, including a very fine amethyst scarab (Murch), on which the mer has the longer side uppermost as on Merenra here, a curious irregularity unlike later usage. The scarab of Merenra (6-4) is of dark blue pottery, identical in colour with glaze of the vith dynasty. The Horus Nefer-sa is known in a papyrus at Cairo ; but, though early, the historical connection has not yet been found. This alabaster block of the king is part of some large object. Many alabaster vases and lids of this age are known, belonging to temple furniture dedicated by the kings, as of Teta and Neferkara here. A fine perfect vase in this col- lection, naming the sed feast of Pepy, is among the stone vases, and will be published with those.
A special feature of the reign of Pepy I is the number of large cylinders of officials. Three are figured here, and four others are in the British Museum. They all appear to have been made at one time as insignia of office, usually without the personal name of the official.
27. Reaching the viith dynasty we are in a period which was so obscure, that it is very unlikely that any attention would be subsequently given to re-issuing scarabs of this age. The name of Nefer- kara might refer to Pepy II, but the style — with central spot in ra — entirely forbids dating so late as the reign of Shabaka. Nekara, who appears in the Abydos list, here appears on another cartouche plaque, along with Nub- neb-ra, who is otherwise unknown, probably a vassal or suzerain. The cowroid reading Erka-nen-ra. is perhaps of the same king. The seal with a handle, of Tereru, belongs clearly to the successor of Ne-ka-ra; his throne name, Nefer-ka-ra, is given here by nefer, and ka arms raised by a figure. The signs ha and neb may be read " Lord of the north," or Delta. It is impossible to separate this name from Tereru of the viith dynasty, and the form of a seal with a handle also agrees with the button seals of that age ; it therefore gives a valuable standard of the engraving and style of the time, for comparison with scarabs.
The large scarab of Seneferonkhra Pepy seems to rank beside the king Neferkara Pepysenb of the viith dynasty ; and the wide-spread tail to the onkh is not seen in the xiith dynasty or later scarabs.
THE IXTH AND XTH DYNASTIES
13
The name of Pepy as the great figure of the vith dynasty was copied in the viith ; just as Amenemhot — the great name of the xiith dynasty — was copied in the xiiith. The important evidence of the drawn scarab of Pepy we shall notice later. The private name Pepe-nos-es appears on two scarabs, which have the deep indigo-blue glaze of this age.
Of the ixth dynasty there is one scarab here, with the mer turned long side up, as figured on the scarabs of Pepy I and Merenra. There is also, at Paris, another Merabra scarab, here drawn. It seems very unlikely that this obscure king should have been commemorated in any later period, when he is not in any of the monumental lists. Of Khety II, Neb-kau-ra, there is the fine jasper weight. On this his throne name omits the ra, giving only Neb-kau; this is like Tereru, above, being named Nefer -ka, without the ra. Probably of the xth dynasty is the scarab of King Shenes (Brit. Mus.), as it bears the epithet or wish Uah onkh, which belongs to the xth and xith dynasties, and is not found after the xiith.
28. PI. xi. — We now reach a class of small hard- stone scarabs, of rather irregular work, which cannot be paralleled in the xiith dynasty or any later period. By several of these having the epithet Nefer ka uah it appears that they must belong to the ixth to xith dynasties ; compare with this the Uah-ka princes of Antaiopolis. The title of the first (10 a), uortu, is usually found combined with " the prince's table " or " the capital city," and the latter was the higher title, held by great nobles. It cannot refer to a courier ; and the clue seems to be given by the scope of another word for leg, sebeq, which also means " to re-unite," " to assemble together." The word therefore which seems to agree best with this is " marshal." The " marshal of the dykes " here would have the duty of marshalling all the material at the inunda- tion ; the " marshal of the prince's table " would organize the court precedence ; the " marshal of the city " would manage the public assemblies and processions, and therefore be of high rank.
The scarab 10 b has the title royal sealer, fol- lowed by a name, as the determinative shows. This appears to be " beloved of Merto " ; " Mer " or " Merto " was the goddess of inundation at Oxy- rhynkhos (Brugsch, Diet. Geog. 617, 1197, 1364). The confused writing of 10 d seems as if intended for re, mouth or speech, and possibly khetet by abbreviation for nekhiet ; the hetep sign is partly
worn away, but the tep below indicates it. The circular bead, with flat-domed back, 105, by the perfection of its spirals cannot be later than the early part of the xiith dynasty, and may well be of the xith. The lazuli scarab of the high priest Antef, 10 K, with equally fine spirals, is probably late xith. Likewise the next two, with names of Antef and Mentuemhot, by the hardness of the stone and bold work, are of the same age.
A very definite class are the scarabs with the epithet Ka ' nefer ' uah, " the good ka is established," which was used much like maot-kheru, " justified," or uahem onkh, " living again." The names found with this epithet, or prayer, are of the type before the xiith dynasty — Khety (ixth), Beba (viith), Athy (viith), Nebhat ' nefer ■ ka (see Ra^nefer^ka, viith), Mentu1 hetep (xith), Mer (vith) ; only one is dis- tinctively as late as early xiith, Ameny. The hard stones mostly used in this class were not generally worked after the middle of the xiith dynasty ; and the epithet is practically unknown on the great mass of steles which begin with the xiith dynasty. 10 N is of the very flat domed form which belongs to the xith and early xiith dynasties. For the use of Antef as a female name in 10 u there are other examples (Lieb. Diet. 146, 161).
29. The kings' names are resumed in the xith dynasty, with Neb'taui'ra. The first, 11 -5-1, with the crown, is clearly of the king. 11 -5 -3 and 4 are difficult in reading. Oryt was a place where Hathor was worshipped, probably Alyi, which was nearly opposite to Deshasheh. In the abbreviated style often found on scarabs, Oryt alone might be used for Nebt-oryt, or "She of Oryt." It is curious that two examples of this should be found, a cowroid, and a prism which is similarly inscribed on two sides.
The scarab 11 a is so obviously of the type and style of work of 11 -7-1 following it, that it must be intended as a variant of Antef V. On reaching this king we should note the difficulty in the fashion- able view of placing him in the xvith dynasty. Nothing in that period is at all comparable with the work of these scarabs — such hard-stone scarabs with such fine engraving are unknown from the middle of the xiith to well into the xviiith dynasty. To attribute them to the most degraded time under the Hyksos is like ascribing coins of Hadrian to the Byzantines. The details are dealt with more fully below. One reason for the later date, on which the main stress has been laid in England, is
u
THE EARLIEST AGE OF SCARABS
the reference to an enemy of Antef being received at Koptos, But a similar state of things is shown on the stele of Zara, who in the xith dynasty under Uah-onkh Antef " fought with the house of Khety in the domain of Thinis " (Qurneh, 17). The Antef princes were continually at war with northern neighbours, and an enemy being at Koptos does not prove any connection with the Hyksos, and may just as well have been in the xith dynasty.
The name of Nub-seshesht-ra is allied to those of two Antef kings, Seshesh-her-her-maot-ra and Seshesh-up-maot-ra. The work of his scarab is of the same group as those of Antef V. The work of the scarab of Dadames resembles that of Antef V in 11 -7 -3. Mentuemsaf has the fine circular spiral which is not seen in royal scarabs of fixed date after Senusert I (12 -2 -i), or in a poorer form under Senusert II (12-4-2). The scarab of Neb-hapt-ra Mentu hetep has a light blue glaze like that of the early xiith dynasty (12-2-11); the colour, the work, and the sign all forbid attributing it to a supposititious name, Neb-ab-ra, of late date. The scarab of Sonkhkara is of very delicate, refined work, like that of Amenemhot I (12 -i -4). These are not like the style of any later period.
CHAPTER VI
THE EARLIEST AGE OF SCARABS
30. In the preceding description we have noticed various indications of the scarabs being contem- porary ^with the kings named on them. This is however denied by some other writers on the subject. Prof. Newberry states " that scarabs were not employed in Egypt before the end of the Sixth Dynasty, and then only very rarely " (Scarabs, 69). Mr. Hall makes a greater reservation : " Blue glazed steatite scarabs, of rude form and with roughly geometrical designs upon their bases, occur contemporaneously with the Button-seals [that is vith to viiith dynasties]. But the manufacture of fine scarab-seals does not begin till the xith dynasty, to which period belongs the scarab of Aatshet. . . . No contemporary scarab bearing the name of Amenemhat I, the first king of the xiith dynasty, is known" (Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, xiii). After such sweeping statements, made on the alleged ground of style, it is needful to bring to- gether the various facts bearing upon the question,
and so to see if scarabs were commonly made before the xiith dynasty.
First we may clear the ground of many of the supposed re-issues of scarabs in later times. Of the commonest of all names, Menkheperra, a large part have been supposed to be later than Tehut- mes III. By far the greater part of those here published are clearly of his reign ; but many are later, and not only the scarabs, but also the kings whose names they bear, are later. There were at least three Menkheperra kings after Tehutmes III. The high-priest of the xxist dynasty is named on one scarab with his daughter Astemkheb (Cairo 37426). Another Men-kheper -ra appears to be named Khmeny, on his stele in Paris (Stud. Hist. iii, 293). A third Menkheperra was Nekau I, father of Psemthek I (statuette pi. liv). With these in view it cannot be said that any posthumous scarabs of Tehutmes III were ever made, except those associated with the name of Sety I and Ramessu II (pi. xxxix, xl). When we see, besides the many kings who copied the name of Ramessu II, also Uasarken III copying Pasebkhanu I, Pefdabast and Shabaka copying Pepy II, Nekau I = Tehutmes III, Psemthek II =Nefer-ab-ra (xiiith), Psemthek I and Uah-ab-ra = Aoab (xiiith), Naifoarud = Mer- neptah, Nekhtherheb = Senusert I, and Ptolemy II = Sety II, it is impossible to ascribe any scarabs to re-issues of earlier kings on the ground of late style, however clearly proved. Among the multi- tude of petty kings of the xxvth dynasty there may have been some who took any name of earlier times. It is only when one scarab bears a double name, such as Senusert III and Hotshepsut, in an age clear of vassal kings, that any certainty of a re-issue can be settled. Such a group of uniform scarabs as those of Khofra, Kho-nefer-ra (Sebek- hetep III) and Men-kheper -ra (Tehutmes III), all found together by Mr. Quibell (pi. Iii), is also a good evidence of re-issue. In looking, then, at the scarabs of kings before the xiith dynasty we must remember that proved re-issues are very rare, and were probably connected with historical events ; that of Senusert III, by Hotshepsut and Tehut- mes III, refers to the worship of Senusert in the temple of Kummeh built by those later rulers. The onus frobandi therefore lies in all cases upon the proof of re-issue, and it is at least 100 to 1 against such copying.
31. Before attributing scarabs to late periods, we should see what are the characters of the sue-
VARIATIONS OF STYLE WITH AGE
15
cessive ages. Broadly speaking, there is a continued degradation of work from the xiith dynasty onward ; none of the various revivals reach as high a point as the best of the period before. Circular spirals were in perfection under Senusert I (12-2-1), poor under Senusert II (12-4-2), and only appear once afterward in a clumsy form under Amenhetep II (Hist. Scar. 1097). The oval scrolls, which dis- appeared under Senusert III, were revived at the end of the xiiith in one case, Nehesi-ra, and by Khyan of the xvth and the earlier Hyksos kings. They occur in the xviiith dynasty and under Ramessu II ; but after that not a single dated scroll-pattern scarab is known. In general style there is a poverty seen under Amenemhot II, worse under Senusert III, and clumsy, coarse work in nearly all of Amenemhot III. The xiiith dynasty continues increasing in coarseness down to the xivth. The earlier Hyksos reverted to the style of the middle of the xiith dynasty ; but rapidly degraded to work even worse than the xivth. In the xviiith dynasty, Aohmes only occasionally shows some fine work. The best of Amenhetep I and Hotshepsut are good, but not comparable with the best work of the early xiith dynasty. After that, continued degradation went on till the xxvth dynasty revival. The best work of that age is under Shabaka, and that does not equal the early xviiith-dynasty style. Later, the degradation progresses, and the Saite period was noted for the small size and poor work of most of its scarabs. One of Nekau II (26-2 -i) is the only scarab which could stand by those of Hotshepsut, and even that is inferior in the forms of the signs, and in the work of the back.
Thus, judging by the abundant material with positive dates, it is futile to ascribe fine work like that of the xiith dynasty to the later ages, or to assign fine circular spirals to the degradation of the xivth or later dynasties. Nor can any hard-stone scarabs be found dated between the xiith and xviiith dynasties, except under the Syrian kings Khenzer and Khondy. The detail and delicacy of the work on the back and head of the scarab goes with the work of the front, excepting for a natural- istic revival limited to a very few scarabs of Akhena- ten. The certainly dated material — which is the only basis by which to judge — therefore firmly limits the possibility of ascriptions to later re-issues.
32. The latest group of connected scarabs before the xiith dynasty is the Ra-kheper-nub series, of a
king who used to be called Antef V, but whom some have recently shifted to an undefined place near the xviiith dynasty. On his scarabs there is an attention to details of signs, like the elaborate sculptured work of the xith dynasty, which is quite unknown in the xiiith or later dynasties. The legs of the kheper are notched, as seen on 11 a, 11 -7-3, 4, 5, 6, 8 ; exactly the same detail is used under Senusert I, 12-2-1, 7, 8 ; a little under Senusert II, 12-4-3, 4 ; and only once later, under Tehutmes II, 18 -4 -6. Such detail is entirely foreign to the coarse work of the late xiith to xviith, and on the scarab of Mer -kheper -ra 13-36 the sign is
II. A,
IZ.5MZ..
II 7.3- '2.- 1 I-
12.. 2.. 7.
11.7-6.
I 2, .Z.IO.
