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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY 1 T. E. PAGE, c.H., LITT.D. E. CAPPS, ru.» LL... W. H. D. ROUSE, rrrT.D. L. A. POST, μ.«. E. H. WARMINGTON, μα.
XENOPHON SCRIPTA MINORA
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XENOPHON
SCRIPTA MINORA
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY E. C MARCHANT
SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD
--
LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MCMXLVI
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CONTENTS
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CONSBITUTION OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS , . . . . 135
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NIS EGEDOENEZAWA. LA ψ τὺ, Ν wj. . 191 ON THE CAVALRY COMMANDER . . «. «. ». « « «. . 288 ON THE ART OF HORSEMANBHIP . . . . . «τ. 295
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INTRODUCTION
* WzrL, Xenophon, I had been told that you are an Athenian; and that was all I knew about you : but now l praise you for your words and deeds, and
1 should wish as many as possible to be like you.
That would be good for everybody."— Cheirisophus
the: Lacedaemonian, in 4zabasis, i. i. 45.
Various modern writers have challenged the ascription to Xenophon of every one of the works included in this volume, The ZA4gesiaus and. the Ways and Means have suffered much. from. the on- slaughts of the critics, the Agesilaus. on account of its style, the Jays and Means for its subject matter It must suffice here to say that no case has been made out against any one of them, with the excep- tion of the Hunting; and, even in that case, it is impossible to state with confidence that the main portion of the treatise was not written by Xenophon.! The rest may be accepted with confidence as the work of the man whose name they bear.
Undoubtedly there is something unusual. about the miscellany, when regarded as the product of one. author. Most authors write only in one manner; and when we have read some of their works, we easily recognise their hand in the rest. With Xenophon it is not so; for there is an obvious difference of manner in different parts of the
* Bee below, vr (p. xxxvi). vii
INTRODUCTION
Hellenica. Xenophon tried his hand at several kinds of prose literature—history, dialogue, the encomium, the technical treatise, the essay-—and he had his ideas, gleaned from his reading, of the . style appropriate to each kind. In the early part of the Hellenica we find him trying to write in the manner of Thucydides; in the rhetorical parts of the Agesilaus he clearly has the model of Gorgias before him. But of course for us it is not always possible to understand just why he regarded this or that manner as appropriate. "Thus in the historical portion of the Agesilaus, he repeats passages of the Hellenica almost but not quite exactly; here he changes, there adds a word or two; but no modern reader can appreciate his reason for these minute alterations. But even in a translation, how- ever inadequate, a reader must detect a difference in style between his rhetoric and his history.
More interesting for us is the variety of subjects that Xenophon knows and can expound. Of course he is better at some things than at others; but even about matters of which he is not a master he can tell us a good deal that is worth knowing. He flounders in the high finance; but even at that he is far from being such a duffer as some moderns have declared him to be. His speculations on forms of government and the secrets of national greatness are not profound, but they come from a singularly lucid, well-ordered mind. Of the theory of war he is a master. About horses, riding, the organisation and command of cavalry. he knew everything that could be known in his day. His treatise on Horsemanship, especially, is in its way a masterpiece.
Like Socrates himself, he is continually trying to
viii
INTRODUCTION
make himself useful. Perhaps for us there is rather too much of the don about him: his books are too full of instruction, admonition and reproof; nor is it surprising that some think that he intended them to form a series of educational, manuals for the use of his sons. What is abundantly clear to anyone who reads all his works is that his real purpose was to do good to everybody; and, generous man that.he was, everybody meant to him the people of Athens—those by whom he had been driven into banishment. Exiles do not, as a rule, spend their time in heaping coals of fire on their fellow-countrymen. Happily his fellow-countrymen showed themselves not ungrateful; they annulled the decree of banishment, though too late to entice him back to Athens. He died at Corinth. In these lesser productions of a virtuous and versatile Athenian gentleman there is, even in our age, not a little that is worth reading, apart from the infor- mation about ancient Greek life and manners that we owe to them. Their brevity too is a merit; for owing to his pedantry, Xenophon in his longer works is apt to be tedious.
In style Xenophon is simple and natural; he avails himself, indeed, of the resources of rhetoric, but he uses them moderately, and, except occasion- ally in the Agesilaus, he uses them soberly and sensibly. By the Atticists and the later Sophists he was taken as a model of simplicity.
Few traces of these opuscula, with the exception of the Constitution of' the Lacedaemonians, occur in literature anterior to the Christian era; but the Atticist Demetrius of Magnesia, friend of Cicero's friend Atticus, included all of them in his list of
INTRODUCTION
Xenophon's works.! They are not cited by name by any extant Greek or Latin author earlier than Cicero, who refers in laudatory terms to the Agesilaus, and has made use of its design in his Pro Lege Mamilia. But echoes may be heard here and there by an attentive listener. "The Consütution quickly attained an importance disproportionate to its merit, Isocrates in his Panathenaicus makes some combative remarks that certainly apply, though not perhaps exclusively, to Xenophon's Constitution, ΑἸ] those who wrote on the Spartan institutions, including Aristotle, and especially the early Stoies, Zeno and his followers, used it as an authority. Nor was its influence exerted solely on the compilers of such works. Thinkers who speculated on the balanced or mixed form of Constitution also found it serviceable. . Plato, indeed, as we should expect, ignores it in his Laws ; but Aristotle in his Politics does not ; and Polybius, in his sixth book, is clearly indebted to it, From the Hiero lsocrates has borrowed the matter and even some of the language in his address O» the Peace (δ r1 f.), and this is interesting, because Xenophon in the same year returned the compliment by borrowing from this address of Isocrates in his J/ays and Means. We may safely hazard a guess that the Hiero was a favourite work with the Cynies, amongst whom the unhappiness of the despot was a common theme.? In the age of Polybius, the traveller Polemon of Ilium wrote a book with the curious title, Abou! the
1 Tt is inconeeivable that Demetrius, as the text of Diogenes Laertius says, challenged. the Constitution of the Lacedae- monians. Most of what follows, and. much more, may be found in R. Münscher's Xenophon in der griechisch-rómischen Literatur (Philologus, Sup. xiii. 1920).
? "The writer of [Diogenes] ep. 29, which is an onslaught on Dionysius I1., drew from a Cynic source. s.
X
NC Mer D-—Brm vt 0r dien
itas om
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INTRODUCTION
Car in Xenophon (Agesilaus, c. viii. 7), in which he gave an account of Spartan customs that is not to be found in Xenophon's Constitution. Nepos used the Agesilaus in his life of the king. The αν» aud Means does not turn up once; but this is not surprising, since the brochure was written for a special occasion, and contains very little of general application. We may anticipate here by mentioning the adaptation of the passage (c. i. 2-8) on the nature of Attica by Aristides, the Sophist of the second cen- tury A.D., in his Panathenaicus? | About the earlier his- tory of the Cavalry Commander and the Horsemanship there is a strange cireumstance worthy of mention. Cato the Censor, as we know from Cicero, read, and highly esteemed Xenophon. The method of the opening of Cato's de Re Rustica has given rise to a suspicion that he had included these two treatises in his studies. Considering the age at which Cato began Greek, he must have found the Horsemanship * a tough proposition," if he really tackled it. The Horsemanship did not oust Simon's work on the same subject from its position as an authority ; but it is often impossible to be sure on which of the two treatises later writers draw.* Pollux came across a commen- tary on the Horsemanship ; we cannot tell whether it was written before the Christian era. Probably Theophrastus already culled something from the
! Athenaeus iv. p. 138 E.
* [t is now said that he did not use it directly ; but I cannot believe this.
3 A. Brinkmann, AZhenisches Museum, lxvii, 1912, p. 135. Among the Xenophontine works cited by Aristides are the Agesilaus and the Hunting (Persson, p. 74).
4 Leo started this.
5 Oder in his 4aeedota Canfabrimiensia, credits to Simon all the repetitions of matter that is common to Simon and Xenophon.
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Hunting. t is not clear that Grattius, who wrote his poem between 30 n.c. and 8 4.p., owes anything tothe Hunting ; nor is it likely,since he did not goto Simon or to Xenophon for his treatment of the horse.
Into the complicated history of Xenophon's shorter works in the Christian era we cannot enter.
To speak generally, the Hiero and Agesilaus seem to have been most read by the Atticists and Sophists ; while the Romans, for the most part, neglected all of them.? But mention of one Greek author cannot be omitted, owing to the unique position that he occupies in the history of Xenophontine literature. Dio of Prusa (fl. 90 4.n.) not only, like Arrian, took Xenophon as his model of style, but his mind is saturated with Xenophon's thoughts and. words. There is much of the Hiero and Agesilaus in. Dio's discourses on kingship and despotism (I, II, ΠῚ, VI, LXII) There is also, I think, a clear echo of the Hunting in Dio III. 135-6. The Agesilaus is cited by Dionysius of Halicarnassus as the type of the encomium, ΤῸ Roman encomiasts it furnished a model, Its influence is felt in the design of Nepos Atticus, in the Agricola of Tacitus, in the Panegyric of the younger Pliny, and, according to Leo, in the balanced estimate of the Emperor Valentinian in Ammianus Marcellinus (fl. 370 4.p.), book xxx.?
1 περὶ φυτῶν αἰτιῶν vi. 19-20 compared with Zunting v. and viii.
? Only the Cyropaedia and Memorabilia of Xenophon's works gained a strong footing among the Romans.
8 1 am not myself conscious of this. Resemblanees are rather readily detected by keen investigators. Thus Rademacher says that Oppian used the Z/wn^ng in his Cynegetica, but I have waded through Oppian without detecting any reminiscence of it. ἡ xii -
-
INTRODUCTION
Finally, we may refer to an amusing passage in the Apollonius of the Athemian Philostratus (age of Caracalla), which appears to be a *dig" at the Hunting, as the scholiast says it is. * They (Apol- lonius and his companion in India) came in," writes Philostratus, for a dragon hunt which I must tell about, for it is highly absurd that the devotees of hunting should have found so much to say about the hare, and how she is, or shall be, caught, and we should pass over the record of this noble and marvellous sport." !
I. Hiero
* Government of unwilling subjects and not con- trolled by laws, but imposed by the will of the ruler, is despotism." — Memorabilia, 1v. vi. 12.
* Despotic rule over unwilling subjects the gods give, I fancy, to those whom they judge worthy to live the life of Tantalus, of whom it is said that in hell he spends eternity, dreading a second death."— Oeconomacus, the end.
The Hiero is an imaginary conversation between King Hiero, who ruled Syracuse from 478 to 467 s.c., and the poet Simonides of Ceos, one of the many famous strangers whom the hospitable despot enter- tained at his court. [Its purpose is twofold— first to show that a despot, ruling without regard to the interests of his subjects, is less happy than the private citizen ; and secondly, to show by what means a despot may succeed in winning the affection of his subjects, and, by so doing, may gain happiness for himself. This subject was a common topic of
Apollonius III. 6, Phillimore's translation.
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speculation among the Socratics!: it had been discussed by Socrates himself; and we are told that Plato during his first visit to the court of Syracuse had spoken his mind upon it to Dionysius the Elder. Had it been possible for Xenophon to bring Socrates and a great despot together, we might have found just such a conversation in the Memorabilia? Isocrates, in his oration addressed to Nicocles (374 n.c.), says that many doubt whether the life of men who live virtuously or the life of a despot is preferable, and in the letter which he wrote to the children of Jason, the *tagus " of Thessaly (359 or 358 z.c.), he declares that the private citizen is the happier.?
Modern writers, anxious to discover the date at which the Hiero was written, have ransacked the records of the despots contemporary with Xenophon to find some special event or events that may have prompted him to compose it. Grote, for example, refers to an incident that occured at the Olympic Festival of 388 or 384 &.c. In one of those years the orator Lysias delivered his Olympic oration, in which he stirred up hatred of despots,* and incited the Greeks to unite in ridding Syracuse of Dionysius. The despot on that occasion was represented at the festival by a magnificent mission. The date of composition has therefore been placed at about 383 B.c. Another view is that Xenophon wrote his
! Dio of Prusa, in his third discourse, puts into the mouth of Socrates a discussion on the question of the happiness of the despot.
3 Just as Dio (VI) brings Diogenes and the Persian king together.
3 Cf. Aristotle, Polities, p. 1395 ^, and Stobaeus XLIX.
4 The tone of Antisthenes' Archelaus was similar (Dümmler, Akademika, p. 13).
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INTRODUCTION
dialogue as a warning to Dionysiusthe Younger soon after his accession to the throne of Syracuse in 367 B.c. A third opinion is that the career of Jason of Pherae, who was assassinated in 370 s.c., was specially in Xenophon's mind ; and a modification of this view is that our author had lately réad the letter of Isocrates already referred to, and that his dialogue, like Isocrates' epistle, is a warning to Jason's ehildren who now shared the power in Thessaly. This last opinion is supported by reference to the passage in which Hiero remarks that many despots have been destroyed by their own wives (iii. 8); for Jason's nephew, Alexander, joint * tagus '" of Thessaly, was murdered by his brothers- in-law at the instigation of his wife Thebé in 359 B.C.
But it is surely unnecessary to suppose that Xenophon had any special purpose or event in mind when he wrote the Hiero. The thing is merely a *Socratic" dialogue on a theme that interested him. He thought of despots in general, as the Socratics supposed them to be; and-of course, like Plato in the ninth book of his Republic, when he writes of despotism he has an eye on the career of Dionysius L! ΑἹ} that can be said about the date of composition is that, to judge from the language and the rhetoric of the Hiero, it appears to have been written in the author's later years.
There is no attempt at characterisation in the
1 There is à close resemblance between Aepublie, ix. p. 579 » and Hiero, c.i.1ll. Were the Hiro the later work it would be impossible to resist the impression that Xenophon had lately read the Republic. This may be so, since the Republic was written between 380 and 370 8.6.
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persons of the dialogue. ^ Hiero is not in the least the historical Hiero whom we know from the Odes of Pindar and Bacchylides. He is not the great warrior nor the enlightened ruler; and of course there is no indication of the true basis of his power and of his constitutional position. He is just a despot of the better type. As for Simonides, Xenophon, in drawing his favourite analogy from the Choruses, once faintly alludes to his craft (c. ix. 4) ; but he makes no attempt anywhere to represent the courtier poet; had he done so he must have made Simonides bring in the subject of verse pane- gyrics on princes at c. i. 14. "The remark of the poet at c. i. 22 is singularly inappropriate to a man who had a liking for good living. At c. viii. Xenophon discards the thin disguise, and Simonides stands clearly revealed as Xenophon himself. To some of the recommendations offered to rulers that he makes in these concluding chapters we have parallels in. the Cavalry Commander and the Ways and Means.
The Hiero is a naive little work, not unattractive : in this case, as in that of the Banquet, it is unfortunate for our amiable author that Plato has written on the same subject with incomparably greater brilliancy.
The gist of Xenophon's counsel to despots is that a despot should endeavour to rule like a good king. The same counsel is given by Isocrates in his Helen, which was written about 370 m.c. | No man, in Xenophon's opinion, is fit to rule who is not better than his subjects.?
1 Aristotle in the Po/itics (p. 1313 A) agrees. ? Cyropaedia, VII. i. 37.
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II. Agesilaus
* What is government, and what is a governor? "— Memorabilia, 1. i. 16.
* Government of men with their consent and in accordance with the laws of the State is kingship."— Memorabilia, 1v. vi. 12.
Agesilaus became one of the two joint kings of Sparta in 398 &.c. Though over forty at the time of his accession, he reigned for nearly forty years, and died on active service, probably in the winter of 861-60 s.c. His long career as a commander in the field began with his expedition to Asia Minor in 396 &.c. We do not know for certain when Xenophon joined Agesilaus in Asia, and it is im- possible to say with confidence whether or not he was an eye-witness of the campaign of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes, the satrap of Lydia, tn 395 s.c.? But he was certainly with Agesilaus in the following year, and returned with him from Asia to Greece. He fought under the king at the battle of Coronea in the summer of 394 s.c. against his fellow-citizens, and was banished in consequence. He spent some
! Xenophon calls him *''still young" at the time of his accession, no doubt having in mind the great age to which he lived in full activity, and using the pardonable exaggera- tion of an ''encomiast." Similarly Isocrates implies that Evagoras (who was really assassinated) died a happy death.