II. 7.7
i6
THE EARLIEST AGE OF SCARABS
quite simple. On referring to the backs, it ■will be seen that there are two general types, the ela- borate head, often with branches on the back, and the plainer head (placed below). Those in the left half are of the Antef group, all of those in the right half are of Senusert I. It is evident that both types run across the two columns. Each type belongs doubtless to a different centre of work, but the scarabs of Antef V and Senusert I were obviously made in the same style at both places. It may be said that these styles were continued later, but the fine work of the fronts is quite un- known later, and bars our placing these in the xiiith to xviith dynasties. Another dating point is in the white quartz scarab 117-1, with rich peacock-blue glaze. The cutting of hard stone scarabs is practically unknown on any dated examples between the middle of the xiith dynasty and the xviiith ; I have none, nor any references to such in that period. The back of this scarab accords with the early date of it, as it is beautifully worked with curves at the junction of the elytra. There is nothing known at all approaching such work after the middle, or even the beginning, of the xiith dynasty.
Thus the external evidence of age of this group, is rather for its preceding and not succeeding the xiith dynasty. Dadames, whose scarab ii-d is like others here, 117 -6, 11-77, placed his name amid graffiti of Pepy. The scarabs of Senusert I in this group indicate that Dadames was near his time, in the xith dynasty.
It might be supposed that the symmetric scarab 117-6 was evidence of a later date for Ra-kheper- nub. But the same system appears in the beauti- fully cut scarab of Senusert I, 12 -2 -u, the brilliant sky-blue colour of which is characteristic of the early and middle xiith dynasty. Similar to that again is another symmetric scarab, 12-2-10, which has a double reading Ka-ra-kheper, Ra-kheper- nub, the names of Senusert I and of Nub-kheper-ra Antef united. The scarab 11-7-5 has unfor- tunately lost the head, so that the type of it cannot be settled ; but it has a fine feather pattern on the leg, which begins in the xith and is rare in the xiiith dynasty. It cannot be supposed to come in shortly before the xviiith, where Antef V has otherwise been placed.
Another scarab of this group, 11 B, reads Ra- nub-seshesh, with two hawks below wearing crowns of Lower Egypt. This recalls the Ra-seshesh-up-
maot Antef-oa and Ra-seshesh-her-her'maot of the xith dynasty.
It has long been generally recognized that Ra-nefer-zad Dadames is closely connected with Ra-zad-onkh Mentu-em-saf, whose name is found in the same place, at Gebeleyn. The scarab Ra- zedui-onkh, he, is probably the same king. It has a very fine circular scroll round it, quite un- known after the middle of the xiith dynasty, and most closely like scarabs of Senusert I, 12-2-1, 2, and the high priest Antef, 10 K.
The name of Mentu belongs specially to the xith dynasty, and the form ... em saf is like Mehti- em-saf of the vith dynasty. The probabilities from the name are therefore rather in favour of the xith than of later dynasties, and the evidence of the work may be allowed full force in favour of the xth or xith dynasty. There seems no reason why Mentu-emsaf and other kings may not have belonged to the xth dynasty, contemporary with the earlier part of the xith, before the forty-three years of supremacy of the xith which is stated by Manetho.
33. Another considerable class which belongs to this same age is that of the Ka-nefer-uah scarabs. This epithet of private persons is not found on steles, and therefore probably belongs to an age when steles are rare. It appears to be parallel to the uahetn onkh, " live again," which was used at this time ; and it is also connected with the favourite name Uah-ka, of the Middle Kingdom. The ka and nefer are always more closely associated than either of them with uah. The ka nefer was there- fore parallel to the ka adkhet, " illuminated or glorious ka " of the 1st dynasty steles. We must read it then as a prayer or assertion that the excel- lent ka is established or multiplied. The age of this class is shown by the names, as we have noticed, belonging to the viith to xith dynasties. Five of these, however, are of ruder work than the others, 10, N, O, P, Q, R ; and as the xith dynasty passed on into the fine work of the xiith, these cannot be put after the others. The rude ones probably precede the others, and may reasonably be placed in the xth dynasty. The ka-nefer-uah precedes the name on these earlier examples (N, O, P, Q), but succeeds the name on the later and fuller scarabs.
The hard-stone scarabs of small size form a distinct class, merging into more elaborate scarabs of larger size. There does not seem to be a single hard-stone scarab which can be fixed between the
THE VITH TO XTH DYNASTIES
17
middle of the xiith, and the xviiith dynasties. The names in this class, of Se-khenty-khati, Antef (twice), and Mentuemhot, are probably of the xith dynasty. The backs of 10 D, 10 E are of very fine work, highly polished, indicating the close of the xith or early xiith dynasty. The other scarabs of this class are all ruder in cutting, and less elaborate, and must be placed before the xith rather than in the xiith. We may conclude then that these begin in the ixth or xth dynasty, and run on to the beginning of the xiith. Rude as the small examples are, yet the heads are well cut and natural.
34. Between the xth and vith dynasties a few pieces claim a place. Mer-ab-ra Khety of the ixth dynasty has a scarab of good work 9 • 1 ; the back of it is of the same type as the two little scarabs of Neb-taui-ra Mentuhetep of the xith dynasty, but is of better and earlier style. The Merabra scarab in Paris cannot be attributed to any later king, and points thus to the symmetric border beginning well before the xiith dynasty.
A cartouche plaque of Nefer-ka-ra (7-4-2) cannot be placed in the xxvth dynasty, as the loop ends to the ka were never used as late as that age. The Ra has a central mark, which is much more usual before than after the xiith dynasty. As no king of this name is known between the viiith and the xxvth dynasties, it seems that this should be put in the viith or viiith dynasties. The car- touche form of amulet is known under Senusert I, and on to the end of the history, so it may well occur in the viiith. The cartouche plaque of Ra-ne-ka may well be of the king of that name in the viith dynasty ; the form is known, as we have just seen, and the rounded coarse work in pottery is much like the scarab of Merenra of the vith, which is agreed on by Prof. Newberry as being contemporary. The oval Ra-ka-enen may perhaps be also of the same king, as the form is closely like two already dated to the xith dynasty.
An important scarab is the large one with the names Senefer-onkh-ra Pepy. This name is like the viith to viiith dynasty king, Nefer-ka-ra Pepy- senb. Pepy being the most celebrated king of the vith dynasty, was copied in the following dynasty, just as Amenemhot was copied in the xiiith dynasty. Here there seems to have been another king called after Pepy, and therefore probably of the viith dynasty.
A very remarkable scarab belonging to Mr. A. L. Payne of Manchester is shown here in drawing.
The style might at first be put to the Hyksos age ; but it is far too good for the work of Pepa-Sheshaj beside being distinctly Pepy and not Pepa. The cutting is like that of Senusert I, 12 -2 7 ; and in 12 -2 -ii there is a guarantee that a similar arrange- ment is as early as Senusert I. With the plain name of Pepy on it, we should give much weight to its being made under that king. Other scarabs of his differ from this, because of local workman- ship ; the present example, by its resemblance to Hyksos types, is evidently of the eastern Delta. There seems no reason why this should not be a Delta scarab of Pepy II, or possibly of some king of the viith dynasty called after him. Thus we see that three objects with symmetric borders claim place in the viith to ixth dynasties — No. 7-9-2, the Payne Pepy, and the Paris Merabra. They belong to three separate kings, and each is placed here independently by reason of the names, and the similarity to examples not far distant. Until other evidence may show that other kings of those names also recurred later, we ought to accept these in the only position legitimate for them.
In the stamp of Teruru, with a loop behind, we have a well-fixed point of comparison of style. This very obscure king, of whom nothing is known beyond the list of Abydos, cannot be supposed to have had re-issues of a stamp in later times. The reading Teruru Neferka clearly belongs to Nefer- ka-ra Teruru. The use of seals with a loop behind belongs to this age, of the vith to ixth dynasties.
We now reach the vith dynasty, where the small indigo-blue glazed scarab of Merenra (6-4) is so closely like other glazed work of that age, that the contemporary date of this scarab is accepted as likely by Prof. Newbeiry. Moreover the type of the back agrees with that of Atmuhetep (10 h), which we have seen belongs to the xth to xith dynasty ; and the mer turned with the curve upward is seen on the scarab of Khety in the ixth dynasty, and Pepy I of the vith dynasty. The two scarabs here of Mery-ra Pepy are not distinctive in their type.
35. In the vth dynasty there is an important group of Unas and Shepseskaf, which are connected. The main feature is that two scarabs of Unas are of closely similar work, with the large hare, and must be of the same age. One (5 -9 -I) has Neter nefer neb taui Unas hotep, " The good god, lord of both lands, Unas is satisfied," and there can be no doubt of this referring to the king, and pro-
i8
THE EARLIEST AGE OF SCARABS
bably during his life. The other (5-9-2) reads Asun, which is as good a form grammatically as Unas, or even better ; it is a birth-exclamation, " Behold the being." Such an inversion would be quite likely while the name was fresh, but would never be started in later ages when the old royal name was fossilised in the lists. There seems, then, no chance of these being later re-issues. Turning to the Shepseskaf scarab (4 -6) we see a finer edition of the same head as the Unas-hetep scarab ; the detailed treatment of the head, the minute eyeball, and the curves of the elytra, are finer work than any scarab after the very best of the xith and early xiith dynasties. Such work would be a miracle amid the far ruder design and cutting of all later ages ; it stands almost alone for its per- fection. Hence by its isolation of refinement, and its appearing the prototype of the Unas backs, it seems that there is no other conclusion except that it is of the age of the king whose name it bears.
Regarding the other Unas pieces, the flat- backed ovoid (5-9-3) is exactly the shape and size of one with the name Senusert (12-2-26), probably of Senusert I by the style. This therefore need not be after the xiith dynasty, and might well be of the vth. Another stands or falls with one of the Khofra types.
36. Coming to Zad-ka-ra Assa, the scarab cannot possibly be placed to Shabataka of the xxvth, nor after the early xviiith dynasty, as the ka arms end in loops. The back of it is of the same family as some of the Unas and Khofra scarabs, having a slightly curved girdle fine, two lines between the elytra, and — as in Khofra — a border line round the elytra but not round the thorax. The head is practically the same ; only as the notching is not visible on the broken clypeus, the Khofra is classed as L, while the others are in H. The decomposed glaze on scarabs of Khofra, Assa, and Unas, is of a peculiar bright ochreous red, not seen later until Psametek, to which age these cannot possibly belong, by the style and forms of hieroglyphs. This group, then, carries with it the small plain scarab of Unas 5 -9 -4. It has been objected that the spiral pattern on 5 -8 -4 is unknown so early as the vth dynasty. But finely developed spirals appear in the xith dynasty (Antef, 11-7-5, and Mentuemsaf, 11 E) ; a precisely similar spiral is on a scarab dated by pottery to the xth dynasty (Heliopolis, pi. xxvi, p. 32); and on the animal seals of the button seal class (certainly between the vith and xiith dynasties), there are
not only spirals but degraded spirals of squared form, showing that the design was familiar. There is, then, no reason against a simple form of spiral being one or two dynasties earlier than these. Of the ivth or vth dynasty must be Hetep-hers (4-0), as the name is unknown in any othei period.
At the close of the ivth dynasty is the scarab of Shepseskaf, the work of which is finer and more detailed than any others, even of the best age of the xith to xiith dynasty. As we have noted, the Unas scarabs show the same type, but less detailed and perfect ; and those are shown to be contem- porary, by the title neter nefer, and the inverted spelling As-un. In default of any later scarabs comparable to this, it is the most probable that it belongs to the finest period of sculpture, the ivth to vth dynasties.
Among the Khofra scarabs are several signs of early date. The Ra sign is large (4 -3 -i, 4 -3 -3) with a central disc, a form very rarely seen after the early xiith dynasty, but frequent in the Old Kingdom ; one in the British Museum has the same form of centre. The / sign in 4 -3 -4, 7, 8, is thick and slug-like ; this is the original early form, but is not usual in late times.
The Khufu scarabs are not well represented here. The beautiful small bright blue ones of the Grant Collection (Aberdeen) are quite characteristic, and unlike anything of any other age ; the Ur- hemt-khet scarab here (3 -9 -a) and Nebkara (3 -i -i) are of the same class. Details agree to the early dating of most of these ; the chick upon 4 -2 -2 has the beak slightly open ; a characteristic of the young chick, which might be copied in an early period, but never later. The Turin scarab has the short slug-like / sign ; and in general the / signs agree closely with others of Khofra, so that the dating of each group supports the other. Of course some re-issues of Khufu, of a totally different kind, were made — as under Kashta ; but there is no later age in which scarabs were made with the style of signs or of work which belongs to these Pyramid kings.
The iiird-dynasty scarabs hold together as a group. On the thorax of 3-9-2 there is a border line (Q 73) curving into a curl on each shoulder. It is present, though rather less curled, on 3-9-1 (see j -20). The same, though more roughly done, is on the back of Nebkara 3-1-1 (see L -24). Though such a curled line is found at various later periods (see Q), yet there are no scarabs in those periods at all like these in their fabric or inscription.
THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
19
37. It seems, then, that from the xiith dynasty back to the iiird, we find in each group well-marked details which unite them, and point to contem- porary manufacture, while no group can be paralleled in any later period. In most instances the work- manship is far better than in later ages ; this is not likely to be the case with re-issues, those of the living king probably receiving the most attention. The theory of an extensive issue of scarabs by late kings in commemoration of kings who left none, seems to depart along with the theory of all statues of early kings being works of the Saite age. A sense of style will save us from all such fallacies.
When we turn to scarabs which are certainly late issues, such as the Khuf u found with Amenardas, and the group found by Mr. Quibell (here pi. lii, copied from Excavations at Saqqara, 1905-6, p. 31, pi. xxxvii) the styles are quite unlike those which we have considered above. The Khufu is of coarse pottery with indigo-blue glaze, and the Saqqara group is of the soft paste class, like the scarabs of Pama and others of the Delta.
It has been urged sometimes that no scarabs of the Old Kingdom are recorded as having been found in tombs. Looking at the scarcity of them, that is not to be expected. If we take dynasties in which they are equally scarce, say xviith, xxist, xxiiird, probably not a single scarab has been found in a tomb. The number of tombs is not the question here, but the number of scarabs dated to certain periods. Another way of looking at the matter is that cylinders and sealings are as usual as scarabs of early kings. Yet there is only one instance of a cylinder found with a burial of the ivth to vith dynasties, and therefore the scarabs are not to be expected in the range of recorded groups. There is at least one record of two scarabs, found with pottery which must be earlier than the xiith dynasty, and is probably of the xth dynasty. See Heliopolis, p. 32, pi. xxvi xxvii, and coffin of tomb 509, pi. xv.
CHAPTER VII
THE MIDDLE KINGDOM (PLATES XII-XXII)
38. Pi. xii. The styles at the beginning of the xiith dynasty were somewhat mixed. The sculp- tures of Koptos show what delicate work was done
under Amenemhot I, comparable with the delicately engraved scarab 12 *i '4. The rather clumsy but detailed work of the xith dynasty survives in the style of 12 -i -3. The rough work of some districts crops up in the scarabs, 12 -i -i — 2, which have the writing in order of the speech, Sehetepabra and Sehetepraab. Notwithstanding the dogma that there are no scarabs made under Amenemhot I, it would be very difficult to parallel these in a later reign. Only one scarab is clearly late, in every respect, 12 -i -5. The name Amen Ra stamps it as being after the xviiith dynasty ; the back is like one of Sheshenq I, K-50, and it is probably of xxiind to xxvth dynasties.
The scarabs of Senusert I hardly need remark, except as to the use of two nefer signs in place of ra. Some thirty years ago this equivalence was suggested by Mr. Wilbour, and the examples strongly confirm it. The intermediate stages can be seen here. In 12 -2 -16 there is a greatly enlarged ra with nefer inside it ; the other signs are normal, of the style of the best, 12 -2 -i, and the scroll border is as 12 -2 -3. The next scarab (17) has a large circular body to the nefer, like ra, with a small top ; and in No. 18 the work is the same, only two nefer signs appear in place of ra. All of these show a contemporary style ; but different work is seen in the next two, 19, 20, bearing the same inscription. The fronts and the backs are unlike any other scarabs of this period : and the source of them is shown by a scarab 18-7-31 with closely the same work and name (with kheper on its side), but with the name of Amenhetep II added. Hence we can date these, 19, 20, as a re-issue of his reign. A very different class to all others are 23, 24, 25 with very perfect work but blundered inscriptions. The cylinder seals were revived under Senusert I, and lasted on into the next dynasty.
PI. xiii. Of Amenemhot II there is a scarab, 12 -3 -5, with the name Senuser added, written as spoken, and not inverted as Usertesen. This gives contemporary evidence of the spoken form of the name, and is parallel to the spoken forms on 12 -i -i — 2. It was doubtless made in the coregency during three years of Amenemhot II and Senusert II. The very large stone beads, 7, 8, seem peculiar to this reign. Under Senusert II there are two variant writings ; 12 -4 -2 with neferui for ra and inverted order of the signs; and 12 -4*4 with the same inversion, and the uraeus in place of ra.
20
THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
39. Of Senusert III there is a plaque and two uxat eyes (12 -5 -18-20), the latter seeming by the style to be of the xxvth dynasty. The name of this king was also commemorated by Hotshepsut and Tchutmes III in connection with the revival of his worship in the rebuilt temple of Kummeh. But the scarabs which formerly were attributed to such re-issues (Historical Scarabs, 936-956) must be reconsidered in view of the names of Menkara and Menkheperra recurring in the xxvth dynasty. The couchant sphinx with double plumes, and holding the hes vase, seems to be restricted to the xxvth. A walking sphinx with double plume is on three scarabs in the British Museum (3996, 16808 of T. Ill ; 38585 of Amenhetep II), also a couchant sphinx with double plume (3997 b-m), and a couchant sphinx with a hes vase on 18-6-51 here. These are all of the xviiith-dynasty style, whereas the couchant plumed sphinx with the hes vase is of xxvth-dynasty style. Referring to the numbers in Historical Scarabs, it seems that 941 is of Shabaka; 938, 939, 948, 951, 953, 954 of vassals of Shabaka. But the straight-barred uraei seem to belong to the Hotshepsut age, and thus 936, 937. 949. 950. together with 946, belong to her time. These commemorate Senusert III on 946, 949, and Menkaura on 936. The curious- looking ligature across from arm to arm of the ka represents the bases of the three ka signs conjoined, This mode of making a plural was already started in the xiith dynasty, see H.S. 236. Another here, made by Tehutmes III, is 12 -5 -15.
Of Amenemhot III, though some neat work remains, as 12-6-1, 12-6-5, the prevalent style in pi. xiv is coarse and even rude. The last two pieces of this king are animal figures — hawk and crocodile — inscribed on the base.
40. PI. xiv. Private Scarabs. — These form the most important class of the Middle Kingdom scarabs. For reference they are here thus classified ; spiral patterns, numbered 12 and a letter ; and without spirals, numbered 13 and a letter. Many of the latter class are of the xiith-dynasty period; the number is only used to distinguish broadly those with and without spirals. The spirals are classed as follows : first, round spirals, continuous, then only at sides; oval scrolls continuous, then only at sides, joined over; or, next, not joined from side to side. The plain scarabs begin with linkages top and base, twisted lines, rope borders, and then plain border lines, which are subdivided according
to styles of work. The various classes are in their general order of age, but of course they overlap in periods.
41. So far as the titles are well understood the catalogue will suffice ; but some which are dubious we shall notice here. Ur res mob& occurs on 12 F, Y, Z ; 13 B, X ; it has not been well explained as yet, and there are difficulties in the rendering as " chief judge."
The meaning of this title must depend on the actual use of it, and its connections, indicating whether it is judicial or administrative.
In the Old Kingdom there are twenty-five in- stances of it, quoted in Names and Titles. These are associated with other offices in the following frequency :
15 onz, administrator of a nome ;
14 tep kher nesut, viceroy, chief under the king ;
12 an mutek, priestly (of the kingship) ;
11 nest khentet, throne of the south — Nubia ;
11 her seshta ne hez medu nebt ent nesut, secretary
of the enlightening, or explaining all words
of the king ; never her seshta ne per duat, secretary of the
cabinet ; never her seshta ne het ur, secretary of the palace ; 8 mer katu nebt ent nesut, over all works of the
king; only 3 tdit, s&b, thU, chief judge and vizier ; never khelm bati, chancellor ; never nekheb her tep, chief of Hierakonpolis ; never, high priest of Memphis, priest of Ptah, or
priest of Sokar.
Thus the titles are distinctively not of the home-office, secretary of the cabinet or palace, or chief judge and vizier, or chancellor, or Memphite priesthoods, or over Hierakonpolis. This seems to exclude the headship of the thirty judges. On the contrary the commonest additional offices are viceroy, over the nome, the throne of Nubia, and the Foreign Secretary ; all of these point to the position of prince of the southern chiefs or districts.
In the Middle Kingdom the title is scarcely ever associated with any other ; of twenty- six in the catalogue of Cairo steles, one is a mcti ne sd, and in eight at Aswan one is repoti hot. The frequency of the title on the rocks at Aswan bears out the connection with Nubia.
When we reach the New Kingdom this title
PRIVATE SCARABS
21
entirely disappears. A new title arises, sd nesut ne kesh, " royal son of Nubia," as viceroy in the south. These connections of titles point to mobd, mean- ing chiefs or a district, and in Nubia rather than Upper Egypt, as it is never linked with Hierakon- polis. It hardly seems possible that mdbd, harpoon, might be related to a harpoon sign being perhaps used for a chief on the tablet of Narmer. The titles " great met (10) of the south, great met of the north," however, belong to Taharqa as viceroy over Egypt ; these seem to show that met was the title of a chief or sub-ruler, and moba might therefore be taken as referring to the Nubian chiefs.
42. In 12 H appears the epithet mdot kheru, which has been variously rendered. It is now recognised as having a judicial sense of acquittal, and " justified " seems to be the best translation. As it often recurs, it is denoted as m-k- in trans- literation, and is omitted in the translation. 12 o and 12 aa are the earliest examples here of the title neb amdkh ; this has been rendered in many ways, usually as devoted to, or worthy of, the lord of the person. Yet being without the pos- sessive /, it seems rather as if it was analogous to the various other expressions relating to the person, as mdot -kheru, uahem onkh, nefer ka uah ; thus neb would refer to the person, and the whole mean " the worthy lord."
This is confirmed by its never being applied to a woman, in any published here or by Prof. New- berry ; except in one case (Newberry, xliv, 4) where it is in the feminine, nebt amakh, " the worthy lady."
43. 12 p has a rare title, scribe of sekh, "to beat," determined by a fist, or punishment. 125 might be supposed to be a blundered form of Amen -ra ; but as the back is certainly of the xiith dynasty this is impossible, and it must be a proper name.
PI. xv. 12 AC has a remarkable title, Guard of the 1 10 Amu ; this recalls the 37 Amu who were thought worthy of very full record at Beni Hasan ; the no Amu were probably another immigrant party who had this Egyptian officer over them. 12 AG, ah, the rendering of uortu as " marshal " has been considered under ioa. In 12 as the sign like onkh seems to be a form of the seal khetm ; the m after it is used when expressing a thing sealed, a treaty or fortress. Here with oper, to provide or supply, it appears to refer to sealed contracts of supply, probably the assess- ments of food-rents from different places. On
12 av the title is quoted by Pierret {Vocab. 509), but his reference seems wrong, and I have not been able to follow it. 12 bc has a title apparently derived from patu food, perhaps " caterer." On 12 bg the uortu neteru would be the marshal of the sacred processions. The class 12 bk to bp is puzzling ; it is not at all certain that they are not modern inventions. It is difficult to see what the signs were originally before repeated copying, ancient or modern. The bird at the top on bl, bn, is corrupt on bm, and thence changes to bo and bk. As bn seems best, we should accept the plant sign ha as the origin of the nesut ka on the others. The two following signs may be the head following ha, and t feminine. Below these may be neteru, and mdot -kheru at the end. It might possibly be a wish neh ha neteru mdot -kheru, " having confidence behind the gods, being justified." The materials of this class are never glazed, but of bare stone, which is suspicious ; or the other hand bk is of a hard stone unlikely to be used by a forger, and the diversity of the blunders does not seem as if they had all been made together by a modern fabricator, bq can be dated to the close of the xiith dynasty, as it is much like 12-7, Amenem- hot IV, pierced with three holes from end to end, and with deeply-cut legs. Another scarab dated by the same features is bu of Har, of whom many plain scarabs are known, 13 bu to ce.
44. PI. xvi. Though this section is named as 13, that only refers to the majority of the class of unbordered scarabs. Some such are found undoubtedly of the xiith dynasty, as A, h, s, ab, ac, ag, on this plate. The twisted border of 13 G occurs also on an Aswan scarab (Fraser, 83) and one of a nebt per Neferu (Ward 224). 13 h is remarkable for an epithet fuller than usual, " living again eternally." 13 n is of very rare work, entirely hollowed out, with the back pierced in open-work. The head is human, and arms and legs, apparently belonging to it, occupy the thorax. The elytra are figures of Taurt. The front, how- ever, is not unusual in work. 13 t is a group of cat and kitten, belonging to Se-hetep-ab-ra-onkh, evidently of the beginning of the xiith dynasty. The enlargement of the central spot of the ra, converting the sign into a ring, is very peculiar, and occurs on the inscription of Antef V (Koptos viii) ; this is an additional reason for the dating of that king to the xith dynasty. ac has an unusually long inscription giving the parentage,
J2
THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
of which I only know of one parallel. The next, ad, is also of very rare design, giving a figure of a prince Neferra, hunting. The three scarabs, al, am, an, are a remarkable class, for the size of the body and the hieroglyphs. The title on al is new to us, General of the Memphite army of Ptah, mentioned by Ramessu II {Slud. Hist, hi, 51). am has a rather confused reading ; from the sacred stand, it seems that a god's name is present, and this must be Unnefer; the previous signs must be read " the leader of the youths," referring to some religious corporation of youths consecrated to Osiris Unnefer. The name appears to be the uzat or eye of Tehuti, namely Aoh the moon, an is of a rather similar style to the preceding class. The cylinder aq is perhaps unique as a private cylinder of this age. av has on the back a style of pattern familiar in decorated scarabs of the xiiith or xivth dynasties, but not otherwise asso- ciated with inscriptions; by the coarse cutting, it may have been engraved later than the front.
PI. xvii. ay is a later and coarser example of the soldered wire hieroglyphs seen on the electrum pectoral 12 -6 -26. The royal sealer Haar, 12 bu, 13 bt to ce, has left far more private scarabs than any other man. The age is of the beginning of the xiiith dynasty, as the best of these, 12 bu, is of the peculiar fabric of Amenemhot IV. 13 co, cp, cq of Peremuah appear to be of the Hyksos age, judging by the border, which seems to be derived from that of the later Hyksos kings. The rudeness of these would agree with that date.
45. The various indications of the age of the private scarabs may now be summed up. Seeing the cessation of circular spirals on kings' scarabs at the middle of the xiith dynasty, all the scarabs
12 A to 12 L must be of the first half of that dynasty. Of the same age, by the style and names, must be
13 T, 13 AG. The work of these will carry with them also 12 aa, 12 AC, which seem as early as Senusert I. Of the middle of the xiith dynasty are probably those of good work, but not fine, such
as 13 A, 13 AB, 13 AC, 13 AE.
The next clear date is that of Haar, 12 BU, which is pierced with those holes from end to end like 12 -y of Amenemhot IV, and is therefore of the end of the xiith dynasty. This must carry with it the much rougher scarabs of the same man, 13 bt to 13 ce, which may be put to the beginning of the xiiith dynasty. Seeing how poor these are, we may well accept nearly all the scroll scarabs as
being of the xiith dynasty, and the well-cut scarabs of pis. xvi and xvii.