? Xenophon's account of the campaign is bore. different from that which may now be read in a fragment of another history. But even if Xenophon was in Greece in 395 5.c., he of course heard the faets from Agesilaus himself. Busolt has successfully defended the accuracy of his aecount. In one instance (c. i 33) X. tacitly corrects the account he had
iven in the Hellenica (111. iv. 24). Atc. ii. 7 hedefends what 8 had said in HI. 1v. iii. 15.
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time at Sparta, and thence removed to Scillus, near Olympia, to an estate that had been presented to him by the Lacedaemonians, doubtless at the suggestion of Agesilaus.
Xenophon, always a hero-worshipper, and an admirer of the ideal Spartan character and the institutions of Lycurgus, saw in Agesilaus the embodiment of his conception of a good king. Doubtless, he, like Isocrates,! regarded the Spartan kingship as the best form of monarchy. Shortly after the death of his hero he produced this tribute to his memory. In spite of its rhetorical embellish- ments, there are signs of hasty composition in the Agesilaus. Haste probably accounts for the extensive borrowing from the Hellenica. Now why should Xenophon be in a hurry? From some pretty strong hints that all did not consider the king to be above adverse criticism, we may conclude that theye was adverse criticism ?; quite possibly something had been writen about Agesilaus that was not entirely complimentary. The Agesilaus in the main an encomium, is incidentally a defence.
A few years before, Isocrates had produced his encomium on Evagoras, king of Salamis in Cyprus, who was assassinated in 374 s.c. Isocrates says that he is the first to * praise a man's virtues in prose." If he means to say that nobody had written a prose encomium of an historical personage before him, it is very doubtful whether his claim can be sustained.? But perhaps he means only that he was the first to combine an account of a man's actions with praise of his character, pointing out the significance of
! Isocrates, de Pace, $8 149-143.
3 6. i1. 215; iv. 85; ν. δ; vill. ἡ.
3 Wilamowitz in Zermes, xxxv. p. 533. Xv
à Tam me^ n mme ng my Ryo τρῷς ERE π᾿ rn : .
INTRODUCTION
the actions as indicating the virtues of his hero.! That is just what he does in the. Evagoras. Now in the first portion of the 4gesilaus (c. i.-ii.), Xenophon has clearly taken the Evagoras for his model. The king's exploits, judiciously selected, are narrated in chronological order, passages from certain portions of the &Hellenica being repeated with trifling alterations of the language; and into the narrative are woven comments on the king's character, as it is illustrated by his deeds.
Having finished with the king's actions, Xenophon gives an account of his virtues (c. iii—ix.). — This portion: of his work has no counterpart in. the Evagoras. But even here Xenophon's idea is not original. ^ The great virtues—piety, justice, self- control, courage, wisdom—-are treated elsewhere in the same order. In Plato's Banquet the poet Agathon praises the justice, self-control, courage and wisdom of Love, and Socrates remarks that the encomium reminds him of Gorgias. . Xenophon himself at the end of the Memorabilia writes of the piety, justice, self-control and wisdom of Socrates. The order of the categories no doubt goes back to Gorgias. To these great virtues Xenophon adds patriotism, and several minor excellences. He rounds off his en- comium with a formal epilogue (c. x.).
To the epilogue is appended a summary (c. xi.) of the king's virtues, and here again the categories are arranged in the same order? The summary
1 So Usener.
? In Cyropaedia, viui. i. 293-33, Xenophon enumerates the ἀν justice and self-control of Cyrus.
3 "The indications of the order are fainter, but they can be discerned. But the disposition does not agree closely with that of the second part of the work.
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was a device introduced by the sophist Corax, and the use of it is alluded to as an established practice at the end of the Palamedes, an oration ascribed to Gorgias. The extant fragment of Gorgias! Funeral Oration appears to belong to a summary. There are examples of the summary also in Isocrates.! To the material of the eleventh chapter a passage of the Évagoras has contributed something.? What is peculiar in the structure of the Agesilaus is the separate treatment of the actions and the virtues of the hero. Xenophon has followed Isocrates in one section of his encomium and Gorgias in the other? The result is, of course, a want of unity in the design. The work, however, was much admired by Cicero and by Nepos ;* and the latter's sketch of Cicero's friend Atticus is evidently modelled on it. 5n
III. Constitution of the Lacedaemonians.
*Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian now—have you realised that he would not have made Sparta to differ from other cities in any respect, had he not established obedience to the laws most securely in her ? " — Memorabilia, 1v. iv. 15.
* When will. Athenians show the Lacedaemonian reverence for age . . . when will they adopt the Lacedaemonian system of training . . . when will they reach that standard of obedience to their rulers
1 e.g. Antidosis, 88 197, 128, the character of Timotheus.
* Evagoras, 88 43-46. The notion that the eleventh chapter of the Agesilaus is spurious is wrong. Compare the character sketches of Proxenus and Menon in Znabasis ΤΙ.
3 ΑἹ] the little tricks of rhetoric that have been adversely criticised by modern writers come in this second part.
* Nepos, Agesilaus, c. i,
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INTRODUCTION
... or when will they attain that harmony? "— Memorabilia, m. v. 16.
Xenophon's purpose in this work was to show that the. greatness and fame of the Lacedaemonians were due to *the laws of Lycurgus" | He had no intention of writing a treatise on the Lacedaemonian constitution; and though here and there he refers to details of that constitution as things familiar to his readers, it is only in the last chapter, about the position and privileges of the kings, that he even mentions the word * constitution." Eventhe remarks on the constitutional powers of the Ephors in c. viii. are merely illustrative. After the tenth chapter he gradually loses sight of his subject. For if the eleventh and the twelfth, on the excellence of the Spartan army, have a loose connexion with it, the thirteenth, on the powers of the kings, has none. The fourteenth is clearly an afterthought, an appendix; and the same is true of the fifteenth.
The title,then, is inaccurate; nevertheless there can be no doubt that it was chosen by the author himself. The first ten chapters are homogeneous, and they have the appearance of a complete essay. For evidently when he started Xenophon did not intend to trace the ** power" of Sparta to the organisation of its army: he says clearly at the beginning that he attributes her power to her institutions or * principles" ; and one of these principles turns out to be (c. ix.) that a glorious death is preferable to a base life—which is a good enough reason, in an essay, to account for the power of the state on the military side. Possibly, after writing the first ten
- chapters, Xenophon kept them by him, and added
later on the appendices on the army and the functions xxi
INTRODUCTION
of the kings in war, on the violation of the *laws of Lycurgus," ! and on the constitutional position of the kings. The thesis of the: appendix on the army is not the thesis of the essay proper; for the thesis of this appendix is not that the Lacedaemonians owe their power and fame to their army, but that the Lacedaemonians are artists in warfare, and the rest of the Greeks, in comparison with them, are mere amateurs (c. xiii. 6). In the last chapter he sup- ports no thesis; he is merely stating certain facts about the kings, is, indeed, writing a fragment of a * Constitution."
The fourteenth chapter is strange and bewildering, and many have maintained that it is spurious. [Ὁ is written in a spirit of disillusion, and it contradicts some of the statements made in earlier chapters. Internal evidence shows that it was written certainly before the battle of Leuctra (371 s.c.), and probably after 378 p.c. Observe, however, that Xenophon is not indicting the people: his wrath falls only on a small section of powerful Spartans, on the governors, * harmosts," whose conduct was a violation of the * ]aws of Lycurgus " and of the principles so strictly adhered to by his hero Agesilaus.
But the change of tone is manifest. [Ὁ is tempt- ing to seek the cause of the change in the impression made on Xenophon's mind by.the scandalous seizure of the Theban citadel by the Spartan Phoebidas in 381 &c. Inthe Hellenica Xenophon denounces that
! Some hold that the first thirteen chapters describe what had been the state of affairs at Sparta in better times. Though such great authorities as E. Meyer and Kohler agree that all the fifteen chapters were written at the same time, T cannot believe that they are right.
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INTRODUCTION
crime as an outrage against heaven. Again, in 318 s.c., Sphodrias, a Spartan governor, was persuaded or bribed by the Thebans to make an attempt on the Peiraeus. The plan miscarried and Sphodrias was put on his: trialfor his gross act of treaohery ; but he was acquitted. There is probably a covert reference to Sphodrias in the second section of this fourteenth -chapter. | The part taken by King Agesilaus in the inquiries that followed both these trimes was highly discreditable, and . naturally Xenophon makes no allusion to it in his Agesilaus.
As for the essay (c. i—-x.), one reads it with a feeling. of regret that the author, who during his sojourn at Sparta had such excellent opportunities for observation, did not undertake the task of writing an account of the Lacedaemonian constitution, Even what he tells us of the primitive institutions of the Spartans in support of his thesis comes to very little ; but the facts that he selects are sufficient for his purpose. He touches on the surprising marriage customs of the Lacedaemonians, but not with entire accuracy; and of course he disguises the extraordinary laxity of the relations between the sexes at Sparta. He gives no connected or detailed account of the class organisation of boys and youths. Thus in c. ix. 5 he refers incidentally to the «sides in a game of ball"; but does not trouble to explain that the term **ball-players" had a special meaning among the Spartans ;! the proper place for mention- ing them, if he had been writing a treatise, would have been at c. iv. 6. In speaking of the common meals he uses, almost consistently, the Spartan
1 Those who were no longer Ephebi and were not quite men (Pausanias ΠΠ. xiv. 6).
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technical term Syskania and its cognate words, without giving their explanation. The reference in c. ii. 9 to the ceremonial rite of flagellation at the altar of Artemis Orthia? is so confused that it is quite- impossible that Xenophon, who must have witnessed it, can have written what stands in the text.
Whatever we may think of the method of the essay it is characteristic of Xenophon that he borrowed it from a predecessor in the same field.? Critias the politician, once a disciple of Socrates, had already produced a prose and a verse Constitution 9f the Lacedaemonians. In the prose work he compared the usages of different states with those of Sparta ; and though, like Hellanieus and Thucydides, he ignored Lycurgus, the existing fragments of his work show that Xenophon is indebted to Critias, certainly for the method, and perhaps for some of the details of his essay. No doubt it is the Constitution of Critias that is used by Plato, to the exclusion of Xenophon's, in the Laws.
The excellence of the Spartan institutions was of course a stock theme among the Socratics. Over- emphasis led to the inevitable protest. Isocrates in his Panathenaicus makes some caustic remarks about those who are for ever harping on the subject.
1 Also in c. xv.
? The rite is a substitute for human sacrifice. ᾿
3 Kóhler in SZzungsberichte der Berliner — Akademie 1896, p. 361.
* The quotation from the verse Constitution in Athenaeus x. 432p, about drinking, corresponds closely with what Xenophon says on the same subject (c. v. 6).
5 e.g. for the view he takes of the **Syssitia," or common meals, as neither a military nor 8 political institution. At c. ii. 1 Xenophon echoes Plato, Proíag. p. 325 D.
xxiv
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Amongst other things he says that some talk of the Spartans as if the demi-gods had been. Spartan
. :statesmen, and that Lycurgus borrowed his best
ideas from Athens! The date of the Panathenaicus is 342 B.C. Or thereabouts.
IV. Ways and Means
* Now tell me, from what sources are the city's revenues at present derived and what is their total? No doubt you have gone into this matter, in order to raise the amount of any that are deficient and supply any that are lacking." —Memorabilia, un. vi. 5.
The. Jays. and. Means appears from . internal evidence to have been written in 355 s.c. There are no convincing reasons for refusing to believe - that Xenophon is the author. The diction and style are his, and there is nothing in the opinions expressed that renders his authorship impossible, or even unlikely. In the opening sentence he repeats a remark that he has made at the end of the Cyropaedia (vui. vii. 4);! there are passages that have a parallel in the Hiero and the Cavairy Commander ; and the epilogue both in language and sentiment is thoroughly Xenophontine. "We might, no doubt, have expected more moralising than we find, and we miss evidence of his interest in agri- culture. But if the brochure^was intended to sup- port the financial policy of the statesman Eubulus, the reason why these features are lacking becomes apparent. This, then, is Xenophon's last work. He probably died a few months after writing it.
Since 370 s.c. or thereabouts, Xenophon had
1 A similar remark occurs in Isocrates On the Peace. XXV
INTRODUCTION
lived at Corinth. Some years later his banishment from Athens was annulled on the proposal of Eubulus. He did not, however, return to his native city ; but he sent his two sons home to serve in the Athenian cavalry. : ἃ
In 355 s.c. Athens emerged in a state of serious financial exhaustion from a disastrous war with her most powerful allies. 1t was through Eubulus that the peace was concluded. In the following year Eubulus practically assumed control of the state finances, and he at once set to work to increase the revenue and to relieve the poverty of the citizens. The citizen body at this time, as we can see from the Ways and Means, was in a deplorable condition. Lazy and poverty-stricken, the people ' looked to the state for maintenance. Trade was in the hands of the resident aliens, among whom were many Asiaties(c.ii. 3) How precisely Eubulus dealt with the problems that faced him we do not know. But as Controller of the *theoric" fund he raised enough money from this tax upon the well-to-do to enable him to make distributions to the people on an unprecedented scale. From a passage in the orator Deinarchus we infer that Eubulus also introduced measures for the improve- ment of the cavalry. And when his administration came to an end, probably in 339 s.c.; the mines at Laurium, which had been neglected, were once again being vigorously worked by men in partnership and by private companies.
The resemblance between these operations of Eubulus and some of the proposals contained in
1 See especially Beloch, 4(tische Politik seit Perikles, p 4 xxvi
INTRODUCTION
Xenophon's brochure is obvious. The brochure is addressed, apparently, to the Council of Five Hundred. The author confines himself rigidly to proposals of a practical nature. [t is not his busi- ness here to probe the causes of the prevalent distress. The author of the Memorabilia knew well enough what was wrong with the Athenians; but when the problem of the moment is how to raise cash, it is useless to demand a change of national habits: you must take the conditions as they are, and make the best of them. The recogni- tion of the demoralising dole system was, of course, unavoidable. Then, according to Xenophon's plan, capital is to be raised by the imposition of an income tax—whether for one year or more is not stated —and expended on the erection of hotels, the provision of accommodation for merchants and visitors both in the Peiraeus and in the city, and on a fleet of state-owned merchant vessels. Much space is given to measures to be adopted for the improved working of the mines: amongst them are a measure of state socialism (c. iv. 30) and a pro- posal for the formation of a great Joint-Stock Company (c. iv. 32). To encourage internal trade, it is essential to encourage the resident aliens ; their status must be improved. It is a shock to find Xenophon proposing to make these aliens—including Lydians, Phrygians and Syrians—eligible for the aristocratic cavalry.
The insistence on the necessity of maintaining peace as an essential condition of financial recovery is in accordance with the policy of Eubulus.
Earlier in this same year, 355 B.c., Isocrates, now an octogenarian, issued his pamphlet Os ihe Peace,
xxvii
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in which he exhorted the Athenians to endeavour to conciliate the Greek world. His pamphlet is ostensibly a harangue addressed to the Assembly, and its subject is political morality. "There are clear indications that Xenophon had read it before writing the Jays and Means.!
V. The Cavalry Commander ?
* Perhaps you think you can do something for the good of the State.as a cavalry leader, in case there is any occasion to employ that arm."— Memorabilia, un. iii. 2. 1
The discourse on the duties of the cavalry com- mander was written at a time when there was some reason to anticipate the outbreak of war between Athens and Thebes (c. vii. 3), probably in 365 s.c. It is ostensibly addressed to an individual about to enter on that exalted office; but the convention is not consistently maintained, especially towards the end of the treatise. It is almost certain that Xenophon in his younger days had himself been a member of the Athenian cavalry corps, in 409 s.c. and the years following ; and he had lately sent his two sons home to Athens to serve in the force. His profound interest in cavalry and his knowledge of its use are, of course, apparent in the Cyropaedia, the A4nabasis and the Memorabilia. Our treatise may, indeed, be viewed as a commentary on the statement of a cavalry commander's duties that is put into the mouth of Socrates in the last mentioned work (un. iii. 1).