Next a peculiar type of back will give a date. There is a class of scarabs with long and deep body, straight sides, straight girdle lines, and double line between the elytra, see pi. lxxii. This type is dated to the Princess Kema, mother of Sebekhetep III, and to Sebekhetep II her contemporary. With these go also 12 aj Snooab, 12 ak Sekhru-ab, 13 p Senb, 13 w Antef, 13 au Semekh, 13 ax Sebekhetep, all coarse in work. Immediately after, the type changes to a deep groove between the elytra ; and this is dated to Ha-onkhef , father of Sebekhetep III, Neferhetep, and Sebekhetep III. With these go also 12 av, 13 s, 13 x, 13 bc, 13 bh, 13 bj, 13 bk, 13 bo, 13 cf, 13 cn, and King Ay. These in turn will take with them others of similar engraving, as 13 R, 13 y, 13 aa, 13 bb, 13 bc. All of these must belong to the middle of the xiiith dynasty.
Other rude ones are later, and we again touch ground with Peremuah, 13 co, cp, cq, which, by the side pattern of co, belong to the latter part of the Hyksos age. Thus we have reached a useful number of fixed points, by which most private scarabs can be placed in the correct dynasty.
46. PI. xviii. At the beginning of the xiiith dynasty are placed scarabs of unknown queens of the xiith and xiiith. These of Erdaneptah and Khensu must, by the scrolls, belong to the xiith. Nubtrhetep-ta has the back of the time of Nefer- hetep. Resunefer is like this in work of the face. Sat-sebek is like 13 u, 13 v, which are also about this date. Uazet seems too good to be later than mid xiith dynasty ; the back is exactly that of 12 z, 12 al, agreeing to this date.
After a worn scarab (13-2) which seems to be of Sekhem-ka-ra, there are others of similar style of Onkh •neferu -uah -ra and Nefer -onkh -ra. These must be early in the dynasty by the good work, and they may be the names of Amenemhot and Aufni, of that age. But the scroll work seems too good to be after the xiith dynasty. Next is Seonkh • ab -ra, whose great quartzite altars are familiar in Cairo. Two of Sehetep-ab-ra are too rude for Amenemhot I, and must be placed to the second of that name. The beautiful cylinder in the Amherst collection, of Amenemhot • senbf, must also be early in this dynasty. The half cylinder I3-I5-I is fixed to Sebekhetep I by the falcon name Kho bau (see Naville, Bubastis, pi. xxxiii, I) ;
THE XIIITH AND XIVTH DYNASTIES
23
this cylinder gives the nebti name, otherwise un- known, zedui renpetu. The reading hes her on 13 -15 -4 suggests the xxvth dynasty. Hetep -ka -ra is only known from this cylinder ; it might be the 9th, 18th or 38th name in the Turin list, all ending in ka. Another of these three names may be Se-beka-ka-ra, of whom here are two cylinders. Of Sebekhetep II, a large gold bead is formed in two halves, soldered together ; they seem to have been impressed from a mould or die. The parents of Neferhetep and Sebekhetep III (13 -20 -3, 4) are well known on their scarabs (13 -21, 1-6 ; 13 -22 • 1, 4) ; from their independent scarabs we see that Haonkhef was a royal sealer or chancellor, and Divine father (13 -20 -3), who married the heiress, the king's daughter, Kema (13 -20 -4). These give good dating points of style of signs and of back among private scarabs. Of the small scarabs of Sebek -hetep III there is no question that some are late, as one with Kho-nefer-ra occurs in the group of xxvith dynasty work found by Quibell at Saq- qareh. So 13-22-18 to 22 of small neat work, mostly in paste, may be put late. Yet we must not at once call them all re-issues, as the name was used in the xxvth dynasty, where there were two Sebek -hetep princes, a son of Zinefer of Abusir, and a son of Tafnekht II (Stud. Hist, iii, 322). Some of these scarabs might well have belonged to one of those princes.
PI. xix. The cowroid of Kho-ka-ra differs from the style of Senusert III, and might be of the king of this name in the xiiith dynasty. The scarabs of Queen Ana are put here next to King Ana, as being probably his wife or daughter ; the style shows they belong to this period. The lion with the name Neb-maot-ra cannot be of Amen- hetep III, by the style ; it may belong to . . . mdot -ra Aba 13-41. Nehesi, 13, 53, shows an unexpected revival of scrolls, which had disappeared since the beginning of the dynasty.
The king's son Antef (14 b) must be of about the middle of the xiiith dynasty, as the back of the scarab has the deep groove between the elytra ; the rough style of work agrees to this date. The other scarabs of kings' sons seem clearly later, like the Hyksos scarabs of the xvith dynasty ; compare Nehesi and Sepedneb with Apepa I, and also Nebneteru with Yekeb-bor. Tur might be of the beginning of the xviiith dynasty, compare Turs, wife of Amenhetep I. The style of Kho -sebek -ra and Uazed approaches most to that of the earliest
Hyksos, so they may well be of the end of the xivth dynasty.
47. The scarabs of the xivth dynasty are of very coarse work. Those of Suazenra are not common (14-69-1-5) and there is only one of Nefer-ab-ra (14-76), which agrees with the Hyksos style. Of the same age are Khenzer and Khondy, two kings of eastern origin. Khenzer has apparently the same name as the later Babylonian king Ukhvzer, Khinzeros in Ptolemy; and Khondy represents the Syrian taking precedence of the Egyptian. Khenzer is best known from his stele in Paris, showing him as a pious Egyptian king who re- stored the temple of Abydos, and had the throne name Ne-maot-ne-kho-ra, modified from that of Amenemhot III. Beside the two scarabs here, three others have been attributed to this king. The Fraser example (65) has a second cartouche User-ka-ra, which raises a difficulty; and the zer is so different from that on the stele and on these scarabs, that it seems a doubtful reading ; possibly it is Er -khnum, a shortened form in which da is understood, "By Khnum" (he is given). The British Museum example (42716) is very confused, od kho being inserted in the name, and a title of an official added, — a construction to which there is hardly a parallel ; the supposed zer sign is also quite different to the form on the stele or other examples. The scarab attributed by Ward (219) is of Amenemhot III, with Nefer -ka • ra added. None of these others therefore can be safely assigned to Khenzer. Of Khondy the cylinder here shows much. He was king of Upper Egypt, by the crown ; his rule over Syria (or Meso- potamia) was his main dominion, as the Syrian takes precedence ; the Egyptian — called hen, the " servant," — who follows, bears a papyrus with a nesting bird, a symbol of the Delta. The king had the Egyptian attribute of giving life to his subjects, " life of the Living One " — the king. The style of the twist pattern and the row of ibexes is Mesopotamian rather than Egyptian ; the jasper cylinder with figures belongs to Babylonia, and is quite unknown in Egypt. One scarab is known of this king, rather differently spelt (Blanchard), and it is of haematite, a characteristic material of Syria. It seems certain that in Khondy — and probably also in Khenzer — we have easterners entering Egypt, and taking over rule, probably by peaceful means, before the harsh confusion of the Hyksos triumph. 48. PI. xx. On many scarabs are groups of
24
THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
signs, of the same character as the royal names. It is probable that these are the names of some of the host of kings who are only known by their total number in the xivth to xviith dynasties. On scarab 14 0 the name may be Sekhem-ra, and zet onkh equal to onkh zetta, " living eternally," as on 16C16. The border of 14 P is like that of 13 Q ; but the name Kems, on the latter, is so usual in the Middle Kingdom that it does not give a closer dating. On 14 Q, R, the sign stna seems fairly distinct from nefer ; yet, on the other hand, R has the marks on the body of the sign like nefer ; and it would be unlikely that t, v, and x should not be intended to show nefer. Perhaps then Q, with the stem widening upward, is the only stna sign. It would seem impossible to attribute all the Nefer-ra scarabs to one king. On x the work is very good, and the circular spirals appear to belong to the . early part of the xiith dynasty ; while on w the system of the surrounding hieroglyphs belongs to the earlier part of the xvith dynasty {Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pi. li). The Nefer-ra scarabs, then, are more probably only acts of devotion to Ra, and not belonging to a king. Rather the same con- clusion is shown by the diverse periods of the Nekara scarabs. While an is clearly of the age of Apepa I, see 15 -5-12, the fine circular scrolls on ap and the playing with Ra and nefer signs (as on Senusert I, 12 -2 -16, 17) indicate the early part of the xiith dynasty.
The long cylinder of Ka-zed-uah-ra has two separate scenes upon it, placed base to base ; one of these is here reversed, so that both read upright. The essential key to the reading lies in the signs in the second cartouche, which contains bat nub, probably to be read as a title, " victorious king " (like Her nub, the " victorious Horus") ; followed by Uah-neferui as a name, and ur, " the great," as a following adjective. Now on the first half is a figure with Uah-neferui around it, intended there- fore for the same name as is written with titles in the cartouche. The first half shows this ruler Uah-neferui, with apparently a son, and wife kneeling, before a larger figure holding a lotus, who has the cartouche behind him, Neferui -ka -zed • uah. By the usage of the Middle Kingdom neferui is equivalent to Ra, at the beginning of a cartouche, so that Ka-zed-uah-ra must be the throne name of the larger figure, who is doubtless the suzerain of the lesser ruler. In the field behind the larger figure and also behind the larger figure on the
second half, is Ka • onkh -er- nefer -kho, which ap- pears to be the personal name of the same. Thus we have here the record of a suzerain Ka -zed -uah -ra, Ka -onkh -er -nefer -kho, with a subject ruler Uaz -ra, who takes the titles " victorious king " and " great," and who has a son, and a wife named Hathor, or priestess of Hathor.
49. PI. xxi. Although the exact order of the Hyksos kings is unknown, the general positions are shown by the many stages of degradation of the border designs, as tabulated in Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pi. li, repeated in Historical Studies, pi. vi. Only two of them can be connected with literary statements, Apepa I with the mathematical papyrus, and with Apophis of Josephus, and Apepa III with Apepa of the Seqenen-ra papyrus. By the time of Apepa I, the fourth or fifth of the great Hyksos kings, they had taken up much of the Egyptian civilisation, as shown by his erecting columns and a bronze gate for the temple at Bubastis ; but the violent stage of the conquest is reflected in the titles of Ontha here, " Prince of the Desert, the Terror." By the style of his scarabs he stood at the beginning of this dynasty ; and this title, together with the fluctuation of his name — Ontha or Ont -her — well agrees with this position. The supposed scarab of Nubti (Brit. Mus. Cat. 301) is probably of Tehutmes I, see 18 -3 -i.
The scarabs of Apepa I are remarkable for their variety of design and frequency. Here on 1 is the human-headed uraeus and nefer, the Agatho- daimon ; and the uraeus as . royal emblem also appears on 6 and 7. The nub sign at the head of scarabs, as on 4, 6, 7, and below on 12, may well be the emblem of Set, as in his title Nubti, and the Horus on nub title. The twist of cord, on 3 and 4, is a Mesopotamian design; but the old Egyptian design of the entwined Nile plants was adopted, as on 11. The Agathodaimon type appears again under Oanebra, 16 -a -i, 2.
50. The scarabs of Pepa were at one time assigned to Pepy of the vith dynasty. As the Hyksos types became recognised, it was seen that these were of that period ; and on the strength of the long form of the signs, as on 10, 13, 14, the reading Shesha was generally adopted. But lately, guided by the names Teta and Pepa occurring in the xviith dynasty, the name has again been acknow- ledged as Pepa. What seems to be the best reason for the reading is the variation according to the style of the scarab. On those of the best work,
THE XVITH AND XVIITH DYNASTIES
25
as c. i here, the form is quite square, and finely ribbed with three vertical strokes, unmistakably the p and not the sh sign. The scroll borders are the best class of these scarabs, and the form is nearly square on these. The most elongated form is with the most debased borders as 13, 14, 15. Thus the sh form must be looked on as a degradation of the p form.
51. PI. xxii. As the degradation of style pro- gressed, the reading of the names becomes more difficult, and can hardly be settled without com- paring several examples. On touching the xviith dynasty, however, an entirely new departure appears under Apepa III, whose two cartouches are on a piece of chert vase of fine work in the British Museum. The style of the scarab is thick, and the signs are large and clear ; the hard green paste is also revived after a long eclipse. Of the same style of scarab and hieroglyphs is the large scarab of Nub -onkh -ra, which must therefore be assigned to this period.
Another sudden change is the rise of small, clearly cut, scarabs, certainly of this age, as dated by those of Rahetep (pi. xxiii). The names of Neb-neferui-ra, Nub-sma-ra, Nub-peh-ra and Nub -hetep -ra would all well accord with the Hyksos forms.
PI. xxiii. Rahetep was followed by Men- hetep -ra, according to an ostrakon of the xxth dynasty. A scarab here with the crowned uraeus on nub and Ra-men might belong to this king. A clearer example is that in Aberdeen with Ra • men • hetep, and a figure of Taurt with onkh (here drawn).
The name Khnem-taui-ra is in a debased border closely like that of 18-2-18. Khu-uaz, by the size, seems more like the Rahetep group. Neb-ka-ra is clearly a name, by the scarab of the same in a cartouche surrounded with zed, nefer, onkh, and nub below. (Cairo Catalogue, pi. v. 37082.) From the style of the border it might be of the xvith dynasty, but the xviith is more likely, on comparing the small size and square form with ■ the plaques of the xviiith.
The xviith dynasty is only known by the names of the later kings, of whom there are very scanty remains. The royal pectoral shell of gold of Seqenen-ra is the only such object, until we reach the jewellery of Queen Aoh- hetep at the end of the dynasty. Kames, who is known by that group of jewellery, appears here on a finely-cut scarab with gold mounting (Kames 1) ; the signs neter
4
nefer da onkh at the sides are a reminiscence of the Hyksos arrangement, and the double feather on the top is interesting as the earliest example of such on a cartouche, though seen later under Amen- hetep I, Heremheb, and onward. The plaque of blue paste (2) belongs to the earlier period when Kames only claimed to be the heq prince, not a king.
CHAPTER VIII
THE NEW KINGDOM (PLATES XXIII-L)
52. The xviiith dynasty opens with a rough style of scarab, none of Aohmes or Nefertari showing good work. The best cutting is that of 18 -i -8, rather like that of the middle of the xiith dynasty ; another echo of that age is the ball bead with titles of the queen, 18 -i -25. The coarsely painted blue glazed menats begin in this reign (27, 28).
PI. xxiv. Rather better work appears under Amenhetep I, though many of his scarabs are of barbarous style. The gold ring 18 -2 -i was brought down to Cairo by a dealer from Thebes, a few days after the tomb of that king had been identified, by vases being found in the clearing of it. Pro- bably therefore this was found in the course of opening the tomb. The style is quite consistent with that age ; the double feather was already used by Kames, and the ka with the hands turned outward appears in the next reign, see 18 -3 -13. The form of the name is peculiar, with zesert for zeser. Light blue glass imitation of turquoise begins to appear in this reign for amulets, as in 18 -2 -15. The best work is on square plaques, 41 being fairly well cut.
A fresh interest begins now with the habit of making scarabs of the royal family. These were probably to be worn by officials of the households of the princes and princesses, as shown by 18 -2 -50, which has the name of Sat amen on one side, and that of the " keeper of the palace, Ao-ne-bau " on the other side.
PI. xxv. Under the xiith dynasty the sub- names of the kings were sometimes placed upon scarabs ; this custom was resumed by Tehutmes I and his successors, and the Horus name, Hor-nubti, and Nebti names are often found in this dynasty. On the scarab 18-3-1 is the Nebti name; and a
26
THE NEW KINGDOM
scarab in the British Museum of similar work has a variant of this, peh od (Cat. 301).
On 18 -3 '2 is a name of Tehutmes I which does not appear on other monuments. The scarab type is dropped, in 18 -3 -4, for a kneeling figure, which probably represents a Syrian with tribute in each hand ; unfortunately the detail is worn away. A type which has not been explained yet is shown in 15 and 16. It belongs to the Thothmes age, between I and IV, by its style ; yet no such name as Neferkara is known then. The explanation seems to be that the od and nefer signs are often made much alike (see 18 -3 -20), and have here been confounded. Thus these would read Ra"oa ka-kheper, mer-oa-amen, "Tehutmes, greatly beloved of Amen." No. 21, with both names of the king, is very unusual in this reign.
The objects with private names are classed along with the period to which they probably belong. Nos. 22-25 appear to date early in this dynasty.
The scarabs of Tehutmes II are unusual. 18-4-1 is of the most brilliant light blue paste, only equalled by one of Hotshepsut. This has the falcon name, and No. 2 the Hor-nubti name.
53. With Hotshepsut the great diversity of the scarab begins, which characterized Tehutmes III. The falcon name on No. 1, the Nebti name on Nos. 2 and 3, and the Hor-nubti name on No. 4, are all found as at Deir el Bahri. Historical allusions begin to appear, as " setting up monu- ments " on No. 7. The uzat eye in place of the scarab, as on 13 and 34, begins a type often found later.
PI. xxvi. No. 37 is certainly of this reign, by the close similarity to No. 39, of Nefrura. The formula of 45 is very unusual, mdot kheru kher Asar, " justified from Osiris," or " with " or " under Osiris."
With Tehutmes III came the greatest age of the scarab, when it was most common and most varied. It has often been supposed that the name of Men-kheper-ra was engraved in later times merely as a favourite amulet. On looking over the series here of 150 selected examples, it does not seem, however, that any large number can be assigned to the styles of later times. The great majority are clearly contemporary. As we know, for certain, at least three kings named Men-kheper-ra after Tehutmes III (the priest- king, Khmeny, and Nekau I), the small proportion
with this name which are after the xviiith dynasty are probably contemporary scarabs of these (or perhaps other) later kings. A few here, 130-148, are left as later scarabs, as there is nothing to prove to which of the subsequent kings they belong ; but all of these may be contemporary with later kings of this name.
The sub-names continued in favour, No. 1 has a new falcon name, kho em adkhut, " rising in the horizon," parallel to kho em mdot and kho em uast of this king. A pretty variant has the child Horus in place of the hawk, seo Brit. Mus. Cat. 666 ; compare 1016. The Nebti-name, uah nesuty, is on No. 2. An abundance of interesting types now begins; the youthful king shooting (4), the king adoring an obelisk (12), the birth of the king at Thebes (13), the man of Qedesh making obeisance to the royal name (14), the Syrian girl lying crouched in place of the scarab, with the record of the " smiting of Qedesh" (15), the invention of hunting on horseback to capture animals (16), the setting up monuments and obelisks in the temple of Amen (17-20). PI. xxvii. Note the titles " king of princes " (22), lion of princes (23), the divine son (34), the prisms, 57, 58, with joint names of the king and Nefru-ra, which seem to prove their marriage, and the figure of Set (65). On pi. xxvii, see the bull's head as a protector (74), the revival of scroll borders (87-93, 125), and their degradation as circles (94, 95). PI. xxix. The queen Hotshepset Merytra appears here with the spelling Hotshepsi (150). Among the private names the cylinder of Senmut, with his titles, is of most interest (18 -6 -a).
54. PI. xxx. Amenhetep II abandoned using sub-names on scarabs, but otherwise continued the style of his father, with the inscription " born at Memphis" (18-7-1), and many references to the gods. The design of four uraei which begins under Tehutmes III (18 -6 -46, 86) was usual in this reign, as on 26, also two uraei on 14, and 21 ; and continued under Tehutmes IV, see 18-8-9 and 10. The uzat eye continued in place of the scarab, as 18-7-10, 37, and 18-8-12. Oval plaques for rings, inscribed on each side, came into favour, as a substitute for the clumsy cartouche plaques of Hotshepsut (18-5-1, 5, 6, 22). Tehut- mes III began the use of an oval plaque, as 18 -6 • 10, 27, 46, 47, 49, 56, 115 ; and it was prevalent under Amenhetep II, 18 -7-11, 12, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 32, 39. Under Tehutmes IV it was more usually square, as 18 -8 -3, 4, 5 ; later under Amenhetep III
THE ATEN PERIOD
*7
these fashions almost vanish, and cowroids, uzats, and rings come into use. The scroll pattern was well made under Amenhetep II, as on 30 ; along with it was the degradation of rows of circles, which we can date to this reign by the upper name on 31, where it accompanies the Neferui-kheper-ka form of Senusert I, and so dates the curious later scarabs of this style, 12-2-19, 20. Nos. 18-8-13 is important as giving the name of a queen Nefert- arti who is otherwise unknown.
55. PI. xxxi. As the scarabs of Tehutmes III show the greatest variety and number, so those of Amenhetep III are of unparalleled size. Not only are there the big scarabs with long historical inscriptions, but also an extensive class of scarabs of usual types, but of two or three times the usual size. Examples are here of the lion-hunt and marriage scarabs and part of a tank scarab. The marriage scarabs are of better work than the hunting type, and have double or triple lines between the elytra, in place of single lines.
Pis. xxxii-xxxiii. The scarabs of less mon- strous size 18-9-10 to 52 scarcely ever contain any historical statements, but almost all refer to the gods. Nos. 10-13 bear falcon names ; 14 has the Nebti name. 16 shows that the king was born at Thebes, 17 refers to seizing Singara in Mesopo- tamia ; otherwise they are to us mere matters of ostentation.
PI. xxxiv. On the small scarabs there is nothing of note. The references to the gods are much fewer, and the subject of the scarab is reduced to the mere names, as in the beginning of this dynasty.
PI. xxxv. Of queen Taiy there are many scarabs, cowroids, and rings, the fashionable shapes of the reign. There is nothing beyond the baldest titles with the name.
56. PI. xxxvi. The revolution of Akhenaten left a great mark on the portable objects. At the beginning of his reign, scarabs of the orthodox form were usual, see 18 -io -3, 4, 6, 7, 8, and the plaque was retained, No. 2. Even large scarabs were made down to the beginning of the Aten worship. On No. 1 the king is kneeling upholding the names of the Aten, while he has the cartouche name Amenhetep, which was subsequently ground out. After his conversion there is not a single scarab, except — strangely — the most personal of all, his own heart scarab 18 -io -33. Rings of gold, bronze, and glazed pottery entirely superseded the scarab
in private use. Pendants and rings with the queen's name are usual. The cartouches of the Aten were only worn on plaques with little rings attached, in order to stitch them on the white muslin dresses, as represented on the royal statues.
PI. xxxvii. The use of rings continued during the Aten worship, under Smenkh-ka-aten-kheperu, and the earlier period of Tut -onkh -aten. But on his abandonment of the Aten, he ordered the worship of "his gods" (18-12-21), land scarabs re-appear (20). Ra, Amen, and Ptah were all reverenced, and the royal name was changed to Tut -onkh -amen. In the next reign, of Ay, scarabs are as common as rings.
PI. xxxviii. Under Heremheb the taste and skill, which had atoned for the previous poverty of idea in the scarab, have gone, and clumsy signs and bad spacing mark the beginning of decline. Scarabs and rings are about equally usual.
57. The xixth dynasty brought the scarab back to full use, and rings were henceforth uncommon, and became rare after Saptah. Of the brief reign of Ramessu I scarabs are not unusual.
PI. xxxix. The cylinder, which had almost ceased to be made since the Middle Kingdom, re- appears in a large form, with rather mispropor- tioned signs (19 -2 -i). The large ovoid No. 2 has a rough unglazed back, as if for inlaying ; it may have been inserted in a wall, like the cartouches of Sety II. The back of the plaque 17 is curious, inscribed " a thing of the king." The colour and work of this looks most like that of the xxvth dynasty. Ramenkheper was often associated with the name of Sety, and from the style it does not seem that these scarabs were issued by any of the later Men-kheper-ra kings, see 35-40. No. 43 seems of late work, about the xxvth dynasty.
Pis. xl-xlii. Sety I was often commemorated by Ramessu II, probably at the beginning of his reign. Sometimes the cartouches are side by side (19 -2 '45), but usually conjoined Ra-user-men- maot. Ramessu also commemorated Tehutmes III
(19-2-54).
Ramessu II was rather scarce to find, in scarabs, thirty years ago, but has of late years become nearly as common as Amenhetep III. The reign is a turning-point in this, as in all artistic work, having occasionally good work at the beginning, and drifting to barbarous roughness half a century later. There are no historical types, and the only interest is in the arrogant vanity of the king. He
28
THE NEW KINGDOM
is figured walking hand in hand with Set and Amen (No. 3), while on the Turin scarab his chair of state is carried by Set and Ra. The harvest goddess Rennut appears (15, 16, 17), though never figured in other reigns. A scroll border, and its degraded copies in circles, yet survive (45-51, 102), and then vanish finally after this reign. Rarely a delicate piece of work appears, as in 90, 91, 99, 100, which are better than almost all of the previous dynasty. The scarabs of queen Nefertari are dis- tinguished from those of Aohmes Nefertari by the thinness and poverty of the style.
PI. xliii. The private seals and amulets are the redeeming feature of this time. The variety of titles, and the personal interest of these seals, gives them precedence over the bald names of the kings. Some plaques are of very fine work, and were doubtless the personal seals of the high officers, as 152, 154. Others are roughly moulded in blue- glazed pottery ; these must have had an original block engraved, and it seems therefore that such moulded copies were given to the sub-officials of a great officer to seal documents in his name, see
151, 153, 156.
58. PI. xliv. There appears to have been some revival of work under Merneptah, as in 19-4-4 ; but most of his scarabs are of rough moulded pottery. He revived the name of Tehutmes III, associating it with his own, Nos. 9-14. According to the latest evidence found, it appears that Saptah and Tausert preceded Sety II, who was followed by Ramessu Saptah ; this order is here adopted. Of Saptah 1, scarabs were very rare until I found the deposits of his temple with pottery scarabs and rings. The same is true of Tausert ; her scarabs, however, had been overlooked, owing to the facti- tious arrangement of her cartouche to resemble that of Ramessu II .
Sety II is fairly common on scarabs and plaques, but these are destitute of any additions to the bald name, except devotion to Amen and Ptah on the larger plaques (19-23). These glazed plaques are peculiar to this reign, and the purpose of them is suggested by a row of holes of similar size, running all round the walls of the court at the temple of Luqsor, four or five feet from the ground. The holes contain plaster at the back, and have evi- dently contained objects. Probably these plaques, or similar ones, were inserted in the holes, forming a kind of dado fine of colour.
Saptah II was formerly known as Ramessu IX,
Sekhoner and was supposed to come in the xxth dynasty. The discovery of a papyrus of accounts in which he follows on at the close of the reign of Sety II, proves that the xixth dynasty is his place. As it would be confusing to change all the numbers of the xxth dynasty, by inserting the name Ramessu III here, it is best to call him by what was probably his current name, Saptah. Strange to say, immediately after the papyrus was published, the excellent scarab (19-9-2) with the double name, turned up in Cairo.
59. Of Ramessu III all that can be said is that degradation progressed ; nearly all his scarabs are worse than those of Ramessu II. Ramessu IV shows some more care in work, as in 20-2- 1 and 10, but of a very poor style.
PI. xlvi. Ramessu V may be said to patronise this collection, as the seventeen examples here comprise most of those known of his work. Ra- messu VI is also fairly usual. The scarab here attributed to Ramessu VII has, meses, neter heq an, and a ; the latter abbreviation is only found in this king's name. Ramessu VIII is very rare. Ramessu IX is yet unknown, as the king formerly here is transferred to the xixth dynasty, as Saptah II. The number may however well be left open for a king Ramessu Mery-atmu, whose name was seen by Brugsch at Heliopolis. Ramessu X, Nefer- kara, is well represented here on scarabs and other objects. Ramessu XI is fairly identified by the peculiar name Kheper-maot-ra, and Ramessu XII seems indicated by the name Ra-men-neit, as well as Ra • men • maot. The kheper on 20-IO-3 seems as if it were an error for the vertical next sign on No. 2. The four following scarabs, 20 -io -A, B, c, d, seem to be Ramesside, but cannot yet be identified. This is the most complete series of the xxth-dynasty scarabs, and contains most of those that are known of Ramessu V-XII.