! He has levied toll on $8 21, 30, 42, 53 and 138.
3 Literally the Greek title means **A discourse on the command of cavalry.?
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When Xenophon wrote the discourse Athens was at peace. But even in peace time the duties of the -avalry, though ornamental, were important, since the cavalry procession was a prominent feature of all the great state festivals. And of course training for war was always being carried on with more or less vigour. Things were at the moment in a pretty bad way with the corps. Owing to the prevailing poverty, and the slackness of the Council and their immediate agents, the two arnually elected. com- manders of cavalry (*hipparchs"), the number of troopers had apparently fallen from the thousand required by law to about six hundred and fifty ; and the quality of the horses and the efficiency of the riders left much to be desired. It is probable that in this case, as in others, Xenophon's exhortations were not without practical result, for at the time of the battle of Mantinea (361 s.c.) the Athenian cavalry was able to play a creditable part in the field.
Xenophon recommends the use of infantry among the cavalry (c. v. 13) ; and his words imply that at the time infantry were not regularly provided for this service, In the Constitution of. Athens, written some forty years later, Aristotle mentions such a body of infantry as a normal appendage to the eavalry. In the Memorabilia, as in our treatise, the cavalry commander is urged to require that the horses incapable of going the pace should be rejected.
᾿ Aristotle, repeating the very expression used by
Xenophon, says that the Council marked and rejected such horses. Both reforms may be due to Xenophon, at least in part. For it is hardly likely that the advice of such an authority can have gone entirely unheeded.
xxix
INTRODUCTION
Each of the ten tribes was supposed to furnish a hundred cavalrymen. The roll was drawn up annually by ten officials elected for the purpose;!- who. acted apparently under the direction of the two commanders. At the head of each of these ten regiments was a colonel (* phylarch ), who was responsible for the details of control, for the in- struction, condition and equipment of his regiment. Each of the two commanders had five of these regiments under him, because in the field the chief duty of the cavalry was to protect the flanks of the infantry. On ceremonial occasions each colonel rode at the head of his regiment in the procession, and each commander at the head of his five regiments.
Preparation for service in the cavalry began while a youth was still under the control of his guardian (c. i. 11), that is to say, before the age of eighteen. The service, at any rate at this time, was continuous. The object of the annual enrolment, therefore, was to fil the places of those who retired through old age or other causes. It also appears that not all the recruits were young men : no doubt the difficulty of obtaining a sufficient number of young men of means led to the inclusion of persons of maturer years, men who could not be trained to vault on to a horse, but had to be assisted to mount by means of a leg up, ** in the Persian fashion."
Every recruit had to appear with his horse before a committee of the Council and to pass a test. On being approved the recruit had a legal right to receive a sum of money to defray the cost of his horse and equipment; but the colonels had some- times to intervene to get the monéy paid over to
! At any rate this was so when Aristotle wrote. XXX
nemo gem NAE CS IR PAPA
INTRODUCTION
the men. The cavalryman received, in addition, a daily allowance of a drachma for the keep of his horse in peace as well as in war; and the annual eost to the state of this wage amounted, says Xenophon, to nearly forty talents. — The cost of the initial sum paid to the recruits did not fall on the state, as each man who left the service had to pay the amount over to his successor.
Each man was attended by a mounted groom
(e. v. 6), but the grooms did not ride in the ranks,
and were not armed. There were also, mounted aides-de-camp (c. iv. 4)! "The commanders had about them a corps of couriers (c. i. 25), of whom we know only that they had to pass a test before the Council ( Aristotle, 4th. Pol. c. 49).
The author's purpose is, of course, to make recom- mendations for the improvement of the cavalry. Inci- dentally the Cavalry Commander is our chief authority on the organisation and employment of the Athenian cavalry, and it contains many details about the ceremonial processions.
None of Xenophon's shorter writings is mQre entirely characteristic of the writer. Note especially the frequent exhortation to **work with God"; it is the first and the last duty that he insists on. ** |f," he says, * you are surprised that I say this so often, [ assure you that you will cease to wonder if you find yourself often in danger." He speaks from
experience. ! Xenophon in the Cyropaedia assigns many functions to
the aides in the army of Cyrus, including attention to the wounded,
xxxi *A
INTRODUCTION
VI. On the Art of. Horsemanship
* Seeing you are forced to meddle with horses, don't you think that common sense requires you to see that you are not ignorant of the business? "— Oeconomicus, iii. 9.
The treatise on Horsemanship, the oldest complete treatise on. the subject in existence, was written soon after the Cavalry Commander (c. xii. 14). It isa masterly production. The text has suffered con- . siderably from corruption, and even with the aid of restoration it is not easy reading; nevertheless, it presents no serious problems that still await solution. Bearing in mind the cardinal differences between the Greek cavalry horse of which Xenophon writes, and the modern riding horse, we shall have no serious difficulty in following the author. . The Greek cavalry horse, familiar to everybody from the Parthenon sculptures, was small and cob-like. He was a troublesome creature to ride, and given the conditions, although the cavalry was not always an; efficient arm in the field, it is a mistake to suppose that the individual .Greek rider was a poor horseman ; noris the supposition borne out by the Parthenon figures. The horses were ungelded and unshod; they were given to biting, and the rider had neither stirrups, nor saddle, nor curb to assist him. The well-to-do young Athenian rode, but did not often ride merely for pleasure: he rode commonly as a member or a prospective member of the cavalry —it is significant that the same word is used for a * horseman " and a * cavalryman " ; occasionally he rode in order to compete in the horse-races at the Games; or if he were rich he hunted on horse-
xxxii
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INTRODUCTION
back. Naturally, therefore, the only gaits in use were the walk, the trot and the gallop.
The practical horseman will no doubt notice certain details in which modern practice differs from the Greek usage. But he will assuredly be surprised to find that so much of Xenophon's doctrine survives unchanged in the modern lore of the horse and his rider; and he will acknowledge that Xenophon was both an excellent judge of a horse and a highly accomplished horseman.
Xenophon recommends a * flexible" in preference to a stiff" bit (c. x). Two **flexible" bits now in the Berlin Museum are figured and described by E. Pernice in his monograph entitled Griechisches Pferdegeschirr (Berlin, 1896). The bits, which are of bronze, and belong to the fourth century, s.c., were found along with a beautiful bronze muzzle and bronze ornaments of the headstall in a grave in Boeotia. They are complete in every detail, including the curved branches at the ends to which the straps of the headstall were fastened and the branches to which the reins wereattached. Xenophon is concerned only with the bit itself. This, in the two examples referred to, consists of two axles joined in the middle by two links, one link within the other. Next to the links are discs; then on either side a cylinder covered with four rows of sharp teeth. Next to the cylinders come the .branches to be attached to the headstall, and outside these the branches for the reins. Discs,
1 Thus Ischomachus (Oeconomicus, xi. 17 f.), an excellent horseman (20), says that he has his horse led to and from his. farm: he mounts at the farm, and goes through military exercises. ^ Xenophon is, of course, describing his own practice,
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INTRODUCTION
cylinders and branches move on the axles. From each of the central links hangs a little — of three or four rings (see c. x. 9).
When the horse was led out to be en or to give him a roll, a muzzle was used. "The muzzle is depicted on several vases. For example, a black- figured amphora in the Ashmolean Museum (No. 212) shows a led horse wearing the muzzle, and, in this case, bridled as well. The muzzles for ordinary use were made either of straps or of wicker. The Ashmolean horse's muzzle is attached by a strap passing under the ears. In another example figured in E. Walpole's Memoirs of E and Asiatic Turkey, we have two horses muzzled and tied together by the leading reins that hang from the muzzle. AÀ groom is cleaning the back of the horse on the right with a strigil (cf. c. v. 5). Another,groom is examining the uplifted forefoot of the horse on the left, crouching beneath the horse in a manner not approved by Xenophon. A halter was also attached to the bridle and used in mounting or in leading the horse when not muzzled (c. vii. 1). The halter is clearly seen on one of the horses depicted on an Attic cyliv in the Berlin Museum, of which the subject is the examination of the cavalry recruits; and there are other extant examples.
In the twelfth chapter Xenophon recommends that the horse should be protected in war with a, frontlet, breastplate and thigh-pieces.! It is not unlikely that these came into use in Greece as the result of his recommendation. Their origin is
1 From this chapter it is clear that the rider's thighs were not protected by thigh-pieces.
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Asiatic, and of course Xenophon had seen them
used during the expedition of the Ten Thousand. The methodical construction of this treatise con- trasts strongly with the want of arrangement that we find in the Discourse on Hunting. The author starts with a modest reference to his skill in horse- manship; and here let the translator, whose own acquaintance with horses has been brief and dis- astrous, offer an apology to any practical horseman into whose hands this version, or perversion, may
. fall, for any absurdities that he may——it is but too
likely—detect in the English equivalents used in
- the translation to represent the technical terms of - the original ^ After this brief and characteristic
pe omnt
exordium the author falls at once to business. Here is a list of the contents: (1) Buying a colt— points and size of the young horse (c. i). (2) Breaking a young horse (c. ii). (3) Buying a horse already ridden (c. iii) (4) Stable and yard (c. iv). (5) The groom's duties (c. v.-vi). (6) Instructions to the rider—mounting, starting, exercises (c. vii.—viii.). (1) Management of a fiery horse (c. ix. (8) How
- to make the best of a war-horse (c. x. 1-5). (9)
- Bits, their form and use (c. x. 6). (10) The horse
- for ceremonial occasions (c. xi). (11) Armour of
rider and horse (c. xii 1-10). (12) Offensive weapons and their use (c. xii. 11). (13) Brief refer- ence to the Cavalry Commander for further information. The exposition is as clear as the arrangement.
In his opening words, and elsewhere, Xenophon refers to the treatise of Simon, of which an important fragment survives in the library of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.! "There is much matter common to both
1 There are several modern editions. XXXV
INTRODUCTION
treatises, but it is unfair to represent Xenophon as merely repeating Simon,! Both authors begin their description of the parts of the horse at the hoofs and work upwards to the head. ΑἹ] later writers on the horse, Greek and Roman, start at the head. Very likely Xenophon consciously followed Simon's method: it would be like him to do that.
VII. Hunting
When an Englishman tells you that he is * going to hunt," you understand him to mean that he in- tends to hunt the fox on horseback. Had you heard a young Greek of the fourth century s.c. make the same remark, the odds would have been that he was going to hunt the hare on foot. Two other branches of the sport in which the average young Greek then indulged were the hunting of the red deer and the boar. But if either of these creatures was to be the object of his pursuit, he would have said so; and in either case he would have been intending to go unmounted,? unless he had said definitely that he was going on horseback. "These simple facts explain the absence of a statement early in this treatise (c. ii.) that its author in- tends to deal first with hare hunting, and also explain why there is nothing in the treatise about hunting on horseback, apart from an incidental re- ference in the appendix on hunting abroad (c. xi. 3). Sons of aristocratic houses often rode to hounds;
1 Oder in his Anecdota Cantabrigiensia, a mine of information on the ancient horse-literature, is hardly just to Xenophon.
3 The term κυνηγετεῖν, consistently used for hunting in the treatise, is normally confined in classical authors to hunting om foot.
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INTRODUCTION
and no doubt Xenophon's boys were mounted when they hunted boars, gazelles and red deer at Scillus.! But this treatise is addressed to the average young hunter, and is confined to those forms of the sport that were open to him.
The art of hunting, like other arts and crafts, was a gift of the gods to the centaur Chiron, who imparted it to many heroes, all of whom enjoyed the special favour of the gods. To this topic is devoted a lengthy rhetorical exordium, which differs entirely by its elaborate style from the rest of the treatise, in which the rules of formal composition are almost entirely disregarded. There is no parallel to this exordium in Greek literature anterior to the Christian era? To Xenophon, indeed, a long exordium of any kind is alien.
The writer's object is instruction of the' novice. He undertakes to enumerate and to explain all the paraphernalia required in hunting (c. ii. 2). But his promise is but indifferently fulfilled in the sequel. He is excellent in description; but, like so many modern teachers, he unconsciously reckons on too much knowledge in his pupils. Especially confusing is his use of the same term for the track and the scent of the hare; aud the directions for unravelling the tracks and for setting up the nets, the parts of which he does not explain, are anything but clear.
1 Amabasis, V. iii. 10. We see that this treatise was not written, as is sometimes supposed, for the use of Xenophon's sons,
3 As for the date of the exordium see below. .J. Mewaldt (Hermes, xlvi. p. 76), has pointed out a remarkable parallel in the exordium to the PAysécian falsely attributed to Galen, but contemporary with him.
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Nor is his arrangement of his matter in the section on the hare wholly satisfactory, For most of the seventh chapter and the whole of the eighth consist of remarks, in the nature of an appendix, on the subject of the third chapter.
It is surprising to find that nets were not used in Greece for hunting the red deer on foot, though the * net-keeper" accompanied the hunt (c. ix. 6). Their place was taken by the abominable traps or caltrops, which are carefully and clearly described. We wonder how an unmounted hunter was to get among the deer and to isolate a member of the herd (c. ix. 10).
To the survey of the three branches of hunting the author appends a few irrelevant remarks on the hunting of big game abroad, apparently just because the subject interested him and might be expected to interest his young readers. These remarks, it may be observed, do not include varieties of hunting that Xenophon had witnessed in Asia, and would be expected to describe if he had written the Hunting at Scillus.
Having finished with the technical side of the subject, our author launches out into an enumeration of the benefits to be derived from hunting on foot (c. xii. 1-9). It is good for the health, fits men for their military duties, and affords a fine moral train- ing. Some, he says, meaning, probably, Aristippus and his followers, object to hunting on the ground that it leads men to waste the time that ought to be given to their business and to the service of the state. These objectors are utterly wrong, and many of them are even vicious. But hunters are a virtuous folk, because they love toil (c. xii. 10, end). The
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argument here, and in the last chapter, is sloppy, but the writer disarms criticism by his zeal.
The task that the writer set himself at the begin- ning is now completed, and we should have expected him to end here. Bat he is in a fighting mood, and is determined to warn his young readers against all the enemies of his theories. Chief among these are the *sophists," that is, the professors of other systems of education than that in which he believes. They have never made a man virtuous, and their writings, for all the care lavished on their style, do nobody any good. Very likely one of them will attack this treatise for its slipshod style and want of *beauty." What does the author care? He seeks to do good, not to train the young in sophistry. Beware of the professors and cleave to the lovers of wisdom! Then there are the unscrupulous self- seekers and reckless politicians. ^ Don't emulate them! The best of them incur envy,! and the bad ones are rogues. But hunters are genial and kindly, and they seek only to do good.
The technical portion of this treatise (c. ii.-xi.) and the curious epilogue (c. xii.-xiii. are certainly contemporary with Xenophon; and—as all com- petent critics now agree— both were written by one man. "The attack on the **sophists" in the last chapter must have been written in the fourth century B.c., when * philosophers " and * sophists" wrangled over the theory and practice of education, and flooded the world with books on the subject. The descriptive portions of the technical part are worthy of Xenophon; and the sentiments expressed in the
1 This, I think, must have been tbe meaning of c. xiii. 10 before the text was corrupted. t XXXix
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epilogue strongly remind us of his sentiments. The difficulty in accepting the treatise as his lies mainly in the jerkiness of the style and the looseness of the grammar. We miss the combination of short simple sentences with long periods that is characteristic of his manner; and the constant indulgence in * ellipse," *asyndeton," *chiasmus," *infinitive of command," and so on, is not at all like what we find in his acknowledged works. On the whole, when the pros and cons are weighed and re-weighed, it does not appear utterly impossible that he wrote it as a first experiment in authorship before leaving Athens for Asia. The work is full of his zest for hunting, his pietism, his insistence that before you try to do a thing, you must understand how to do it, and, above all, his belief in the efficacy of diligence and toil. The author of the treatise is clearly an Athenian; and though his opinions bear a strong resemblance to those of the older Cynics, and especi- ally of Antisthenes, the founder of the Cynic school, I see no decisive reason for thinking it impossible— though it is certainly difficult to believe—that Xenophon wrote it in the last years of Socrates' life. He was then aged thirty,! and might employ a didactic tone towards the youth of eighteen. [ he did, he must have adopted a manner of writing that he judged appropriate to a didactic treatise addressed to the young.? We must suppose that he deliberately
! Xenophon was born 430 8.6. ; Apollodorus (fl. 150 8.0.) in his Chronica wrongly suggested 440 ΒΟ. From Apollo- dorus the error passed into Diogenes Laertius and Suidas.
3 There is a similar manner in one or two didactic sentences quoted from Antisthenes by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 12)
Mewaldt detects à similarity in the style of Simon's treatise on Horsemanship. "The manner is common enough in technical
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avoided formal rhetoric, of which there are only very few examples in the treatise. Xenophon in the Hellenica and the Agesilaus does experiment in different styles of writing, though within limits that he passes far beyond in the Hunting, if this work be really his. But a great difficulty confronts us. In the thirteenth chapter (3-7) the writer, in his most rhetorical passage, says in effect that he despises rhetoric as practised in his day, and has no belief in its value. Now the rhetoric of the fourth-century sophists is based on the teaching of Gorgias and Prodicus. Xenophon elsewhere always writes respect- fully of these two great stylists, and he shows both by his statements and by his practice that he has a keen appreciation of rhetoric as an aid to persuasion.! Already at the beginning of the Hellenica (1. i. 30—31) he attributes the reputation of Hermocrates the Syracusan * as speaker and adviser " to the attention that he paid to oratory ; and Sicilian oratory without rhetoric is unthinkable. Can it be that between, say, 401 s.c. and 393 s.c. he so entirely changed his opinion? Itis possible that he did so, in consequence of his experience in Asia, where the influence of oratory on the soldiers was continually made manifest.?
In at least two parts of the epilogue it is highly probable that Aristippus is attacked, first as object-
1 The results of his study of Gorgias can be traced in the Constitution of the Lacedaemonians and the JWays and Means as well as in the Agesilaus.
* Note ially what he says about Proxenus (Anabasis, II. vi. 16), that in his youth he had an ambition to become a man of affairs, and therefore put himself under Gorgias.
writings. A pretty specimen of it is to be found in Plato's description of the two horses (Phaedrus, p. 253 p). xli
INTRODUCTION
ing to toil, and further on as a self-seeker (xii. 10 ; xiii. 10); Aristippus was, in fact, the first of the Socratics to take fees from his pupils! Now we know that Xenophon had an aversion to Aristippus, whose opinions and conduct naturally jarred on him. What is more likely than that Xenophon should warn his young readers against such an alluring but dangerous teacher ἢ
Here we may leave the problem. The style does not in the least suggest Xenophon: much of the matter, both in the technical part and in the epilogue, does suggest him. Absurdities have been pointed out? in the reasoning of the epilogue ; but some of these absurdities are probably due to the corrupt state in which the text of it has come down to us. For whereas in the technical part we have the powerful aid of Pollux in correcting the text, he cites nothing from the epilogue.
The laborious exordium is not contemporary with the rest of the work. Certain rhythms are persistently used in it that were not in vogue earlier than the first half of the third century 8.0.3 But the * sophistic" list of Chiron's pupils and, still more, the highly artificial order of the words show that the date is much later than the third century. Norden, the highest authority in these matters, states confidently that the exordium belongs to the period of the * second sophistic." * We may con-
! Diogenes Laertius, ii. 65. '
? Especially by Hartman in his 4nalecta Xenophontea.
3 Especially the déchoreus (——.) at the end of the sentence, which is characteristic of the 4sianicstyle. (Radermacher in Rheinisches Musewn, lii.).
* In Die Antike Prosakunst (p. 433) he cites some striking parallels from the Lemnian Philostratus' /magines and from Aelian.
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INTRODUCTION
clude without hesitation that it was composed in the reign of Hadrian (αν. 117-138), when also the reference to it in c. xiii 18 was added.! Some- where about a.p. 150 Arrian must have come across a copy of the Hunting in Athens, with the exordium already prefixed. — He took the exordium at its face value, and assumed that it too was written by Xenophon? n the Heroicus (p. 308), written be- tween a.p. 213 and 219, the Lemnian Philostratus includes Telamon, Theseus and Palamedes among the disciples of Chiron. These heroes are mentioned nowhere else as pupils of the Centaur except in our epilogue.?
The earliest author who alludes to the Hunting as Xenophon's work is Plutarch; but Demetrius of Magnesia, a contemporary of Cicero, already recog- nised it as his.*
' The principal manuscripts are the following :— 1. For the Hiero, Agesilaus, Constitutüon of the Lacedaemonians and Ways and Means : A. (Vaticanus, 1335), tenth or eleventh century. Of the Jays and Means only a part (c. i. 5 to c. iii. 5) has survived.
1 This furnished, as it were, a text to the writer of the (2.4 wu)
? Arrian, Cynegeticus i. It is odd that Arrian, no mean judge of style, accepted the whole work, including the exordium, as certainly genuine.
3 The coincidence at least shows that these names were introduced into the list by the late sophists ἘΚ. Münscher (P^ilologus, Supplementband, x., p. 503) doubts whether Philostratus consciously re the author of the exordium ; nor do I think it certain that he does so.
* Diogenes Laertius, ii. 57.
xliii
INTRODUCTION B. (Vaticanus, 1950), fifteenth century. Probably
copied from A.
C. (Mutinensis, 145), fifteenth century. This MS. does not include the Agesilaus. lt contains many peculiar readings, of which many are conjectures.
M. (Marcianus, 511), probably thirteenth century.
Α papyrus fragment of the Jays and. Means, c. i. 5-6, belonging to the second century Α.}.,) is edited br. Wilcken in the A4rchw für Papyrusforschung, vol. i.
The copious extracts contained in the Florilegium of Stobaeus are specially important for checking the text of the Constitution of. the Lacedaemonians.
2. For the Cavalry Commander, Horsemanship and Hunting.
A. e indobonensis, IV. 31), sixteenth century. This MS. does not include the Cavairy Commander. Τὸ is derived from an arche- type of the twelfth century, and is the best MS. of the Horsemanship and Hunting. | Its version of c. i. of Hunting is peculiar, evidently because the MS. from which it was copied was blurred and partly illegible.
B. (Faticanus, 989), thirteenth century. The best MS. of the Hipparchicus, and the next best to A. of the other two. The first chapter of Hunting, and the opium words of the second are missing.
M. (Marcianus, 511).
The lexicon of Pollux is of the utmost value in checking and restoring the corrupted text of the
xliv
a
Ue cffe Sa RDUM Ft RET CX NÉ S os
INTRODUCTION
treatise on. Horsemanship and the technical parts of that on Hunting.
Àn excellent critical edition of the text of the first four treatises by A. Thalheim and of the last three by E. Ruehl ps included in the Teubner Series.
There is also a recent text of the whole in Vol. V. of Xenophontis Opera Omnia (Scriptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis).
A translation of the Horsemanship with notes by R. Berenger is included in his History of the Art of Horsemanship (1671). | Paul Louis Courier's transla- tion of the Cavairy Commander and Horsemanship (1st ed. 1807) contains many valuable notes, and his contribution to the purification and elucidation of the text is of the first importance. The MS. that he followed was 'aticanus 989.
The Art of. Horsemanship translated, with chapters on the Greek Riding-Horse, and with notes, by Morris H. Morgan (1894) is excellent.
The German translation of the last-mentioned work by E. Pollack (1912) includes a commentary and a full bibliography and is indispensable to students.
O. Manns, Über die Jagd bei den Griechen (1888.-- 1890) has given a complete exposition of the technical portions of the treatise on Hunting.
R. M. Radermacher's articles in the Zheinisches Museum, li,lii, mark an epoch in the criticism of the Hunting.
All recent textual criticism of the Constitution of the Lacedaemonians and of the last three treatises included in this volume is based on the exhaustive work of three Italian scholars. — The results arrived
xlv
INTRODUCTION at by them are contained in the following Berlin editions :—
G. Pierleoni: Xenophontis Respublica Lacedae-
moniorum, 1905.
» » » Cynegeticus, 1902. P. Cerocchi : ΑΝ Hipparchicus, 1901. V. Tommasini : s de He Equestri, 1902.
The Greek text of this volume follows that of Sauppe (— S. in the footnotes) except where stated.
The earliest printed edition of the collected works is that of Filippo Giunta (Florence, 1516); but it does not include the Agesilaus and Ways and Means. The Agesilaus was first printed by J. Reuchlin in 1520 (with the A4pology and Hiero), and the Jays and Means in the Aldine ed. (1525).
xlvi
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ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ IEPON
l. Σιμωνίδης ὁ ποιητὴς ἀφίκετό ποτε πρὸς Ἱέρωνα “τὸν “τύραννον. σχολῆς δὲ γενομένης ἀμφοῖν εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾿Αρ᾽ ἄν μοι ἐθελήσαις, ὦ lépov, διηγήσασθαι à εἰκὸς εἰδέναι σε βέλτιον ἐμοῦ ;
Καὶ ποῖα ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ὁ ὁποῖα δὴ ἐγὼ βέλτιον ἂν εἰδείην σοῦ οὕτως ὄντος P aepo ἀνδρός ;
Oibá ce, ἔφη, ἐγὼ καὶ ἰδιώτην γεγενημένον καὶ νῦν τύραννον ὄντα: εἰκὸς οὖν ἀμφοτέρων πε- πειραμένον καὶ εἰδέναι σε μᾶλλον ἐμοῦ, πῆ διαφέρει ὁ τυραννικός τε kal ὁϊ ἰδιωτικὸς βίος εἰς εὐφροσύνας τε καὶ λύπας ἀνθρώποις.
Τί οὖν, ἔφη ὁ ἹἹέρων, οὐχὶ καὶ σύ, ἐπεὶ νῦν γε ἔτι ἰδιώτης εἶ, ὑπέμνησάς με τὰ ἐν τῷ ἰδιωτικῷ βίῳ; οὕτως γὰρ ἄν σοι οἶμαι μάλιστα ἐγὼ δύνασθαι δηλοῦν τὰ διαφέροντα ἐν ἑκατέρῳ.
Οὕτω δὴ ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπε: Τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἰδιώτας ἔγωγε, ὦ ἹἹέρων, δοκῶ μοι καταμεμαθηκέναι διὰ μὲν τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ὁράμασιν ἡδομένους τε καὶ ἀχθομένους, διὰ δὲ τῶν ὦτων ἀκούσμασι, διὰ δὲ τῶν ῥινῶν ὀσμαῖς, διὰ δὲ τοῦ στόματος σίτοις τε kai ποτοῖς, τὰ δ᾽ ἀφροδίσια δι’ ὧν δὴ πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα. τὰ δὲ ψύχη καὶ θάλπη καὶ “σκληρὰ καὶ μαλακὰ καὶ κοῦφα καὶ βαρέα ὅχῳ τῷ σώματί μοι δοκοῦμεν, ἔφη, κρίνοντες ἥδεσθαί τε
XENOPHON'S HIERO
I. Siwoxipzs, the poet, once paid a visit to Hiero, the despot. When both found time to spare, Simonides said: * Hiero, will you please explain something to me that you probably know better than I?"
two."
* Well said Simonides, taking the suggestion, 4 *] think I have ebserved that sights affect private citizens with pleasure and pain through the eyes, sounds through the ears, smells through the nostrils, meat and drink through the mouth, carnal appetites —of course we all know how. In the case of cold 5 and heat, things hard and soft, light and heavy, our sensations of pleasure and pain depend on the
154. Sauppe omits with the other MSS.
XENOPHON
καὶ λυπεῖσθαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς: ἀγαθοῖς δὲ καὶ κακοῖς ἔστι μὲν ὅτε δι᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς “ψυχῆς μοι δοκοῦμεν ἥδεσθαί τε καὶ λυπεῖσθαι, ἔ ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε κοινῇ διά
6 τε τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ διὰ τοῦ σώματος. τῷ δ᾽
7
8
9
10
ὕπνῳ ὅτι μὲν ἡδόμεθα, δοκῶ μοι αἰσθάνεσθαι, ὅπως δὲ καὶ ᾧτινι καὶ ὁπότε, ταῦτα μᾶλλόν πως, ἔφη, δοκῶ μοι ἀγνοεῖν. καὶ οὐδὲν ἴσως τοῦτο
θαυμαστόν, εἰ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἐγρηγορέναι σαφεστέρας΄
ἡμῖν τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχεται ἢ 7 τὰ ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ...
Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ ὁ Ἱέρων ἀπεκρίνατο, ᾿Εγὼ μὲν τοίνυν, ἔφη, ὧ Σιμωνίδη, ἔξω τούτων ὧν εἴρηκας σύγε οὐδ᾽ ὅπως ἂν αἴσθοιτό τινος ἄχλου ὁ τύραννος ἔχοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰπεῖν, ὥστε μέχρι γε τούτου οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἴ τινι διαφέρει ὁ τυραννικὸς βίος τοῦ ἰδιωτικοῦ βίου.
Καὶ ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπεν, "ANN ἐν τοῖσδε, ἔφη, διαφέρει: πολλαπλάσια “μὲν δι ἑκάστου τούτων εὐφραίνεται, vr πολὺ δὲ μείω τὰ λυπηρὰ ἔχει.
Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπεν" “Οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Σι- μωνίδη, ταῦτα, ἀλλ᾽ εὖ ἴσθ᾽, ὅτι μείω πολὺ εὐφραίνονται οἷ’ τύραννοι τῶν μετρίως διαγόντων ἰδιωτῶν, πολὺ δὲ πλείω καὶ μείζω λυποῦνται.
"Amica λέγεις, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης. εἰ γὰρ οὕτω ταῦτ᾽ εἶχε, πῶς ἂν πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπεθύμουν τυραννεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα τῶν δοκούντων ἱ ἱκανωτάτων ἀνδρῶν εἶναι ; πῶς δὲ πάντες ἐζήλουν ἂν τοὺς τυράννους ; j
“Ὅτι vai μὰ τὸν AC, ἔφη 0 Té έρων, ἄπειροι ὄντες ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ἔργων σκοποῦνται περὶ αὐτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ πειράσομαί σε διδάσκειν, ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγω, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως: ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ καὶ σὲ δοκῶ μεμνῆσθαι ἀρξάμενον λέγειν.
4
HIERO, τ 5-16
whole body, 1 think. In good and evil we seem to feel pleasure or pain, as the case may be—some- times through the instrumentality of the moral being only, at other times through that of the moral and
the physical being together. Sleep, it seems clear 6.
to me, affects us with pleasure; but how and by what fneans and when are puzzles that I feel less able to solve. And perhaps it is no matter for surprise if our sensations are clearer when we are awake than when we are asleep."
** For my part, Simonides," said Hiero in answer 7
to this, * I cannot say how a despot could have any sensations apart from tbose you have mentioned. So far, therefore, I fail to see that the despot's life differs in any respect from the citizen's."
* [n this respect it does differ," *the pleasures it experiences by means of these various organs are infinitely greater in number, and the pains it undergoes are far fewer."
*[t is not so, Simonides," retorted Hiero; “1 assure you far fewer pleasures fall to despots than to citizens of modest means, and many more and much greater pains. "
* Incredible!" exclaimed Simonides. * ^ Were it 9
so, how should a despot's throne be an object of desire to many, even of those who are reputed to be men of ample means? And how should all the world envy despots ? "
* For this reason of course," said Hiero, **that 10
they speculate- on the subject without experience of both estates. But I will try to show you that I am speaking the truth, beginning with the sense of sight. That was your first point, if I am not mistaken.