60. Pis. xlvii, xlviii. The class of heart scarabs is here put together, though they probably extend through the xviiith to xxiiird dynasties. They are arranged as nearly as may be in order of date, judging from the names and the work. The backs are drawn on pi. lxxiii. How soon the work became formal is shown by the coarse cutting of one of the age of Akhenaten found at Riqqeh (Riqqeh, xvi). The most notable scarab is No. 6, of the Aten period, showing how the old system was adapted to the new Aten worship ; the soul was to be guarded by Aten, and to feed from the endowments of the
th£ xxist dynasty
29
temple of Aten ; thus the theory of temple endow- ments became changed to a sustentation fund for the deceased. The scarab 20, of hard green stone, has been mineralogically proved to be true jade by all tests, especially specific gravity. This is the first determination of jade from Egypt, and carries with it many similar specimens, including one on the Kennard board of amulets. The type of names, Zed-ptah-auf -onkh, etc., shows that the series descends to the xxist dynasty or later. A fixed point is given by No. 28, for Petpetur ; his father was of the household of Setnekht, and this dates it to about the close of the xxth dynasty.
61. PI. xlix. — Of the divided xxist dynasty there are very few small objects, either of the Tanite or Theban line. The scarab of Nesi *ba ■ neb zedu, whose cartouche was copied a century later by Sheshenq I, is fixed to the earlier king by the bright green colour and the work, which resembles that of Painezem I. The scarab reading Thent- amen -neb -apt must be of about this period, being too delicate for the next three dynasties, and it may probably belong to the queen Thent -amen. The foundation plaques of Pasebkhonut came from Mariette's work at Tanis, and I obtained them in
exchange for rarer things of mine kept at the Cairo Museum. They are curious for having had the cracks in the glaze filled up with blue paste. Of Sa-amen the scarabs are fairly common, usually with the two figures of Amen or Atmu seated facing : the throne-name scarabs (21-5-1, 2, 3) are perhaps more certainly of this king. The copper plaque from Tanis also comes from Mariette's work. The scarabs of Sa-amen with Men -kheper-ra (21 -5-9, 11) doubtless refer to the contemporary priest king at Thebes, as do some in the British Museum (Cat. 2394. 2395).
The Theban line has left scarcely any small remains. Of Painezem I there is the ivory knob of a staff (21 -i -i) and three scarabs (2, 3, 4) which by their style cannot be placed to Senusert II. The interesting scarab in Cairo, drawn here, names Men -kheper-ra and his daughter queen Ast*em- kheb ; it has nothing to do with Piankhy, to whom it is placed in the Catalogue.
62. The xxiind dynasty considerably revived the use of the scarab ; those of Sheshenq I are as common as those of Ramessu III or Heremheb. The Hor-nubti name reappears ; but the work is poor, the signs are disjointed and out of proportion,
TAKERAT I
*ic xv«ii *"i
o,
A* "I $. cat. F.
x-x is/ 1806
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J^o-y^s
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HtC »xll 11.8-131
UASARKEN II 0 O o, ^
Z A xxxiv »»r
^ &2
SHESHENQ. 0
~ ■ ,„ ..»„.. Rl( Mill III ~~~— KAK.NAKH.- K EC. XXII 1%* - l»2-
N.ft.XL N.F.H. N.P. IV N.6.XM N.F.H.IVA
HE5HENU. Ill o/j
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KS.Z, A.S.IVU4 UtMM «*«»«■ A.*.xx*,v m-i mc Xx.i •— ■
Fl.w.&<» «.:» f.T.II.IX ***>""»* fcEC xx 85- Al xxxtv ■""»•
PIMAY
MS XXV I -XXX
FANKHY UA
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RUDAMEN J>l
PR. II SO
12
TS»**J f&tttf
0 — .
30
THE NEW KINGDOM
and the style is worse than anything since the late Hyksos.
PI. 1. In this dynasty we meet with one of the most difficult groups of scarabs, those of the User-maot-ra kings. In order to disentangle these, it is needful to keep closely to what we have from other monumental sources. We do not get any help from other collections, for at Cairo there is but one of this class, and that assigned to Ramessu II, and at the British Museum they are not classified quite in accord with the details of the cartouches on dated monuments, and no system is stated that will help in historical discrimination. The twenty-two User-maot-ra scarabs here, of late date, must therefore be studied apart ; those of Ramessu II and III being of styles sufficiently distinct to separate them from the later ones, which range from Takerat I to Rudamen, 901-670 B.C.
The variant forms actually found on monu- ments are as shown on preceding page.
From these variants we may learn a few criteria.
(1) Takerat I is the only king who placed a and the feather maot in parallelism.
(2) Sheshenq III and Uapeth are the only kings to place a and the goddess maot parallel on either side of user.
(3) Pamay is the only king who dropped the a of Amen, and put only men.
(4) The feather moot is not used after Pamay. So far as style goes we can only separate three
periods :
(A) Takerat I and Usarkon II, 900-854 B.C.
(B) Sheshenq III and Pamay, 832-781 B.C.
(C) Piankhy, Uapeth and Rudamen, 748-720 ? B.C. (See Ancient Egypt, 1914, p. 40.)
Referring now to the scarabs there is first a group, 22 -3 -1-7, which by the parallelism of a and moot is to be placed to Takerat I. The backs of these are of the types f -63, 69, 74, 76, 97, t 54. Of these F 63 is like Sheshenq I E -16 ; F 69, 74, 76 are like F69, and F97 like F-g6 of Usarken II. Further the V marks on the elytra are made as loops U on F 63, 76, and this peculiarity is found earlier, on Ramessu XI E-I7 and XII F76, but not on scarabs of Sheshenq III or later kings.
The next group, of 3 (22 -4 -1-3), has the figure of Maot ; the a of Amen is large, and sunk down half- way to the level of setep. This agrees with the style of Usarken II, as at Bubastis. The backs are of E37, F'97 and G22 ; of these e-37 compares with
E72 of Usarken II ; F97 is the same as in the previous reign ; G -22 is the same as in Usarken I ; hence all these are against any later dating.
The next group of four (22 -7 -1-4) has a minute a, while men continues full size ; this approaches the abolition of a found under Pamay, and hence is probably of his predecessor and co-regent She- shenq III. The backs are of G48, 76, and one broken. These are almost the same as those of Pamay, next following, G 60, 68, 76.
Next are three (22-8-1-3) without any a of Amen, a peculiarity of Pamay, which fixes these to his reign. Another very rude one, R 26, may be compared with j -69 of Menkara, a vassal of Sha- baka, which would place it as late as is possible for its type. Another has the sickle ma and setep ne ra, a combination only found under Pamay.
Of the square plaques (22 -7 -5, 6) two with the goddess maot and setep ne ra can only be paralleled under Sheshenq III. No. 7 with the feather and a dwarfed a for Amen seems by the last detail to be of the same reign. The green glazed plaque, No. 8, may be put to this reign, as the other three come here. The king Men-neh-ra must come here by the similar style of his plaque.
It does not appear, therefore, that any of these can be placed to the Pankhy group. The piece of a statuette, 25-1, might be of Takerat I, Usar- ken II, or Pankhy, by the plain form of the name. The style is more like that of the later time, and the writing with the arm before the cubit sign is peculiar to Pankhy, so that it should probably be attributed to him.
It should be noted that the series of scarabs reading hez her ma pa are not of Pamay, as shown by the variants, which will be published with the nameless scarabs.
PI. li. The two kings with Ra • oa -kheper name, Sheshenq IV and Usarken III, have objects differing from any of the xviiith-dynasty kings by their rude work. The reign of Usarken at Thebes is entirely included in that of Sheshenq IV at Bubastis (see Anc. Eg. 1914, 40) ; hence the difference, if any, in their work must be that of place and not of time. One scarab is distinctive ; Usarken placed uraei pendant to the ra in his name, and such are used here on 23 -2 -3. This has only Ra -kheper, and hence we may assign to this king the scarabs on which oa is dropped. A stamp, 23 -2 -i, belongs also to this king, as he is called setep ne amen, an epithet never assumed by Sheshenq IV.
THE XXVTH DYNASTY
31
Three pieces seem to be connected, with a name Kheper-neb-ra. A, reading M dot -neb, Ra-od- kheper-neb ; B, Ra-kheper-nub, mery tndot; C, Ra' kheper-neb, mery tndot. The smooth back of the last is like j 4 Usarken III, and j 49 Painezem ; the square plaque was used by Sheshenq III ; the ra with uraei belongs to Usarken III ; hence these are of about the close of the xxiind dynasty. It may be that only the Ra-kheper is the name, and the other signs are titular ; if so these are all of Usarken III.
The Sheshenq Ra-uas-neter must be called Sheshenq V ; he appears to be the later ruler of Busiris, named as a vassal of Pankhy. Other vassals here are Pema of Mendes, Onkh-her of Hermopolis, and probably Ptah-nefer, perhaps short for Ptah-nefer -her. The priest of Amen Her, named on the plaque h, had a sister Ast-urt, who married Her-sa-ast, the founder of the xxiiird dynasty at Thebes (see Ramesseum, 16, 18, pi. xvi). The plaque is finely cut in green moss quartz.
The electrum pectoral of Uasa ■ ka ■ uasa is a very unusual object. The high priest Au-uar-uath, who was his father, was son of Usarken (III?), see Karnak quay (Z.A.S. xxxiv, 113); hence Uasa -ka1 uasa probably lived about 680 B.C.
CHAPTER IX
THE ETHIOPIANS AND SAITES (PLATES LI-LVIII)
63. The earliest piece that we can attribute to the Ethiopian kings is the part of a statuette of Pankhy (25 -i). The form of the cartouche is more like that of Pankhy than like any earlier User- mdot-ra king ; and the blue-grey stone ware is quite unlike anything of the xxiiird dynasty, but to all appearances of the xxvith dynasty or later. Of Kashta there are some scarabs of pottery, all alike, with the name of Amenardas (25-2-1). No throne name was known for Kashta, but at this period there are scarabs with the name Ra-nefer- nub (25-2-2,3). By his titles on these he was king of Upper and Lower Egypt ; the ram-head of the scarab is of the Ethiopian dynasty. The work during that dynasty shows continuous decline; and the work of this scarab is better than that of
Shabaka, and therefore presumably of one of his predecessors. These facts make it probable that Nefer-nub-ra was the throne name of Kashta.
PI. lii. Of Amenardas, scarabs are very rare ; the pieces here are a foundation plaque, an uzat eye, and part of an inlay of lazuli. Shabaka adopted the familiar cartouche of Neferkara, and formerly many of his objects were wrongly attributed to the earlier kings of that name. On the contrary, some scarabs are at present attributed to Shabaka which may belong to earlier kings (Brit. Mus. Cat. 2486) ; so far as I have seen Shabaka, Shabataka, and later kings, do not use the ka sign with loops for hands, and this may serve to discriminate the earlier objects.
The fresh style coming in with the Ethiopians is very marked. The work is much better than any- thing since Sety I or Ramessu II. The scarab frequently has a ram's head (25 -3 -19 ; 25 -5 -4) or the ram on the back (25 -3 -3). Another feature is the kingly sphinx holding a hes vase (25 -3 -i, 19 ; 25 *5 -3, 4). The large coarse beads of glazed pottery are an innovation (25 -3 -15, 16 ; 25 -4 -5, 6). Little cartouches of glazed pottery are frequent (25 -3 -8-13).
64. We now reach the age of vassal kings, which continued to the dodecarchy. From the records of Pankhy and Esarhaddon, we see how numerous were the petty chiefs, eighteen or twenty, and the tale of the breast-plate names twenty-three chiefs. Several of these can be identified on scarabs ; and these lists can by no means sum up every chief who ruled during sixty years of such divisions. It is therefore only natural to find many personages named on scarabs and small objects, who have not been embalmed in history.
Menkara appears to have been a vassal of Shabaka ; on the cylinder (25 -3 -20) we read Ra-men-ka along with Ra-nefer -ka (Shabaka). On 25 -3 -22, 23, 24, he calls himself the Horus Menkara, not taking the nesut bat or sa ra titles of a king. He honours Bastet (23, 24), and was there- fore probably a ruler of Bubastis. There are many of this ruler in the British Museum (Cat. 17- 32, 34-42, all of the same style).
A son of this later Menkara, or Menkaura, is named in a piece of a late Book of the Dead in the Parma Museum. This was written for the " scribe of the divine offerings Zesef-enrhaa., son of the nesut deshert Ra*men-kau." This form of the royal title shows that he was a Delta king, and
THE ETHIOPIANS AND SAITES
there can be no question left as to this late recurrence of the name.
The group of late re-issues of early kings found at Saqqara (Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, 1905-6, p. 31, pi. xxxvii) of which the sketches are here given, show the style of late issues. They are entirely different to the contemporary issues of those kings.
65. To Pankhy II a scarab in the British Museum is assigned; another is in Cairo (sketched here), which has been hitherto overlooked. Associated with his son Taharqa, as regent of Egypt, his name is on a scarab in the Ward Collection ; and asso- ciated with his daughter Shepenapt, on a scarab at Munich (Frazer, 363).
Taharqa is fairly common, and nearly half of all the examples are here. They are coarser than the work of his predecessors. The later Ethiopian Asperuta, who reigned during the earlier half of the xxvith dynasty, is placed here at the close of the Ethiopian series. His name is only known on stone inscriptions, beside this pendant.
PI. liii. Of all the vassal chiefs Men -her -ra has left most remains ; but he always took a subordinate place in relation to Men-kheper-ra Khmeny. The latter king is well authenticated by the stele of him and his daughter (Student's History, iii, 293) ; and the indications point to his having ruled in Upper Egypt, probably at Hermopolis. Thus the way would be clear for Men -her -ra to be a Delta vassal, and both of them to be under the overlordship of the Ethiopians. (For Men -her • ra in British Museum, see Cat. 1418, 1419, 1421 ; for Men-kheper-ra, Cat. 1420,1422, 1423). There is a very curious expression on 25' c, '22, 23, " Thou becomest with a cartouche," suggesting that he was then aspiring to take a cartouche like a full king ; and on his other scarabs the name is in a cartouche. He appears with full royal titles on a plaque of this age in the British Museum (Cat. 1484). Men-ab-ra was another of these vassal kings of this period.