5
said Simonides : 8
]
/
-
XENOPHON
1| Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς διὰ τῆς ὄψεως eidgian λογιζόμενος εὑρίσκω μειονεκτοῦντας τοὺς τυ- ράννους. ἄλλα μέν γε ἐν ἄλλῃ “χώρᾳ ἐστὶν ἀξιοθέατα' ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα οἱ μὲν ᾿ἰδιῶται ἔρχονται καὶ εἰς πόλεις ἃς ἂν βούλωνται καὶ εἰς τὰς κοινὰς πανηγύρεις, ἔνθα ἃ ἀξιοθεατότατα
12 δοκεῖ ἀνθρώποις συναγεέρεται.5 οἱ δὲ τύραννοι οὐ μάλα ἀμφὶ θεωρίας ἔχουσιν. οὔτε γὰρ ἰέναι αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ὅπου μὴ κρείττονες τῶν παρόντων “μέλλουσιν ἔσεσθαι, οὔτε τὰ οἴκοι κέκτηνται ἐχυρά, ὥστε ἄλλοις παρακαταθεμένους ἀποδημεῖν. φοβερὸν γάρ, μὴ ἅμα στερηθῶσι τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀδύνατοι γένωνται τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς
13 ἀδικήσαντας. εἴποις οὖν ἂν ἴσως σύ, ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄρα ἔρχεται αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ οἴκοι μένουσι. ναὶ μὰ “Δία, à Σιμωνίδη, ὀλίγα γε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ ταῦτα τοιαῦτα ὄντα οὕτω τίμια πωλεῖται τοῖς τυράννοις, ὥστε οἱ ἐπιδεικνύμενοι καὶ ὁτιοῦν ἀξιοῦσι πολλαπλάσια λαβόντες ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ ἀπιέναι παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου ἢ ὅσα ἐν παντὶ τῷ βίῳ παρὰ πάντων τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων κτῶνται.
Ι4 Kai ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπεν: ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἰ τοῖς θεάμασι μειονεκτεῖτε, διά γέ τοι τῆς ἀκοῆς πλεονεκτεῖτε. ἐπεὶ τοῦ μὲν ἡδίστου ἀκροάματος, ἐπαίνου, οὔποτε σπανίζετε' πάντες γὰρ οἱ παρόντες ὑμῖν πάντα καὶ ὅσα ἂν λέγητε καὶ ὅσα ἂν ποιῆτε ἐπαινοῦσι. τοῦ δ᾽ αὖ χαλεπωτάτου ἀκροάματος, λοιδορίας, ἀνήκοοί ἐστε: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐθέλει τύ- pavvov κατ᾽ ὀφθαλμοὺς κακηγορεῖν. —
ιό Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπε, Καὶ τί οἴει, ἔφη, τοὺς μὴ
1 ἃ Lenklau: rà Sauppe with the MSS. and Stobaeus. 6
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HIERO, τ. 11-15
** [n the first place, then, taking the objects that we perceive by means of vision, I find by calculation that in regard to sight-seeing, despots are worse off. In every land there are things worth seeing : and in search of these private citizens visit any city they choose, and attend the national festivals, where all things reputed to be most worth seeing are assembled. But despots are not at all concerned with missions to shows. For it is risky for them to go where they will be no stronger than the crowd, and their pro- perty at home is too insecure to be left in charge of others while they are abroad. For they fear to lose their throne, and at the same time to be unable to take vengeance on the authors of the wrong. Perhaps you may say : * But, after all, such spectacles come to them even if they stay at home. No, no, Simonides, only one in a hundred such; and what there are of them are offered to despots at a price so exorbitant that showmen who exhibit some trifle expect to leave the court in an hour with far more money than they get from all the rest of the world in a lifetime."
* Ah," said Simonides, * but if you are worse off in the matter of sight-seeing, the sense of hearing, you know, gives you the advantage. Praise, the sweetest of all sounds, is never lacking, for all your courtiers praise everything you do and every word youutter. Abuse,on the contrary, that most offensive of sounds, is never in your ears, for no one likes to speak evil of a despot in his presence."
* And what pleasure," asked Hiero, * comes, do
3 συναγείρεται Lenklau: συναγείρεσθαι Sauppe with the MSS. and Stobaeus. i 5. τύραννον. .. κακηγορεῖν Cobet: Sauppe reads τυράννον . κατηγορεῖν with the MSS. and Stobaeus. 7
11
14
15
XENOPHON - λέγοντας κακῶς εὐφραίνειν, ὅ ὅταν εἰδῇ τις σαφῶς, ὅτι οἱ σιωπῶντες οὗτοι πάντα κακὰ νοοῦσι τῷ τυράννῳ ; : ? TOUS ἐπαινοῦντας τί δοκεῖς εὐφραί- νειν, ὅταν ὕποπτοι ὦσιν ἕνεκα τοῦ κολακεύειν τοὺς ἐπαίνους ποιεῖσθαι;
l6 Καὶ ὁ “Σιμωνίδης εἶπε" Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ναὶ uà. τὸν Δία ἔγωγέ σοι, Ἱέρων, πάνυ συγχωρῶ, τοὺς ἐπαίνους παρὰ" τῶν ἐλευθερωτάτων ἡδίστους εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽, ὁρᾷς, ἐκεῖνό γε οὐκ ἂν ἔτι πείσαις ἀνθρώπων obiórm, ὡς οὐχὶ δι. ὧν τρεφόμεθα οἱ ἄνθρωποι, πολὺ πλείω ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐφραίνεσθε.
17 Καὶ οἶδά Je ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ὅτι τούτῳ κρίνουσιν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἥδιον ἡμᾶς καὶ πίνειν καὶ ἐσθίειν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν, ὅτι δοκοῦσε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἥδιον ἂν δειπνῆσαι τὸ ἡμῖν παρατιθέμενον δεῖπνον ἢ τὸ ἑαυτοῖς τὸ γὰρ τὰ εἰωθότα ὑ ὑπερ-
ι8 βάλλον, τοῦτο παρέχει τὰς ἡδονάς. διὸ καὶ πάντες ἄνθρωποι ἡδέως προσδέχονται τὰς ἑορτὰς πλὴν οἱ τύραννοι: ἔκπλεῳ yàp. αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ παρε- σκευασμέναι οὐδεμίαν ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἔχουσιν αἱ τράπεξαι αὐτῶν ἐπίδοσιν: ὥστε ταύτῃ πρῶτον τῇ εὐφροσύνῃ τῆς ἐλπίδος μειονεκτοῦσι τῶν
19 ἰδιωτῶν. ἔπειτα δ᾽, ἔφη, ἐκεῖνο εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι καὶ σὺ ἔμπειρος εἶ, ὅτι ὅσῳ ἂν πλείω τις παραθῆται τὰ περιττὰ τῶν ἱκανῶν, τοσούτῳ θᾶττον κόρος ἐμπίπτει τῆς ἐδωδῆς: ὥστε καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἡδονῆς μειονεκτεῖ ὁ παρατιθέμενος πολλὰ τῶν μετρίως διαιτωμένων.
20 ᾿Αλλὰ ναὶ μὰ AC, “ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, ὅσον ἂν χρόνον ἡ ψυχὴ προσίηται, τοῦτον πολὺ μᾶλλον ἥδονται οἱ ταῖς “πολυτελεστέραις παρασκευαῖς τρεφόμενοι τῶν τὰ εὐτελέστερα παρατιθεμένων.
HIERO, :. 15-20
you suppose, of this shrinking from evil words, when one knows well that all harbour evil thoughts against the doas in spite of their silence ? .Or
.* Well yes," S replied eem * in this of course I agree with you entirely, Hiero, that praise from the freest is sweetest. But this, now, you will not persuade anyone to believe, that the "things which support human life do not yield you a far greater number of pleasures."
* Yes, Simonides, and 1 know that the reason why most men judge that we have more enjoyment in eating and drinking than private citizens is this ;
they think that they themselves would find the
dinner served at our table better eating than what they get. Anything, in fact, that is better than what they are accustomed to gives them pleasure. This is why all men look forward to the festivals, except the despots. For their table is always laden with plenty, and admits of no extras on feast days. Here then is one pleasure in respect of which they. are worse off than the private citizen, the pleasure of anticipation. But further, your own experience tells you, 1 am sure, that the greater the number of superfluous dishes set before a man, the sooner a feeling of repletion comes over him; and so, as regards the duration of his pleasure too, the man who has many courses put before him is worse off than the moderate liver." 3
* But surely," said Simonides, *«so long as the appetite holds out, the man who dines at the costlier banquet has far more pleasure than he who is served with the cheaper meal."
9
20
XENOPHON
21 Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ὧ Σιμωνίδη, τὸν ἑκάστῳ ἡδόμενον μάλιστα, τοῦτον οἴει καὶ ἐρωτικώτατα ἔχειν͵ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ;
Πάνυ , μὲν οὖν, ἔφη.
Ἦ οὖν ὁρᾷς τι τοὺς τυράννους ἥδιον ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν παρασκευὴν ἰόντας ἢ τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ;
Οὐ μὰ τὸν ΔΙ, ἔφη, οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀγλευκέστερον, «ὡς πολλοῖς ἂν δόξειε.
22 Téí yáp, ἔφη ὁ “Ἱέρων, ^ τὰ πολλὰ ταῦτα μηχα- νήματα κατανενόηκας, ἃ παρατίθεται τοῖς τυ- ράννοις, ὀξέα καὶ δριμέα καὶ στρυφνὰ καὶ τὰ τούτων ἀδελφά ;
Πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, καὶ πάνυ γέ μοι δοκοῦντα παρὰ φύσιν εἶναι ταῦτα ἀν- θρώποις.
93 Ἄλλο τι οὖν οἴει, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ταῦτα τὰ ἐδέσματα εἶναι ἢ μαλακῆς καὶ ,ἀσθενούσης τρυφῇ ψυχῆς ἐπιθυμήματα ; : ἐπεὶ εὖ οἶδ᾽ ἔγωγε, ὅτι οἱ ἡδέως ἐσθίοντες, καὶ σύ που οἶσθα, ὅτι οὐδὲν προσδέονται τούτων τῶν σοφισμάτων.
984 ᾿Αλλὰ μέντοι, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, τῶν γε πο- λυτελῶν ὀσμῶν τούτων, αἷς χρίεσθε, τοὺς πλησιάξοντας οἶμαι μᾶλλον ἀπολαύειν ἢ αὖ- τοὺς ὑμᾶς, ὥσπερ γε καὶ τῶν ἀχαρίτων ὀσμῶν οὐκ αὐτὸς ὁ βεβρωκὼς αἰσθάνεται, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον οἱ πλησιάζοντες.
25 Οὕτω μέντοι, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, καὶ τῶν σίτων ὁ μὲν ἔχων παντοδαπὰ ἀεὶ οὐδὲν μετὰ πόθου αὐτῶν λαμβάνει: ὁ δὲ σπανίσας τινός οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μετὰ χαρᾶς πιμπλάμενος, ὅ ὅταν αὐτῷ προφανῇ τι.
?6 Κινδυνεύουσιν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, αἱ τῶν ἀφρο- το
. —O—————— T — — ἤ ὦ
Βα Rc Á c ÉD
Bc d
E
HIERO, 1. 21-26
* Don't you think, Simonides, that the greater a 2! man's pleasure in any occupation the stronger is his devotion to it? "
* Certainly."
*'Then do you notice that despots fall to their meal with any more zest than private persons to theirs ? "
* No, no, of course not ; I should rather say with more disgust, according to the common opinion."
* Well now," said Hiero, * have you observed all 22 those pickles and sauces that are put before despots —Aacid, bitter, astringent and so forth ? "'
— .** Yes, certainly ; and very unnatural cates I think
. them for human beings."
-. - * Don't you look on these condiments, then, as 23 - mere fads of ἃ jaded and pampered appetite? I
- know well enough, and I expect you know too, that hearty eaters have no need of these concoctions."
** Well, I certainly think that those costly un- 24
guents with which you anoint your bodies afford | more satisfaction to those who are near you than to yourselves, . just as the man who has eaten rank food is less conscious of the disagrosaple smell than those
— who come near him."
* Quite so, and we may add that he who has all 25 sorts of food at all times has no stomach for any sort. Offer a man a dish that he seldom tastes, and he eats a bellyful with gusto."
* [t seems, remarked Simonides, *as if the 26
II
27
28
29
31
XENOPHON
δισίων μόνον ὑμῖν ἀπολαύσεις τοῦ τυραννεῖν τὰς ἐπιθυμίας παρέχειν" ἐν γὰρ τούτῳ ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν ὅ τι ἂν κάλλιστον ἴδητε τούτῳ συνεῖναι. ᾿
Νῶν δή, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, εἴρηκας ἐν ᾧ γε; σάφ᾽ ἴσθι, μειονεκτοῦμεν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ γάμος ὁ μὲν ἐκ μειζόνων δήπου καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ δυνάμει κάλλιστος δοκεῖ εἶναι καὶ παρέχειν τινὰ τῷ γήμαντι φιλοτιμίαν μεθ᾽ ἡδονῆς. δεύτερος
ὁ ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων' ὁ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν φαυλοτέρων πάνυ ἄτιμός τε καὶ ἄχρηστος ,Ῥομίξεται. τῷ τοίνυν τυράννῳ, ἂν μὴ ξένην γήμῃ, ἀνάγκη ἐκ μειόνων γαμεῖν, ὥστε τὸ ἀγαπητὸν οὐ πάνυ αὐτῷ παραγίγνεται. πολὺ δὲ καὶ αἱ θεραπεῖαι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν μέγιστον φρονουσῶν γυναικῶν εὐφραίνουσι μάλιστα, αἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν δούλων παροῦσαι. “μὲν οὐδέν τι ἀγαπῶνται, ἐὰν δέ τι ἐλλείπωσι, δεινὰς ὀργὰς καὶ λύπας ἐμποιοῦσιν.
Ἔν δὲ τοῖς παιδικοῖς ἀφροδισίοις ἔ ἔτι αὖ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τοῖς τεκνοποιοῖς μειονεκτεῖ τῶν εὐφροσυνῶν ὁ τύραννος. ὅτε μὲν γὰρ τὰ μετ᾽ ἔρωτος ἀφροδίσια πολὺ διαφερόντως εὐφραίνει, πάντες δήπου ἐπιστάμεθα. ὁ δὲ ἔρως πολὺ αὖ ἐθέλει ἥ ἥκιστα τῷ τυράννῳ ἐγγίγνεσθαι. οὐ γὰρ τῶν ἑτοίμων ἥδεται ὁ ἔρως ἐφιέμενος, ἀχλὰ τῶν ἐλπιξομένων. ὥσπερ, οὖν οὐκ dv! τις ἄπειρος ὧν δίψους τοῦ πιεῖν ἀπολαύοι, οὕτω᾽ καὶ ὁ ἄπειρος ὧν ἔρωτος ἄπειρός ἐστι τῶν ἡδίστων ἀφροδισίων.
“Ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἱέρων οὕτως εἶπεν. ὁ δὲ Σιμωνίδης ἐπιγελάσας, Πῶς λέγεις, ἔφη, ὦ Ἱέρων ; τυράννῳ οὐ φὴς παιδικῶν ἔρωτας ἐμφύεσθαι; πῶς μὴν
1 οὐκ ἄν Stephanus: ef S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus, T2
HIERO, τ. 26-31
satisfaction of the carnal appetites were the only motive that produces in you the craving for despotism. For in this matter you are free to enjoy | ΡΣ that meets your eye." * [ assure you that we are worse off than private | | citizens in the matter to which you now refer. First take marriage. [t is commonly held that a marriage - into a family of greater wealth and influence is most honourable, and is a source of pride and pleasure to I the bridegroom. Next to that comes a marriage - with equals. A marriage with inferiors is considered . positively degrading and useless. Now unless a ! despot marries a foreign girl, he is bound to marry - beneath him; and so the thing to be desired does not come his w: way. And whereas it is exceedingly pleasant to receive the attentions of the proudest of ladies, the attentions of slaves are quite unappreci- ated when shown, and any little shortcomings pro- duce grievous outbursts of anger and annoyance. B^ In his relations with favourites, again, even much E: more than in his relations with women, the despot is ata disadvantage. We all know, I suppose, that : passion increases the sweets of love beyond measure. — Passion, however, is | very shy of entering the heart ? ofa despot, for passion is fain to desire not the easy - prize, but the hoped-for joy. Therefore, just as a . man who is a stranger to thirst can get no satisfaction out of drinking, so he who is a stranger to passion ἢ is a stranger to love's sweetest pleasures." - — To this speech of Hiero's Simonides replied, — laughing: 1 * How say you, Hiero? You deny that passion " Springs up in a despots heart? Then how about
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συ, ἔφη, ἐρᾷς Δαϊλόχου τοῦ καλλίστου ἐπικαλου- μένου ;
Ὅτι μὰ τὸν Δί᾽, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, οὐ τοῦ ἑτοίωου παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντος εἶναι τυχεῖν τούτου μάλιστα ἐπιθυμῶ, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἥκιστα τυράνν προσήκοντος κατεργάσασθαι. ἐγὼ γὰρ δὴ ἐρῶ μὲν Δαϊλόχου ὧνπερ ἴσως ἀναγκάζει ἡ φύσις ἀνθρώπου δεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν καλῶν, τούτων δὲ ὧν ἐρῶ τυχεῖν, μετὰ μὲν φιλίας καὶ παρὰ βουλομένου πάνυ ἰσχυρῶς ἐπιθυμῶ τυγχάνειν, βίᾳ δὲ λαμβάνειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἧττον ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἐπιθυμεῖν ἢ ἐμαυτὸν κακόν τι ποιεῖν. παρὰ μὲν γὰρ πολεμίων ἀκόντων λαμβάνειν πάντων ἥδιστον ἔγωγε νομίζω εἶναι, παρὰ δὲ παιδικῶν βουλομένων ἥδισται οἶμαι αἱ χάριτές εἰσιν. εὐθὺς γὰρ παρὰ τοῦ ἀντιφιλοῦντος ἡδεῖαι μὲν αἱ ἀντιβλέψεις, ἡδεῖαι δὲ αἱ ἐρωτήσεις, ἡδεῖαι δὲ αἱ ἀποκρίσεις, ἥδισται δὲ καὶ ἐπαφροδιτόταται αἱ μάχαι τε καὶ ἔριδες: τὸ δὲ ἀκόντων παιδικῶν ἀπολαύειν λεηλασίᾳ, ἔφη, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἐοικέναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἀφροδισίοις. καίτοι τῷ μὲν λῃστῇ παρέχει τινὰς ὅμως ἡδονὰς τό τε κέρδος καὶ τὸ ἀνιᾶν τὸν ἐχθρόν: τὸ δὲ οὗ ἂν ἐρᾷ τις τούτῳ ἥδεσθαι ἀνιωμένῳ καὶ φιλοῦντα μισεῖσθαι καὶ ἅπτεσθαι ἀχθομένου πῶς οὐχὶ τοῦτο ἤδη δυσχερὲς τὸ πάθημα καὶ οἰκτρόν ; καὶ γὰρ δὴ τῷ μὲν ἰδιώτῃ εὐθὺς τεκμήριόν ἐστιν, ὅταν ὁ ἐρώμενός τι ὑπουργῇ, ὅτε ὡς φιλῶν χαρίξεται, διὰ τὸ εἰδέναι, ὅτι οὐδεμιᾶς ἀνάγκης οὔσης ὑπηρετεῖ, τῷ δὲ τυράννῳ οὔποτ᾽ ἔστι πιστεῦσαι, ὡς φιλεῖται. ἐπιστάμεθα γὰρ τοὺς διὰ φόβον ὑπηρετοῦντας ὡς ἣ μάλιστ᾽ ἂν δύνωνται ἐξεικάζουσιν αὑτοὺς 14
go REC Y
LJ
HIERO, τ. 31-38
your passion for Dailochus, whom they call most fair ? ? LES
- «Why, Simonides, the explanation, of course, is this : I desire to get from him not what I may have, apparently, for the asking, but that which a despot should be the last to take. The fact is, I desire of Dailochus just that which human nature, maybe, drives us to ask of the fair. But what I long to get, I very strongly desire to obtain by his goodwill, and with his consent; but I think I could sooner desire to do myself an injury than to take it from him by force. For to take from an enemy against his will is, I think, the greatest of all pleasures, but favours from a loved one are very pleasant, I fancy, only when he consents. For instance, if he is in sympathy with you, how pleasant are his looks, how pleasant his questions and his answers; how very pleasant and ravishing are the struggles and bicker- ings, But to take advantage of a favourite against his will seems to me more like brigandage than love. Nay, your brigand finds some pleasure in his gain and in hurting his foe ; but to feel pleasure in hurting one whom you love, to be hated for your affection, to disgust him by your touch, surely that is a mortifying experience and pitiful! The fact is, a private citizen has instant proof that any act ict of compliance on the part of his beloved is prompted by affection, since he knows that tlie service rendered
is due. to no compulsion ; but the despot can never
feel sure that he is loved. For we know that acts of service prompted by fear copy as closely as
. ! rovs Dindorf: αὐτοὺς rovs S. : αὐτοὺς MSS. 15
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XENOPHON
ταῖς τῶν φιλούντων ὑπουργίαις. καὶ τοίνυν αἱ ἐπιβουλαὶ ἐξ οὐδένων πλέονες τοῖς τυράννοις εἰσὶν ἢ ἀπὸ τῶν μάλιστα φιλεῖν αὐτοὺς προσ ποιησαμένων. -
II. IIpós ταῦτα δὲ εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν πάνυ ἔμοιγε μικρὰ δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἃ σὺ λέγεις. πολλοὺς γάρ, ἔφη, ἔγωγε ὁρῶ τῶν δοκούντων ἀνδρῶν εἶναι ἑκόντας μειονεκτοῦντας καὶ σίτων καὶ ποτῶν καὶ ὄψων καὶ ἀφροδισίων γε ἀπεχομένους. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνοις γε πολὺ διαφέρετε τῶν ἰδιωτῶν, ὅτε μεγάλα μὲν ἐπινοεῖτε, ταχὺ δὲ κατεργάζεσθε, πλεῖστα δὲ τὰ περιττὰ ἔχετε, κέκτησθε δὲ διαφέροντας μὲν ἀρετῇ ἵππους, διαφέροντα δὲ κάλλει ὅπλα, ὑπερέχοντα δὲ κόσμον γυναιξί, μεγαλοπρεπεστάτας δ᾽ οἰκίας καὶ ταύτας κατεσκευασμένας τοῖς πλείστου ἀξίοις, ἔτι δὲ πλήθει καὶ ἐπιστήμαις θερά- ποντας ἀρίστους κέκτησθε, ἱκανώτατοι δ᾽ é κακῶσαι μὲν ἐχθρούς, ὀνῆσαι δὲ φίλους.
Πρὸς ταῦτα δὲ ὁ ἱἹέρων εἶπεν" ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ἐξαπατᾶσθαι ὑπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος οὐδέν τε θαυμάζω" μάλα γὰρ ὁ ὄχλος μοι δοκεῖ δοξάζειν ὁρῶν καὶ εὐδαίμονάς τίνας εἶναι καὶ ἀθλίους: ἡ δὲ τυραννὶς τὰ μὲν δοκοῦντα πολλοῦ ἄξια κτήματα εἶναι ἀνεπτυγ- μένα θεᾶσθαι πᾶσι παρέχεται, τὰ δὲ χαλεπὰ ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς τῶν τυράννων κέκτηται ἀποκεκρυμ- μένα, ἔνθαπερ καὶ τὸ εὐδαιμονεῖν kal, τὸ κακο- δαιμονεῖν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπόκειται. τὸ μὲν οὖν τὸ πλῆθος περὶ τούτου λεληθέναι, ὥσπερ εἶπον, οὐ θαυμάζω: τὸ δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς ταῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν, οἱ διὰ τῆς γνώμης θεᾶσθαι δοκεῖτε κάλλιον ἢ διὰ τῶν 16
HIERO, τ. 38-1. 5
possible the ministrations of affection. Indeed, even plots against despots as often as not are the work of those who profess the deepest affection for them."
II. To this Simonides replied : * Well, the points that you raise seem to me mere trifles. For I notice that many respected men willingly go short in the matter of meat and drink and delicacies, and deliber- ately abstain from sexual indulgence. But I will 3 show you where you have a great advantage over private citizens. Your objects are vast, your attain- ment swift: you have luxuries in abundance: you own horses unequalled in excellence, arms unmatched in beauty, superb jewelry for women, stately houses full of costly furniture: moreover you have servants many in number and excellent in accomplishments and you are rich in power to harm enemies and reward friends."
To this Hiero answered: * Well, Simonides, 3 that the multitude should be deceived by despotic power surprises me not^at all, since the mob seems to guess wholly by appearances that one man is happy, another miserable. Despotism flaunts its 4 seeming precious Measure outspread mss. Me the
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cealed in the heart - the despot, in. the p Slens where human happiness and unhappiness are stored away. That this escapes the observation of the multitude I 5 say, I am not surprised. But what does seem sur- " prising to me is that men like | you, whose intelli- gence is supposed to give you a clearer view of
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XENOPHON
ὀφθαλμῶν Trà πλεῖστα τῶν πραγμάτων, τοῦτό μοι δοκεῖ θαυμαστὸν εἶναι. ἐγὼ δὲ πεπειραμένος σαφῶς οἶδα, ὦ Σεμωνίδη, καὶ λέγω σοι, ὅτι οἱ τύραννοι τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν ἐλάχιστα μετέ- χουσι, τῶν δὲ μεγίστων κακῶν πλεῖστα κέκτην- ται. αὐτίκα γὰρ εἰ μὲν εἰρήνη δοκεῖ μέγα ἀγαθὸν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἶναι, ταύτης ἐλάχιστον τοῖς τυράννοις μέτεστιν: εἰ δὲ πόλεμος μέγα κακόν, τούτου πλεῖστον μέρος οἱ τύραννοι μετέ- χουσιν. εὐθὺς γὰρ τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις, ἂν μὴ ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν κοινὸν πόλεμον πολεμῇ, ἔξεστιν ὅποι ἂν βούλωνται πορεύεσθαι μηδὲν φοβου- μένους, μή τις αὐτοὺς ἀποκτείνῃ, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι πάντες πανταχῆ ὡς διὰ πολεμίας πορεύονται. αὐτοί τε γοῦν ὡπλισμένοι οἴονται ἀνάγκην εἶναι διάγειν καὶ ἄλλους ὁπλοφόρους ἀεὶ συμπεριάγε- σθαι.
Ἔπειτα δὲ οἱ μὲν ἰδιῶται, ἐὰν καὶ στρα- τεύωνταί ποι εἰς πολεμίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐπειδάν γε ἔλθωσιν οἴκαδε, ἀσφάλειαν σφίσιν ἡγοῦνται εἶναι, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πόλιν ἀφίκωνται, τότε ἐν πλείστοις πολεμίοις ἴσασιν ὄντες. ἐὰν δὲ δὴ καὶ ἄλλοι στρατεύωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν κρείττονες, ἐὰν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ὄντες οἱ ἥττονες ἐν κινδύνῳ δοκῶσιν εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδάν γε εἴσω τοῦ ἐρύματος ἔλθωσιν, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ πάντες νομίξουσι καθεστάναι, ὁ δὲ τύραννος οὐδ᾽ ἐπειδὰν εἴσω τῆς οἰκίας παρέλθῃ ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ μάλιστα φυλακτέον οἴεται εἶναι. ἔπειτα τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις καὶ διὰ σπονδῶν καὶ δι᾿ εἰρήνης γίγνεται πολέμου ἀνάπαυσις, τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις οὔτε εἰρήνη ποτὲ 18
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HIERO, ir. 5-11
most things than your eyes, should be equally
blind to it. But 1 know well enough by exper- 6
ience, Simonides, and I tell you that despots get the smallest share of the greatest blessings, and have most of the greatest evils.: Thus, for instance, if peace is held to be a great blessing to mankind, very little of it falls to the share of despots : if war is a great evil, of that despots receive the largest share. To begin with, so long as their state is not engaged in a war in which all take part, private citizens are free to go wherever they choose without fear of being killed. But all despots move every-
where as in an enemy's country ; at any rate they think
. they are bound to wear arms continually themselves,
and to take an armed escort about with them at all times.
* Secondly, in the event of an expedition against an enemy's country, private citizens at least think themselves safe as soon as they have come home. But when despots reach their own city, they know that they are now among more enemies than ever. Again, suppose that strangers invade their city in superior force; true, the weaker are conscious of danger while they are outside the walls; yet once they are inside the fortress, all feel themselves bestowed in safety. But the despot is not out of danger even when he passes within the palace gates; nay, it is just there that he thinks he must walk most warily. Once again, to private citizens a truce or peace brings rest from war; but despots are never at peace with the people subject to their
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πρὸς τοὺς TVpavvevovpuévovs γίγνεται οὔτε σπον- δαῖς ἄν ποτε πιστεύσας ὁ τύραννος θαρρήσειε. Καὶ πόλεμοι μὲν δή εἰσιν οὕς τε αἱ πόλεις πολεμοῦσι καὶ οὺς οἱ τύραννοι πρὸς τοὺς βεβιασ- μένους" τούτων δὴ τῶν πολέμων ὅσα μὲν ἔχει αλεπὰ ὁ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι, ταῦτα καὶ ὁ τύραννος ἔχει" καὶ γὰρ ἐν ὅπλοις δεῖ εἶναι ἀμφοτέρους καὶ φυλάττεσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν, καὶ ἄν τι πάθωσι κακὸν ἡττηθέντες, λυποῦνται ἐπὶ τούτοις ἑκάτεροι. μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτου ἴσοι οἱ πόλεμοι: ἃ δὲ ἔχουσιν ἡδέα οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς τὰς πόλεις ταῦτα οὐκ ἔτι ἔχουσιν οἱ τύραννοι. αἱ μὲν γὰρ πόλεις δήπου ὅταν κρατήσωσι μάχῃ τῶν ἐναντίων, οὐ ῥάδιον εἰπεῖν, ὅσην μὲν ἡδονὴν ἔχουσιν ἐν τῷ τρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ὅσην δ᾽ ἐν τῷ διώκειν, ὅσην δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἀποκτείνειν τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς δὲ γαυροῦνται ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ, ὡς δὲ δόξαν λαμπρὰν ἀναλαμβάνουσιν, ὡς δ᾽ εὐφραί- νονται τὴν πόλιν νομίζοντες ηὐξηκέναι. ἕκαστος δέ τις προσποιεῖται καὶ τῆς βουλῆς μετεσχηκέναι καὶ πλείστους ἀπεκτονέναι, χαλεπὸν δὲ εὑρεῖν ὅπου οὐχὶ καὶ ἐπιψεύδονται, πλέονας φάσκοντες ἀπεκτονέναι ἢ ὅσοι ἂν τῷ ὄντι ἀποθάνωσιν" οὕτω καλόν τι αὐτοῖς δοκεῖ εἶναι τὸ πολὺ νικᾶν. ὁ δὲ τύραννος ὅταν ὑποπτεύσῃ καὶ αἰσθανόμενος τῷ ὄντι ἀντιπραττομένους τινὰς ἀποκτείνῃ, οἶδεν, ὅτι οὐκ αὔξει ὅλην τὴν πόλιν, ἐπίσταταί τε, ὅτι μειόνων ἄρξει, φαιδρός τε οὐ δύναται εἶναι οὐδὲ μεγαλύνεται ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ μειοῖ καθ᾽ ὅσον ἂν δύνηται τὸ γεγενημένον καὶ ἀπολογεῖται
1 4e, in the wars that he wages against his subjects. "The whole of this paragraph is obscurely expressed and highly
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HIERO, mn. 11-17
dosiotiem, and no truce can ever make a despot
confident, *'lThere are, of course, wars that are waged by
. states against one another, and wars waged by the
despot against his oppressed subjects. Now the hardships incidental to these wars that fall on the citizen fall also on the despot. For both must wear arms, be watchful, run risks; and the sting of a defeat is felt by both alike. So far, then, both are equally affected by wars. But the joys that fall to the citizens of states at war are not experienced by despots.! For, you know, when states defeat their foes in a battle, words {3} one to describe the joy they feel in the rout of the enemy, in the pursuit, in the slaughter of the enemy. What transports of triumphant pride! What a halo of glory about them! | What comfort to think that they have exalted their city! Everyone is crying : * [ had a share in the plan, I killed most'; and it's hard to find where they don't revel in falsehood, claiming to have killed more than all that were really slain. So glorious it seems to them to have won a great victory! But when a despot harbours sus- picion, and, well aware that opposition ^is on foot, puts the conspirators to death, he knows that he does not exalt the city as a whole; he understands that the number of his subjects will be less; he cannot look cheerful; nor.does he boast
himself of his achievement; nay, he belittles
the occurrence as much as possible, and id explains,
while he is at the work, that there is nothing
artificial ; and it has been variously interpreted. The text also is uncertain.