PI. liv. Several other obscure names appear, which may perhaps be some day put in their true place and connection. The historical link is re- established in Baknerenf, of whom two objects are given here (24-2-1., 2), and one in the British Museum (Cat. 233).
66. Nekau I, the father of Psemthek I, has hitherto been very obscure. His remains are cleared up by the statuette of Horus, dedicated by
" the king Ra- men -kheper, son of Ra, Nekau, the Horus, given life by Neit lady of Sais." This Men-kheper-ra name of Nekau I is confirmed by a scarab in the British Museum, with the conjoined cartouches (Cat. 2529, see also No. 1484). A scarab with Men-kheper-ra and the Theban ram of this age (25-5-2) is probably of this king, but may be of Menkheperra Khmeny. Another scarab (25 -5 -3) is very interesting ; it is headed by the sun and lion which belong to Psemthek I, and then has Psemthek as king of Upper and Lower Egypt, kneel- ing and adoring the name of his father Men -kheper • ra Nekau.
PI. lv. Psemthek appears to have taken the Ra and lion as his badge, as it here heads a large scarab bearing his falcon name and personal name (26-1-1). The allusion of the lion seems to be to the origin of his name " the lion's son," the word zam or them for a lion occurring in both Upper and Lower Egypt (see De Rouge, Geog. 99), and in Libyan izem. On 26 -i -2 the lion is accompanied with Psem or Pthem ; and the other Ra and lion scarabs (3 to 10) are all of this period. The sphinx and hes vase of the Ethiopians was continued on 26-1 -17. There is a very unusual scarab of massive silver (No. 45) with the names and titles of Psemthek and his Theban consort Shepenapt.
There seems to have been a vassal ruler named Kheper • maot-ra, of whom three amulets are here ; one, with the cartouche of Psemthek on the reverse, dates the group.
67. PI. lvi. The objects of Nekau II are not common, the majority of those known being here. The fine scarab 26-2-1 is the best work known after the xixth dynasty. The menat with a private dedication on the back (26 -2 -4) is extremely unusual, if not unique. The scarabs of Psemthek II are rather common, and they seem to have been made by Greeks for trading purposes. The scarabs of Men-ab-ra (pi. liii) must not be confounded with these, as is done in some collections.
The scarab of Onkh-nes-ra-nefer-ab is rather suspicious in the colour and appearance ; but a torger might have more exactly copied the car- touche, which is here bungled. The bronze stamp (26-3-10) is unquestionable, as also the sealing of her minister Sheshenq. No other small objects of this queen are known. Apries (Hoo -ab -ra, Hophra) having the same throne name as Psemthek I, it is very likely that some of the scarabs with that name belong to the later king, especially those made at
THE PTOLEMIES AND ROMANS
33
Naukratis. Against this is to be set the absence of any scarabs with his personal name, and the large number with the name Psemthek.
Under Aohmes II appears the last signet cylin- der of Egypt, 26 -5 -3. His scarabs are very rare, and foundation plaques, tnenats, and sealings are the usual objects. Of Psemthek III no objects are known, except the scarab 26 -6 ; this appears to give his name, Onkh-ka-ne-ra, abbreviated as Onkh-ne-ra.
68. PI. lvii. Rare as scarabs became under the xxvith dynasty, they disappear entirely under the Persians, and only menats and seals are known. This is an evidence of the essentially religious character still attached to the scarab amulet ; for were it only a seal, it would be as likely to be made under the Persians or Ptolemies as under the Saites or Mendesian kings. The sling bullet of Khabbash, 28-1, is the only object of this king. One scarab appears under Naifourud (29-1) ; this is not likely to be of Merneptah, as the earlier king always uses the figure of Ra and not only the sign, and he never follows the natural order by placing the Ba first. The work is delicate, but has none of the virility of the xixth dynasty. Of Haker only one object is known, the sealing here.
69. A few scarabs of the xxxth dynasty are known. By the evidence of building at Khargeh Nekht neb -f preceded Nekht -her -heb, and is there- fore so placed here. The scarab 30 -i -i is certainly very late, by the uraei proceeding from the sides of the kheper, and cannot be of the xiith dynasty. Zeher is only known, in small objects, by the piece of a splendid blue bowl, found in the palace at Memphis (30-2-). Nekht -her -heb is only repre- sented by seals and foundation deposits, and no scarabs are known.
Of the second Persian rule there are no remains, large or small, except the jar lid here, with a rude cartouche of Arsess, the Arses of Greek history. The colour and style of this glazed pottery is between that of the xxxth and Ptolemaic periods, * exactly what would be expected of the xxxist dynasty.
70. Alexander's conquest is represented by a single bronze stamp in the British Museum. The onyx here ascribed to Ptolemy I is certainly of
Greek period ; it represents an Egyptian king in native head-dress, and the full jaw and straight nose well accord with the coins of Ptolemy Soter in his earlier days. As it is much less likely that later Ptolemies would appear in Egyptian style, this may be ascribed to Soter. Of Ptolemy III there are two well-made foundation plaques ; the second has on the reverse the same cartouche as the first. A stout seal of bronze, formerly gilt, bears a bearded head of a king, closely like Ptolemy IV, and no other attribution seems possible. Of later Ptolemies, the British Museum has stamps and foundation deposits of vii and xiii.
The Roman period has left no objects with emperors' names except the large white marble scarab in Paris, with the wings inscribed for An- toninus ; and the gold ring shown here, with an impression, probably the official signet of the prefect of Egypt. The prefect was usually a knight — the lowest class that might legally use a gold ring — so for official purposes of a royal signet, gold would be restricted to the use of the prefect.
71. The private scarabs and seals which belong to the xxvith to xxxth dynasties are placed at the end. Three are of vizieis ; the vizier Khet (30 -a) is unknown otherwise ; the scarab is of soft brown steatite, and the style of it suggests the xxvth dynasty. It can hardly be earlier, from the agate beads found with it, when the tomb at Abusir was robbed by natives in 1 904. Her • sa. • ast (30 • d. ) has a variant title mer nuti (in place of nut) which is very unusual. But he may well be the prophet of Amen, mer nut, vizier, Her -sa -ast, whose coffin is at Cairo ; from his genealogy he was about the xxist, and certainly before the xxvith dynasty. Tehuti (30 -e) might possibly be the vizier Tehuti- em-nefa-baka ; he lived under Ptolemy Soter, as his grandfather was named Nekht -her -heb. This amulet with the baboon does not however seem to be nearly as late as that, and might even go back to the xixth dynasty.
The scarabs with private names are placed in alphabetic order ; and after them are the seals and impressions, likewise. They belong to the official world of the latest dynasties. The only peculiar title is " servant of Neit at the stele" (a.d.), and " the stele of the water " (b.r.).
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
Persons not of the royal families are indexed alphabetically in the subsequent list.
The number before a name is the king's number in the dynasty. Where a letter precedes the name the order in the dynasty is unknown. Following the name is the total number of scarabs, cylinders, amu- lets, etc., which are published. The numbers in each separate collection follow in columns. The names in the families of the kings are slightly set back. The plate numbers are put at the right-hand edge. This list is not exhaustive, but will show the minimum of what is published.
DYNASTY I
1 MEN'A .
2 AHA
5 HESEPTI
Total. Univ. C. B.M. Cairo. Paris. 3 2 — — I
Turin. Munich. Aberdeen. Golenishef.
Plate. VIII
DYNASTY H
4 PERABSEN .
6 KARA .
9 KKOSEKHEMUI
— — Oxford
DYNASTY m
I NEBKARA ? KHOBAU 9 SNEFERU
13
I
5
4
I
3
3 —
I —
Sayce, Price
DYNASTY IV
2
KHUFU
KHNEM-KHUF
KHOFRA
MENKAURA
ZEDEFRA
SHEPSESKAF
Private
22
I
26
10
2
I I
7
I II
2 2?
I I
4 —
ii
2
2
3
IX
DYNASTY V
i
2
3 4 6
USERKAF
SAHURA
NEFERARKARA
SHEPSESKARA
NEUSERRA .
MENKAUHER
8 ZEDKARA
9 UNAS .
I
7 4 I
3
i
6
29
— 1 4 2
— 1
2 1
— 1
4 —
6 14
— — Ward
2 1
— Price
1
DYNASTY VI
I TETA .
3 PEPY I
4 MERENRA
5 pepy n
? N'EFER'SA
I 20
I I I
6
1 1 1
— 3 —
— Murch. Price
34
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
35
|
DYNASTIES VI |
i-vm |
Total. |
Univ. C. |
B.M. |
Cairo. |
Paris. |
Turin. |
Munich. |
Aberdeen. |
Golenishef. Plate. |
|
2 NEFERKARA . |
5 |
2 |
I |
— |
— 1 |
— |
I |
I |
||
|
9 NEKARA |
2 |
2 |
||||||||
|
10 TERERU |
I |
I |
||||||||
|
? SNEFER-ONKH-RA . |
I |
I |
||||||||
|
DYNASTIES IX-X |
||||||||||
|
I KHETY I |
3 |
I |
— |
— |
2 |
|||||
|
2 KHETY II |
I |
I |
||||||||
|
? KA-MERY-RA |
I |
— |
— |
— |
I |
|||||
|
? SHENES |
2 |
— |
I |
— |
— |
— |
— |
I |
||
|
Private ix-xi |
25 |
25 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— XI |
|
|
DYNASTY XI |
||||||||||
|
ANENTUF . |
2 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
I |
I |
||
|
MENTUHETEP II |
13 |
4 |
4 |
I |
2 |
— |
1 |
I |
||
|
ANTEF V . |
14 |
8 |
3 |
— |
2 |
— |
— |
— |
— Price |
|
|
NUB-SESHES-RA |
i |
i |
||||||||
|
DADAMES |
i |
1 |
||||||||
|
MENTUEMSAF |
2 |
1 |
1 |
|||||||
|
NEBHAPRA |
2 |
— |
1 |
— |
I |
|||||
|
OASHET . |
I |
— |
1 |
|||||||
|
SONKH-KARA |
2 |
1 |
1 |
|||||||
|
DYNASTY XH |
XII |
|||||||||
|
I AMENEMHOT I |
13 |
6 |
3 |
— |
2 |
— |
1 |
— |
1 |
|
|
2 SENUSERT I . |
67 |
35 |
12 |
2 |
6 |
— |
4 |
4 |
2 Price 2 |
|
|
3 AMENEMHOT II |
40 |
16 |
8 |
3 |
6 |
I |
1 |
4 |
1 XIII |
|
|
4 SENUSERT II. |
. 28 |
10 |
9 |
3 |
— |
I |
2 |
2 Oxford |
||
|
HATHER-SAT |
i |
— |
— |
1 |
||||||
|
MERRYT . |
5 |
— |
— |
5 |
||||||
|
5 SENUSERT III |
• 57 |
21 |
18 |
3 |
9 |
2 |
3 |
1 |
||
|
6 AMENEMHOT III . |
. 64 |
24 |
28 |
5 |
I |
5 |
— |
— Brocklehurst XIV |
||
|
7 SEBEKNEFRU |
2 |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
||
|
8 AMENEMHOT IV |
4 |
1 |
1 |
— |
2 |
|||||
|
Private xii-xiii |
• 5i7 |
168 |
100 ? |
14 |
21 |
II |
48 |
15 |
30 no others XV |
|
|
ERDANEPTAH |
1 |
— Brocklehurst XVIII |
||||||||
|
KHENSU . |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
|||||
|
SENBHENOS |
2 |
— |
1 |
1 |
||||||
|
UAZET |
1 |
1 |
||||||||
|
NUBEMTHA |
1 |
1 |
||||||||
|
RESUNEFER |
1 |
— |
i |
|||||||
|
SAT -SEBEK |
1 |
— Davis |
DYNASTY XHI
? HER-TEP-TAUI
2 SEKHEM-KA-RA
? ONKH-NEFERUUAH-RA
? NEFER-ONKH-RA
6 SONKH-AB-RA
8 SEHETEP-AB-RA
9 SESHESH • KA • RA II RA • SEBEK • HETEP 15 SEBEK -HETEP I
? HETEP -KA-RA SE-BEKA-KA'RA 20 SEBEK -HETEP II HA-ONKH-TEF KEMA
I I I
5
1 1 1 4
13 1 2
10 1 1
1 1 3
1 1
1
4
1 2 2
1 1
— 2
— March
I —
Amherst
Price
Murch
3 Palin
36
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
DYNASTY Xm (Contd.)
21 NEFER-HETEP
22 SEBEK-HETEP HI ? KHO-KA'RA .
24 SEBEK-HETEP IV
25 AOAB .
26 AY
27 ANA
ANA . 36 MER • KHEPER • RA 41 ABA 53 NEHESI'RA .
A-SAT'HATHER
ATHA
NUB -EM -ANT
KHOTKA-KAU
NEB-TEP-AHIU
SAKETSA . B ANTEF C, D NEHESI E QEPUPEN . F SEPED • NEB G-J APEQ K NEFERT-ONQET-UBU L TUR .
AOH-TAU-THA
REN-SENB
NEB-NETERU ? FAZED ? SMEN-ABT-RA
Total. Univ.C. 6 23
B.M. Cairo. Paris.
20 86
I 4
2
23
I
8
1 2 2 2
1 1 1
1 1 1
3
2
1 12
3
1 2
1 1
3
1
1 2
1 1
3
1 1
5
28
6
a
6
Turin. Munich. Aberdeen. Golenishef I 3 —
— I
— I
3 —
3
j.
Stuttgart 8 others
3 others Thilenius
Plate.
XIX
— — Amherst
Pr. MacGr.
Davis
— 1
DYNASTY XIV
69 SUAZENRA
76 NEFER-AB-RA .
? SEBEK-EM'SAF
M KHENZER .