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ἅμα πράττων, ὡς οὐκ ἀδικῶν πεποίηκεν. οὕτως οὐδ᾽ αὐτῷ δοκεῖ καλὰ τὰ ποιούμενα εἶναι. καὶ ὅταν ἀποθάνωσιν obs ἐφοβήθη, οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον τούτου θαρρεῖ, ἀλλὰ φυλάττεται ἔ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ πρόσθεν. καὶ πόλεμον “μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἔχων διατελεῖ ὁ τύραννος, ὃν ἐγὼ δηλῶ.
ΗΙ. Φιλίας δ᾽ αὖ καταθέασαι ὡς κοινωνοῦσιν οἱ τύραννοι. πρῶτον μὲν εἰ μέγα ἀγαθὸν ἀνθρώ- ποις ἡ φιλία, τοῦτο ἐπισκεψώμεθα. ὃς γὰρ ἂν φιλῆται δήπου ὑπό τινων, ἡδέως μὲν “Τοῦτον οἱ φιλοῦντες παρόντα ὁρῶσιν, ἡδέως δ᾽ εὖ ποιοῦσι, ποθοῦσι $é, ἄν που ἀπῇ, ἥδιστα δὲ πάλεν προσιόντα δέχονται, συνήδονται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἀγαθοῖς, συνεπικουροῦσι δέ, ἐάν τι σφαλλόμενον ὁρῶσιν. οὐ μὲν δὴ λέληθεν οὐδὲ τὰς πόλεις, ὅτι ἡ φιλία μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἥδιστον ἀνθρώποις ἐστί: “μόνους γοῦν τοὺς “μοιχοὺς νομίξουσι πολ- λαὶ τῶν πόλεων νηποινὶ ἀποκτείνειν, δῆλον ὅτι διὰ ταῦτα ὅτι λυμαντῆρας αὐτοὺς νομίζουσι τῆς τῶν γυναικῶν φιλίας πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας εἶναι. ἐπεὶ ὅταν γε ἀφροδισιασθῇ κατὰ συμφοράν τινα γυνή, οὐδὲν ἧττον τούτου ἕνεκεν τιμῶσιν αὐτὰς οἱ ἄνδρες, ἐάνπερ ἡ φιλία δοκῇ αὐταῖς ἀκήρατος διαμένειν. τοσοῦτον δέ τε ἀγαθὸν κρίνω ἔγωγε τὸ φιλεῖσθαι εἶναι. ὥστε νομίζω τῷ ὄντι αὐτόματα τἀγαθὰ τῷ φιλουμένῳ γίγνεσθαι καὶ παρὰ θεῶν καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώπων.
Καὶ τούτου τοίνυν τοῦ κτήματος τοιούτου ὄντος μειονεκτοῦσιν οἱ τύραννοι πάντων μάλιστα. εἰ
1 CWwropaed/a, 1. vi. 24. * ἐπεὶ should be rendered *'though," not *'since" here,
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""ErPaP μων
am CRI Ii, ἣν A UN
HIERO, π΄ 17-u1. 6
wrong in what he has done, so far are his deeds from seeming honourable even to himself. Even 18 the death of those whom he feared does not restore him to confidence; he is yet more on his guard afterwards than before. And now I have shown you the kind of war that a despot wages continually. IHI. * Turn next to friendship, and behold how
despots share in it. First let us consider whether
friendship is a great blessing to mankind. When a 2 man is loved by friends, I take it, they rejoice at his presence, delight to do him good, miss him when he is absent, greet him most joyfully on his return, rejoice with him in his good fortune, unite in aiding him when they see him tripping.! Even states are 3 not blind to the fact that friendship is a very great blessing, and very delightful to men. At any rate, many states have a law that adulterers only may be put to death with impunity, obviously for this reason, because they believe them to be destroyers
- ofthe wife's friendship with her husband ; although,? 4
when a woman's lapse is the result of some accident, husbands do not honour their wives any less on that account, provided that wives seem to reserve their
- affection unblemished. In my judgment, to be 5
loved isa blessing so precious that 1 believe good things fall literally of themselves on him who is loved from gods and men alike.
* Such, then, is the nature of this. possession—a 6 possession wherein despots above all other men are
for it introduces a reason why one might suppose that there would be some restriction on the right to kill an adulterer, and not the reason why all adulterers may be killed with impunity. Compare, for instance, Plato, Protagoras, 335 C. The **accident" is, of course, rape.
23
7
oo
e
XENOPHON
δὲ βούλει, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, εἰδέναι, ὅτε ἀληθῆ λέγω, ὧδε ἐπίσκεψαι. βεβαιόταται μὲν γὰρ δήπου δοκοῦσι φιλίαι εἶναι γονεῦσι πρὸς παῖδας καὶ παισὶ πρὸς γονέας καὶ ἀδελφοῖς πρὸς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ γυναιξὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας καὶ ἑταίροις πρὸς ἑταίρους. εἰ τοίνυν ἐθέλεις κατανοεῖν, εὑρήσεις μὲν τοὺς ἰδιώτας ὑπὸ τούτων μάλιστα φιλου- μένους, τοὺς δὲ τυράννους πολλοὺς μὲν παῖδας ἑαυτῶν ἀπεκτονότας, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὸ παίδων αὐτοὺς ἀπολωλότας, πολλοὺς δὲ ἀδελφοὺς ἐν τυραννίσιν ἀλληλοφόνους γεγενημένους, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ γυναικῶν τῶν ἑαυτῶν τυράννους διεφθαρμένους καὶ ὑπὸ ἑταίρων γε τῶν μάλιστα δοκούντων φίλων εἶναι. οἵτινες οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν φύσει πεφυκότων μάλιστα φιλεῖν καὶ νόμῳ συνηναγκασμένων οὕτω μισοῦνται, πῶς ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου γέ τινος οἴεσθαι χρὴ αὐτοὺς φιλεῖσθαι ;
IV. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ πίστεως ὅστις ἐλάχιστον μετέχει, πῶς οὐχὶ μεγάλου ἀγαθοῦ μειονεκτεῖ ; ποία μὲν γὰρ συνουσία ἡδεῖα ἄνευ πίστεως τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ποία δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ καὶ γυναικὶ τερπνὴ ἄνευ πίστεως ὁμιλία, ποῖος δὲ θεράπων ἡδὺς ἀπιστούμενος ; καὶ τούτου τοίνυν τοῦ πιστῶς πρός τινας ἔχειν ἐλάχιστον μέτεστι τυράννῳ" ὁπότε γε οὐδὲ σιτίοις καὶ ποτοῖς πιστεύων διάγει, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων, πρὶν ἀπάρχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς, τοὺς διακόνους πρῶτον κελεύουσιν ἀπογεύσασθαι διὰ τὸ ἀπιστεῖν, μὴ καὶ ἐν τούτοις κακόν τι φάγωσιν ἢ πίωσιν. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ αἱ πατρίδες τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις πλείστου... ἄξιαι. πολῖται γὰρ δορυφοροῦσι μὲν ἀλλήλους ἄνευ μισθοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς δούλους, δορυφοροῦσι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς 24
— T ————É—
HIERO, mn. 6-iv. 3
the truth, Simonides, consider the question in this way. The firmest friendships, I take it, are sup- 7 posed to be those that unite parents to children, children to parents, wives to. husbands, comrades to comrades. Now you will find, if you will but 8 observe, that private citizens are, in fact, loved most deeply by these. But what of despots ? Many have slain their own children; many have themselves been murdered by their children; many brothers,
ers in despotism, have perished by each other's hand; many have been destroyed even by their own wives, aye, and by comrades whom they accounted their closest friends. Seeing, then, 9 that they are so hated by those who are bound by natural ties and constrained by custom to love them most, how are we to suppose that they are loved by any other being ?
IV. *Next take confidence. Surely he who has very little of that is stinted in a great blessing? What companionship is pleasant without mutual trust? What intercourse between husband and wife is delightful without confidence? — What squire is pleasant if he is not trusted? Now of this con- 2 fidence in others despots enjoy the smallest share. They go in constant suspicion even of their meat and drink; they bid their servitors taste them first, before the libation is offered to the gods, because of their misgiving that they may sup poison in the dish or the bowl. Again, to all other men their 3 fatherland is very precious. For citizens ward one another without pay from their slaves and from
| stinted. If you want to know that I am speaking | ]
j * 1 Α | I
| 1 See Introduction. 25
6
oo
XENOPHON
κακούργους ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν Bia θανάτῳ ἀποθνήσκειν. οὕτω δὲ πόρρω προεληλύ- θασι φυλακῆς, ὥστε πεποίηνται πολλοὶ νόμον τῷ μιαιφόνῳ μηδὲ τὸν συνόντα καθαρεύειν: ὥστε διὰ τὰς πατρίδας ἀσφαλῶς ἕκαστος βιοτεύει τῶν πολιτῶν. τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις καὶ τοῦτο ἔμπαλιν ἀνέστραπται. ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ τιμωρεῖν αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις μεγάλως τιμῶσι τὸν ἀποκτείναντα τὸν τύραννον, καὶ ἀντί γε τοῦ εἴργειν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν, ὥσπερ τοὺς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν φονέας, ἀντὶ τούτου καὶ εἰκόνας ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱστᾶσιν αἱ πόλεις τῶν τοῦτο ποιησάντων.
Εἰ δὲ σὺ οἴει, ὡς πλείω ἔχων τῶν ἰδιωτῶν κτή- ματα ὁ τύραννος διὰ τοῦτο καὶ πλείω ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν εὐφραίνεται, οὐδὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ ἀθληταὶ αὐχ ὅταν ἰδιωτῶν γένων- ται κρείττονες, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοὺς εὐφραίνει, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν ἥττους, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀνιᾷ, οὕτω καὶ ὁ τύραννος οὐχ ὅταν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν πλείω φαίνηται ἔχων, τότ᾽ εὐφραίνεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἑτέ- pov τυράννων ἐλάττω ἔχῃ, τούτῳ λυπεῖται" τού- τους γὰρ ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἡγεῖται αὑτῷ τοῦ πλούτου εἶναι. οὐδέ γε θᾶττόν τι γίγνεται τῷ τυράννῳ ἤ τῷ ἰδιώτῃ ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖ. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἰδιώτης οἰκίας ἢ ἀγροῦ ἢ οἰκέτου ἐπιθυμεῖ, ὁ δὲ τύραννος ἢ πόλεων ἢ χώρας πολλῆς ἢ λιμένων ἢ ἀκροπόλεων ἰσχυ- ρῶν, ἅ ἐστι πολὺ χαλεπώτερα καὶ ἐπικινδυνότερα κατεργάσασθαι τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν ἐπιθυμημάτων. ἀλλὰ μέντοι καὶ πένητας ὄψει' οὕτως ὀλίγους
τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὡς πολλοὺς τῶν τυράννων. οὐ γὰρ
^ , ^ » ^ ^ , » ^ TQ ἀριθμῷ οὔτε τὰ πολλὰ κρίνεται οὔτε τὰ
26
" mi
"ote cm
mPrhaK τὴτ." ᾿
το Oo an
HIERO, iv. 3-8
evildoers, to the end that none of the citizens may perish by a violent death. They have gone so far 4 in measures of precaution that many have made a law whereby even the companion of the bloodguilty is deemed impure ; and so—thanks to the fatherland —every citizen lives in security. But for despots 5 the position is the reverse in this case too. Instead of avenging them, the cities heap honours on the slayer of the despot; and, whereas they exclude
- the murderers of private persons from the temples,
Pug m παν Ἄρτον
& qme It C abore at DEF
the cities, so far from treating assassins in the same manner, actually put up statues of them in the holy places.
* [f you suppose that just because he has more 6 possessions than the private citizen, the despot gets more enjoyment out of them, this is not so either, Simonides. Trained athletes feel no pleasure when
. they prove superior to amateurs, but they are cut to
the quick when they are beaten by a rival athlete; in like manner the despot feels no pleasure when he is seen to possess more than private citizens, but is vexed when he has less than other despots; for he regards them as his rivals in wealth. Nor even 7 does the despot gain the object of his desire any quicker than the private citizen. For the private citizen desires a house or a farm or a servant; but the despot covets cities or wide territory or harbours or strong citadels, and these are far more difficult and perilous to acquire than the objects that attract the
citizen. And, moreover, you wil find that even8 “ -
poverty is rarer among private citizens than among despots. For much and little are to be measured not
! ὄψει οὐχ S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus: οὔχ was removed by Bremi.
- 27
ι
ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ
ὀλίγα, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς χρήσεις" ὥστε τὰ μὲν ὑπερβάλλοντα τὰ ἱκανὰ πολλά ἐστι, τὰ δὲ τῶν ἱκανῶν ἐλλείποντα ὀλίγα. τῷ οὖν τυράννῳ τὰ πολλαπλάσια ἧττον ἱκανά ἐστιν εἰς τὰ ἀναγκαῖα δαπανήματα ἢ τῷ ἰδιώτῃ. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἰδιώταις ἔξεστι τὰς δαπάνας συντέμνειν εἰς τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμέ- ραν, ὅπῃ βούλονται, τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις οὐκ ἐνδέ- χεται. αἱ yàp. μέγισται αὐτοῖς δαπάναι καὶ ἀναγκαιόταται εἰς τὰς τῆς ψυχῆς φυλακάς εἰσι" τὸ δὲ τούτων συντέμνειν ὄλεθρος δοκεῖ εἶναι. ἔπειτα δὲ ὅσοι μὲν δύνανται ἔχειν ἀπὸ τοῦ δικαίου ὅσων δέονται, τί ἂν τούτους οἰκτείροι τις ὡς πένητας ; ὅσοι δ᾽ ἀναγκάζονται δι’ ἔνδειαν κακόν τι καὶ αἰσχρὸν μηχανώμενοι ζῆν, πῶς οὐ τούτους ἀθλίους àv τις καὶ πένητας δικαίως καλοίη ; οἱ τύραννοι τοίνυν ἀναγκάζονται πλεῖστα συλᾶν ἀδίκως καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπους διὰ τὸ εἰς τὰς ἀναγκαίας δαπάνας ἀεὶ προσδεῖσθαι χρημάτων. ὥσπερ γὰρ πολέμου ὄντος ἀεὶ ἀναγκάζονται στράτευμα τρέφειν ἢ ἀπολωλέναι.