N KHONDY .
O SEKHEM-ZET'ONKH-RA
P PEMAOT-RA
Q, R SMA-KA'RA S-AC NEFER-RA
AD NEFERUI RA
AE NEFERU RA
Names ?
AK UAZ-KA-RA AL NE-KA-RA
Names ?
BA KA-ZED-UAH-RA'UAZ RA
10
I 2
4
2
I
I
2
II
I I
4 5
J7
11
5
1
2
1 1 1 2 11 1 1
4 1
4 11
2 —
1 — 1 —
4 4
— 3 —
Alnwick, Sayce
Price
Blanchard
XX
— Ward. Leiden
DYNASTY XV
ONTHA SEMKEN KHYAN YAQEB-ORH APEPA I APEPA
|
2 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
XXI |
|
I |
1 |
||||||||
|
17 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
— |
— |
3 |
— |
— |
4 Murch, 5 others |
|
9 |
— |
2 |
1 |
1 |
— |
1 |
1 |
— |
2 Murch, Price |
|
35 |
19 |
6 |
— |
1 |
— |
2 |
1 |
— |
6 others |
|
1 |
Oxford |
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
37
|
DYNASTY XVI |
Total |
Univ. |
|
A OA-NEB-RA . |
3 |
3 |
|
SEKTI . |
I |
— |
|
B MAOTABRA . |
• 54 |
9 |
|
C PEPA . |
63 |
16 |
|
D NEFER-GER . |
1 |
1 |
|
E KHO-USER-RA |
7 |
2 |
|
F SE-KHO-NE-RA |
27 |
8 |
|
G NEB-UAH-AB. |
2 |
1 |
|
H YEKEB-BOR . |
6 |
5 |
|
J OA-HETEP-RA |
5 |
2 |
|
QAR . |
2 |
— |
|
K KHO-RA |
2 |
2 |
|
L OA |
8 |
4 |
|
NUBYRA |
1 |
|
|
M MAOT-RA |
1 |
1 |
Total Univ. C. B.M. Cairo. Paris. Turin. Munich. Aberdeen. Golenishef.
I
21 7 3 I 3 2 2
14 4 5 1 5 4 2
Plate.
I 3 I 2
I
2
3
1 9
6 others 12 others
XXII Brux. Oxford 3 others
Davis 3 others
— 1
DYNASTY XVH
A APEPA III
B NUB-ONKH-RA
C NEB-DAT-RA
D NEBNEFERUI-RA
E NUB-SMA-RA
F NUB • PEH • RA
G NUB-HETEP-RA
H RA-HETEP
J MEN-HETEP-RA
K KHNEM-TAUI-RA
L KHUUAZ
M NEB-KA-RA .
N SEQENEN ■ RA I
O KAMES
3
1 1 1 1
1
5 10
1 1 1 2 1 4
1 1 1 1 1 1
3 6
?
1 1 1 1 2
— 1
2?
— — 2
Alnwick
XXIII
DYNASTY XVm
1 AOHMES I
NEFERTARI
2 AMENHETEP I
AOH • HETEP
NEBTA
MF.RYT-AMEN
SAT -AMEN
MES-AMEN
KA'HES .
ONKHET-TAUI
SAT -AOH .
TURSI
BEKT
MER'NUBTI
TEMT
3 TEHUTMES I .
Private
4 TEHUTMES II .
5 HOTSHEPSUT
NEFRURA .
6 TEHUTMES III
HOTSHEPSI
Private
7 AMENHETEP II
ARAT
8 TEHUTMES IV
NEFBRTARTI
51
68
179
II
2
7
4
1 1 1
3
1 1 1 1 86 3
19
149
16
1791
1
19
195
1 67
1
12
17
43
3
1 2 1 1
1 1 2
21 3 7
35 8
12
1
9i 29
2
5 11
1
15
29
81
4
2 2
— 1
1
1
1
29
8
5 1 65 3 4 — 146 1068 106
1 18 4i
2 2
6
2
7
6
4 2 6
1
11 4 5
4 14+ 27+ 27
6 1 4
3 28 others
1 27 others
3 3 18 others XXIV
— — Mather
c — Ward
— — — Diospolis
4 11 others XXV
— 3 others
— 25 others XXVI
14 + 22 367 others XXVII
— — Murch
2 6 31 others XXX
2 — 9 others
3»
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
|
DYNASTY XVm (Contd.) |
Total. |
Univ. C. |
B.M. |
Cairo. |
Paris. |
Turin. |
Munich. |
Aberdeen. |
Golenishef. Plate. |
|
|
9 AMENHETEP III TAIY |
. 624 |
131 |
220 |
28 |
48 |
21 |
14 |
14 |
8 |
140 others XXXI |
|
• "3 |
37 |
34 |
2 |
5 |
3 |
3 |
5 |
4 |
20 others XXXV |
|
|
HENTTA-NEB . |
I |
1 |
||||||||
|
IO AMENHETEP IV |
II |
9 |
2 |
|||||||
|
AKHENATEN . |
. 98 |
26 |
33 |
3 |
2 |
I |
5 |
I |
— |
27 others XXXVI |
|
NEFERYTAI |
• 14 |
7 |
2 |
— |
1 |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
3 others |
|
THE ATEN . |
. II |
9 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
Price |
|
MERTATEN |
2 |
2 |
||||||||
|
ONKHSNEPA • ATEN |
2 |
1 |
1 |
XXXVII |
||||||
|
II SMENKHKA-ATEN. |
• 24 |
11 |
7 |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
— |
— |
4 others |
|
MERT-ATEN |
I |
1 |
||||||||
|
12 TUT-ONKHAMEN . |
. 86 |
3i |
16 |
— |
2 |
I |
6 |
I |
— |
29 others |
|
AMEN-ONKHS . |
6 |
3 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
|||
|
13 AY |
• 25 |
10 |
7 |
— |
1 |
— |
2 |
— |
— |
5 others |
|
14 HEREMHEB . |
. 86 |
27 |
20 |
I |
7 |
3 |
4 |
I |
— |
23 others XXXVIII |
|
NEZEM-MUT |
• 3 |
2 |
Berlin |
|||||||
|
3 Private |
• 3 |
3 |
||||||||
|
DYNASTY XIX |
||||||||||
|
I RAMESSU I . |
• 40 |
11 |
15 |
I |
3 |
1 |
2 |
4 |
— |
3 others |
|
2 SETY I. |
- 147 |
43 |
45 |
6 |
12 |
7 |
4 |
2 |
— |
28 others XXXIX |
|
TUA . |
3 |
1 |
2 |
|||||||
|
3 RAMESSU II . |
. 510 |
148 |
183 |
28 |
39 |
23 |
7 |
12 |
4 |
66 others XL |
|
NEFERTARI |
. 22 |
7 |
9 |
1 |
3 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
Ward, Price |
|
MAOT-NEFRU-RA |
2 |
— |
2 |
|||||||
|
KHOEMUAS |
2 |
1 |
1 |
XLIII |
||||||
|
18 Private |
21 |
19 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
||||
|
4 MERNEPTAH . |
3i |
14 |
4 |
— |
2 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
— |
6 others XLIV |
|
5 AMENMESES . |
5 |
1 |
4 |
|||||||
|
6 SAPTAH (462)* |
6 |
4 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
|||
|
BAY (78)* . |
4 |
3 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
|||
|
7 TAUSERT (551)* |
13 |
6 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
5 others |
|
8 SETY II |
95 |
33 |
24 |
2 |
6 |
2 |
1 |
4 |
2 |
21 others XLV |
|
9 SAPTAH II . |
2 |
2 |
||||||||
|
IO SET-NEKHT . |
10 |
1 |
6 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
Alnwick |
|
DYNASTY XX |
||||||||||
|
I RAMESSU III . |
88 |
26 |
39 |
— |
5 |
1 |
6 |
— |
— |
11 others |
|
2 RAMESSU IV . |
49 |
12 |
20 |
1 |
2 |
— |
2 |
2 |
— |
10 others |
|
3 RAMESSU V . . |
23 |
17 |
5 |
Ward 2 XLVI |
||||||
|
4 RAMESSU VI . |
17 |
8 |
4 |
1 |
2 |
' — |
— |
— |
• — |
2 others |
|
5 RAMESSU VII |
3 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
1 |
||||
|
6 RAMESSU VIII |
4 |
2 |
2 |
|||||||
|
8 RAMESSU X . |
9 |
7 |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
||
|
9 RAMESSU XI . |
7 |
4 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
1 |
|||
|
IO RAMESSU XII |
6 |
4 |
1 |
— |
1 |
|||||
|
Uncertain |
7 |
4 |
3 |
|||||||
|
Heart scarabs |
29 |
29 |
XLVII |
|||||||
|
DYNASTY XXI |
||||||||||
|
I NESI-BA-NEB-ZEDU |
1 |
1 |
||||||||
|
THENT-AMEN |
1 |
1 |
XLIX |
|||||||
|
2 PA-SEB-KHONUT I. |
8 |
3 |
2 |
3 others |
||||||
|
5 SA-AMEN |
33 |
11 |
13 |
1 |
1 |
— |
1 |
2 |
1 |
3 others |
|
6 PA-SEB-KHONUT II |
1 |
1 |
||||||||
|
THEBAN XXI |
3 PAINEZEM I .
4 MEN-KHEPER-RA
ASTEM-KHEBT
12
4 — — 6 2
• Total numbers in foundation deposits (Six Temphs at Thebes).
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
39
DYNASTY XXH
Total. Univ. C. B.M. Cairo. Paris. Turin. Munich. Aberdeen. Golenishef.
Plate.
|
I SHESHENQ I . |
88 |
14 |
|
2 USARKEN I . |
18 |
7 |
|
3 TAKERAT I . |
10 |
7 |
|
KAROMOA . |
I |
|
|
4 USARKEN II . |
40 ? |
8 |
|
KAROMO . |
}' |
|
|
5 SHESHENQ II |
I |
|
|
6 TAKERAT II . |
2 |
1 |
|
7 SHESHENQ III |
12 |
8 |
|
MEN • NEH • RA |
I |
1 |
|
8 PAMAY |
8 |
6 |
|
9 SHESHENQ IV |
39 |
17 |
32 4
1 —
2 —
20 ? 1 ?
7 —
1 18 others
— 9 others
— Ready
— 6 others
— 2 others
— 4 others
DYNASTY XXH!
|
I PEDA • SA • BASTET . |
2 |
1 |
|
2 USARKEN III. |
• 27 |
IS |
|
? KHEPER-NEB-RA . |
4 |
3 |
|
? SHESHENQ V |
I |
1 |
|
RUDAMEN |
I |
— |
|
PEMA . |
5 |
1 |
|
ONKH-HER . |
1 |
1 |
|
PTAH • NEFER . |
1 |
T |
|
Private |
3 |
3 |
— — I
LI
— Alnwick
— MacGr.
DYNASTY XXV
1 PANKHY I .
2 KASHTA
AMENARDAS
3 SHABAKA A MEN KARA
4 SHABATAKA . PANKHY II .
5 TAHARQA ASPERUTA . ADILENERS .
B MEN- HER RA
With next .
C MEN-KHEPER-RA D MEN • AB • RA . E ABMAOT-RA F NUB-ABRA . G KHEPERABRA H AR-ABRA . J MEN- NEFER -AB
Names ?
K NUB-MAOT-RA L MAOT-HETHES-RA
Names ?
1
9
9
65
27
14 2
20 1
1 27 10
25
22
2
2
2
3
1
9
2
1 3 3 17 5 6
15 2
1 2
1 1
9 2 8 7
1
2
16
17
1 1 3
2 2 2
1 1 1 2
4
I I I
20 — 6 — 17 (2383) 6
— — 3
— 1
— 1
— Price, Leiden
— Alnwick 2 LI I 1 15 others
1 Price
1 2 others
1 4 others
LIII
LIV
SAITES DYNASTY XXIV
2 BAKNERANF .
— — Davis
DYNASTY XXV
5 NEKAU I
40
CONTENTS OF PLATES IN HISTORICAL ORDER
DYNASTY XXVI
Total. Univ. C. B.M. Cairo. Paris. Turin. Munich. Aberdeen. Golenishef.
|
I |
PSEMTHEK 1 |
|
SHEPENAPT |
|
|
A |
KHEPER-MAOT-RA |
|
2 |
NEKAU II |
|
NEITAQERT |
|
|
.5 |
PSEMTHEK II |
|
ONKH-NESRA- |
|
|
NEFER-AB |
|
|
Private . |
|
|
4 |
HOO-AB-RA . |
|
s |
AOHMES II . |
|
6 |
PSEMTHEK III |
|
n |
NASTY xxvn |
|
2 |
DARIUS |
101
7
5
14
2 21
2
I
21
39 i
42 2
3
8
2
I
4
7
i
29
2 2
5 i
2
5 8
722
— 2 —
— I
— 2
3
7
1 —
13 others Hood
6 others
2 Berlin 8 others
Plate. LV
LVI
2 others LVI I
DYNASTY XXVDI
I KHABBASH .
DYNASTY XXLX
1 NAIFOURUD .
2 HAKER
3 PSAMUT
3
I I
Petrograd
DYNASTY XXX
1 NEKHT-.NEBEF
2 ZEHER .
3 NEKHT-HER-HEB
12
I
6
5 1 2
— 2
i —
— — 3 others
DYNASTY XXXI
2 ARSES .
GREEK
ALEXANDER PTOLEMY I PTOLEMY III PTOLEMY IV PTOLEMY VII PTOLEMY XIII
— I
ROMAN
ANTONINUS ... 2 I
Private scarabs and seals 65 65
LVIII
SUMMARY
We can now make a census of published scarabs, cylinders, and sealings which shows a minimum amount, but which would not probably be increased by more than a sixth or an eighth if completed, apart from the enormous number of Tehutmes III. The numbers in collections are :
Early Tehut. Royal cylin-
69
|
Kings. |
III. Private. |
Total, p |
erson |
|
|
|