Υ. Χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἐρῶ σοι καὶ ἄλλο πάθημα, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, τῶν τυράννων. γιγνώσκουσι μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν ἰδιωτῶν τοὺς ἀλκίμους 5 τε καὶ σοφοὺς καὶ δικαίους. τούτους δ᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἄγασθαι φοβοῦνται, τοὺς μὲν ἀνδρείους, μή τε τολμήσωσι τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἕνεκεν, τοὺς δὲ σοφούς, μή τι μηχανήσωνται, τοὺς δὲ δικαίους, μὴ ἐπιθυμήσῃ τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ αὑτῶν προστατεῖσθαι. ὅταν δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους διὰ τὸν φόβον ὑπεξαιρῶνται, τίνες ἄλλοι αὐτοῖς καταλείπονται χρῆσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ οἱ ἄδικοί τε καὶ ἀκρατεῖς καὶ ἀνδραποδώδεις ; οἱ μὲν ἄδικοι πιστευόμενοι, διότι φοβοῦνται ὥσπερ 28
—— —
T5155 di t mcd.
HIERO, iv. 8-v. 2
by number, but in relation to the owner's needs; . so that what is more than enough is much, and
- what is less than enough is little. Therefore, the 9
- despot with his abundance of wealth has less to . meet his necessary expenses than the private citizen. - For while private citizens can cut down the daily expenditure as they please, despots cannot, since the - largest items in their expenses and the most essential . are the sums they spend on the life-guards, and to - eurtail any of these means ruin. Besides, when men
can have all they need by honest means, why pity - them as though they were poor? May not those - who through want of money are driven to evil and . unseemly expedients in order to live, more justly be . aecounted wretched and poverty-stricken? — Now, despots are not seldom forced into the crime of robbing temples and their fellow men through chronic want of . eash to meet their necessary expenses. Living, as it were, in a perpetual state of war, they are forced to maintain an army, or they perish.
V. * Despots are oppressed by yet another trouble, Simonides, which I will tell you of. They - recognize a stout-hearted, a wise or an upright
man as easily as private citizens do. But instead of - admiring such men, they fear them, —the brave lest they strike a bold stroke for freedom, the wise lest they hatch a plot, the upright lest the people
- desire them for leaders. When they get rid of such 2
men through fear, who are left for their use, save only the unrighteous, the vicious and the servile, — - the unrighteous being trusted because, like the
! ὀλίγα Coppello : ixavá S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus. * ἀλκίμους Stobaeus : κοσμίους S. with the MSS.
29
XENOPHON
οἱ τύραννοι τὰς πόλεις μήποτε ἐλεύθεραι γενό- μεναι, ἐγκρατεῖς αὐτῶν γένωνται, οἱ δ᾽ ἀκρατεῖς τῆς εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἐξουσίας ἕ ἕνεκα, οἱ δ᾽ ἀνδραπδδώ- ew. διότι οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐλεύθεροι εἶναι. αλεπὸν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πάθημα ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ bu. τὸ ἄλλους μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἄλλοις δὲ χρῆσθαι ἀναγκάξεσθαι. 3 - Ἔπι δὲ φιλόπολιν μὲν ἀνάγκη. καὶ τὸν τύραννον εἶναι" ἄνευ γὰρ τῆς πόλεως οὔτ᾽ ἂν σώξεσθαι δύναιτο οὔτ᾽ ἂν εὐδαιμονεῖν: ἡ δὲ τυραννὶς ἀναγ- κάζει καὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πατρίσιν ἐγκαλεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ ἀλκίμους οὔτ᾽ εὐόπλους χαίρουσι τοὺς πολί- τας παρασκευάζοντες, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ξένους δεινοτέ- povs τῶν πολιτῶν ποιοῦντες ἥδονται μᾶλλον καὶ τούτοις χρῶνται δορυφόροις. ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἂν εὐετηριῶν γενομένων ἀφθονία τῶν ἀγαθῶν γίγνη- ται, οὐδὲ τότε συγχαίρει ὁ τύραννος. ἐνδεεσ- τέροις γὰρ οὖσι ταπεινοτέροις αὐτοῖς οἴονται ῆσθαι.
VI. Βούλομαι δέ σοι, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, κἀ- κείνας τὰς εὐφροσύνᾶς δηλῶσαι, ὅσαις ἐγὼ χρώμενος, ὅτ᾽ ἣν ἰδιώτης, νῦν ἐπειδὴ τύραννος ἐγενόμην, αἰσθάνομαι “στερόμενος αὐτῶν. ἐγὼ γὰρ συνῆν μὲν ἡλικιώταις ἡδόμενος, ἡδομένοις ἐμοί, συνῆν δὲ ἐμαυτῷ, ὁπότε ἡσυχίας ἐπιθυ- μήσαιμι, διῆγον δ᾽ ἐν συμποσίοις πολλάκις μὲν μέχρι τοῦ ἐπελαθέσθαι πάντων εἴ τι χαλεπὸν ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῳ βίῳ ἢ ἦν, πολλάκις δὲ μέχρι τοῦ QOaís τε καὶ θαλίαις καὶ οροῖς τὴν ψυχὴν συγκατα- μεγνύναι, πολλάκις E μέχρι κοίτης ! ἐπιθυμίας 3 ἐμῆς τε καὶ τῶν παρόντων. νῦν δὲ ἀπεστέρημαι
μὲν τῶν ἡδομένων ἐμοὶ διὰ τὸ δούλους ἀντὶ φίλῶν
30
»
to
—'——.
MO;
HIERO, v. 2-vi. 3
despots, they fear that the cities may some day shake off the yoke and prove their masters, the vicious on account of the licence they enjoy as things are, the servile because even they themselves have no desire forfreedom? This too, then, is a heavy trouble, in my opinion, to see the good in some men, and yet perforce to employ others. .. * Furthermore, even a despot must needs love his city,for without the city he can enjoy neither safety nor happiness. But despotism forces him to find fault even with his fatherland. For he has no pleasure in seeing that the citizens are stout-hearted and well armed; rather he delights to make the foreigners more formidable than the citizens, and these he employs as a body-guard. Again, even - when favourable seasons yield abundance of good - things, the despot is a stranger to the general joy ; for the needier the people, the humbler he thinks to find them. VI. * But now, Simonides," he continued, * I want to show you all those delights that were mine when I was a private citizen, but which I now find are withheld from me since the day I became a despot. I communed with my fellows then: they pleased me — and I pleased them. | communed with myself | whenever I desired rest. I passed the time in carousing, often till I forgot all the troubles of mortal life, often till my soul was absorbed in songs — and revels and dances, often till the desire of sleep fell on me and all the company. But now I am cut off from those who had pleasure in me, since slaves
Σ T ? D RUSTTLCNE iw
l κρίτης Hermann : κοινῇς S. with the MSS,
31
XENOPHON
ὄχειν τοὺς ἑταίρους, ἀπεστέρημαι δ᾽ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἡδέως ἐκείνοις ὁμιλεῖν διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἐνορᾶν εὔνοιαν ἐμοὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν: μέθην δὲ καὶ ὕπνον
4 ὁμοίως ἐνέδρᾳ φυλάττομαι. τὸ δὲ φοβεῖσθαι μὲν ὄχλον, φοβεῖσθαι δ᾽ ἐρημίαν, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ ἀφυ- λαξίαν, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς τοὺς φυλάττον- Tas καὶ μήτ᾽ ἀόπλους ἔχειν ἐθέλειν περὶ αὑτὸν μήθ᾽ ὡπλισμένους ἡδέως θεᾶσθαι πῶς οὐκ ἀργα-
5 λέον ἐστὶ πρᾶγμα ; ἔτι δὲ ξένοις μὲν μᾶλλον 1, πολίταις πιστεύειν, βαρβάροις δὲ μᾶλλον j Ἕλλησιν, ἐπιθυμεῖν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐλευθέρους δού- λους ἔχειν, τοὺς δὲ δούλους ἀναγκάζεσθαι ποιεῖν ἐλευθέρους, οὐ πάντα σοι ταῦτα δοκεῖ ψυχῆς ὑπὸ
6 φόβων καταπεπληγμένης τεκμήρια εἶναι ; ὅ γέ τοι φόβος οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς ἐνὼν ταῖς ψυχαῖς λυπηρός ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντων τῶν ἡδέων συμπαρακολουθῶν λυμεὼν γίγνεται.
1 Ei δὲ καὶ σὺ πολεμικῶν ἔμπειρος εἶ, ὦ Xipo- νίδη, καὶ ἤδη ποτὲ πολεμίᾳ φάλαγγι πλησίον ἀντετάξω, ἀναμνήσθητι, ποῖον μέν τινα σῖτον ἡροῦ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ποῖον δέ τινα ὕπνον
8 ἐκοιμῶ. οἷα μέντοι σοὶ τότ᾽ ἣν τὰ λυπηρά, τοι- a)Tá ἐστι τὰ τῶν τυράννων καὶ ἔτι δεινότερα" οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἐναντίας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντοθεν πολε- μίους ὁρᾶν νομίζουσιν οἱ τύραννοι.
9 Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ Σιμωνίδης ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν: Ὕπέρευ μοι δοκεῖς ἔνια λέγειν. ὁ γὰρ πόλεμος φοβερὸν μέν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως, ὦ ἹἹέρων, ἡμεῖς γε ὅταν ὧμεν ἐν στρατείᾳ, φύλακας προκαθιστά- μενοι θαρραλέως δείπνου τε καὶ ὕπνου λαγχά- νομεν.
10 Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων ἔφη: Ναὶ μὰ Δία, ὦ Σιεμωνίδη"
3?
2B CM ui hti S M ri
HIERO, vi. 3-10
instead of friends are my comrades ; | am cut off
from my pleasant intercourse with them, since I see in them no sign of good-will towards me. Drink and sleep I avoid as a snare. To fear a crowd, and 4 yet fear solitude, to fear to go unguarded, and yet fear the very men who guard you, to recoil from attendants unarmed and yet dislike to see them armed— surely that is a cruel predicament! And 5 then, to trust foreigners more than citizens, strangers more than Greeks, to long to keep free men slaves, and yet be forced t to make slaves free—do you not think that all these are sure tokens of a soul that is crushed with fear?! Fear, you know, is not 6 only painful in itself by reason of its presence in the soul, but by haunting us even in our pleasures it spoils them utterly.
* |f, like me, you are acquainted with war, 7 Simonides, and ever had the enemy's battle-line
close in front of you, call to to mind what sort of f food
are PUR as you suffered then. Nay, they are still more terrible; for despots believe that they see enemies not in front alone, but all around them."
To this Simonides made answer: *'Excellent 9 Ewa. in part, I grant! ! War is indeed a fearsome
ces service, is this: we post sentries. to | to guard
us, and sup and sleep with a good courage. "Then Hiero answered : * No doubt you do, 10
1 Cyropaedia, 111. i. 27;
33 VOL. 1I.
Ω
1
13
14
15
XENOPHON .
αὐτῶν μὲν γὰρ προφυλάττουσιν oi νόμοι, ὥστε περὶ ἑαυτῶν φοβοῦνται καὶ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν oi δὲ τύραννοι μισθοῦ φύλακας ἔχουσιν ὥσπερ θερισ- τάς. καὶ δεῖ μὲν δήπου τοὺς φύλακας μηδὲν οὕτω ποιεῖν δύνασθαι ὡς πιστοὺς «εἶναι πιστὸν δὲ ἕνα πολὺ χαλεπώτερον εὑρεῖν ἢ πάνυ πολλοὺς ἐργάτας ὁποίου βούλει ἔργου, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὁπόταν χρημάτων μὲν ἕνεκα παρῶσιν οἱ φυλάτ- τοντες, ἐξῇ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πολὺ πλείω λαβεῖν ἀποκτείνασι τὸν τύραννον ἢ ὅσα πολὺν χρόνον φυλάττοντες παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου λαμβάνουσιν.
^O δ᾽ ébjXecas ἡμᾶς, ὡς τοὺς μὲν φίλους μάλιστα εὖ ποιεῖν δυνάμεθα, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς πάντων μάλιστα χειρούμεθα, οὐδὲ ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει. φίλους μὲν γὰρ πῶς ἂν νομίσαις ποτὲ εὖ ποιεῖν, ὅταν εὖ εἰδῆς, ὅτι ὁ τὰ πλεῖστα λαμβά- νων παρὰ σοῦ ἥδιστ᾽ ἂν ὡς τάχιστα ἐξ ὀφθαλ- μῶν σου γένοιτο; ὅ τι γὰρ ἄν τις λάβῃ παρὰ τυράννου, οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἑαυτοῦ νομίζει, πρὶν ἂν ἔξω τῆς τούτου ἐπικρατείας γένηται. ἐχθροὺς δ᾽ αὖ πῶς ἂν φαίης μάλιστα τοῖς τυράννοις ἐξεῖναι χειροῦσθαι, ὅταν εὖ εἰδῶσιν, ὅτι ἐχθροὶ αὐτῶν εἰσὶ πάντες οἱ τυραννούμενοι, τούτους δὲ μήτε κατακαίνειν ἅπαντας μήτε δεσμεύειν. οἷόν Te jJ τίνωνγ àp ἔτι ἄρξει; ἀλλ᾽ εἰδότας," ὅτι ἐχθροί εἰσι, τούτους ἅμα μὲν φυλάττεσθαι δέῃ καὶ χρῆσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναγκάζεσθαι ; εὖ δ᾽ ἴσθι καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ Σιμωνιδη, ὅτι καὶ οὃς τῶν πολιτῶν δεδίασι, χαλεπῶς μὲν αὐτοὺς ζῶντας ὁρῶσι, χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ἀποκτείνουσιν. ὥσπερ γε καὶ ἵππος εἰ ἀγαθὸς μὲν εἴη, φοβερὸς δὲ μὴ ἀνήκεστόν TL
| εἰδότα S.
34
HIERO, vi. 10-15
Simonides! For your sentries have sentries in front
of them—the laws,—and so they fear for their own
guards like harvesters. Now the chief qualification
required in the guards, I presume, is faithfulness. But it is far harder to find one faithful guard than hundreds of workmen for any kind of work, es- pecially when money supplies the guards, and they have it in their power to get far more in a moment by assassinating the despot than they receive from him for years of service among his guards.
* You said that you envy us our unrivalled power to confer benefits on our friends, and our unrivalled success in crushing our enemies. But that is another delusion. For how can you possibly feel that you benefit friends when you know well that he who receives most from you would be delighted to get out of your sight as quickly as possible? For, no matter what a man has received from a despot, nobody regards it as his own, until he is outside the giver's dominion. Or again, how can you say that despots more than others are able to crush enemies, when they know well that all who are subject to their despotism are their enemies and that it is impossible to put them all to death or imprison them—else who will be left for the despot to rule over ?—and, knowing them to be their enemies, they must beware of them, and, nevertheless, must needs make use ef them? And 1 can assure you of this,
reluctant to see him alive, and yet reluctant to put him to death. To illustrate my point, suppose that a good horse makes his master afraid that he will do him some fatal mischief: the man will feel
35
skins and relieve you of fear. But despots hire their .
12
14
15
16
XENOPHON
ποιήσῃ, χαλεπῶς μὲν ἂν τις αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνᾶι διὰ τὴν ἀρετήν, χαλεπῶς δὲ ζῶντι χρῷτο, εὐλα- βούμενος, μή τι ἀνήκεστον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἐργάσηται. καὶ τἄλλά γε κτήματα, ὅσα χαλεπὰ μὲν χρήσιμα δ᾽ ἐστίν, ὁμοίως ἅπαντα λυπεῖ μὲν
τοὺς κεκτημένους, λυπεῖ δὲ ἀπαλλαττομένους. VII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα αὐτοῦ ἤκουσεν ὁ Σιμων- ίδης, εἶπεν, "Ἕοικεν, ἔφη, ὦ "lépov, μέγα τι εἶναι ἡ τιμή, ἧς ὀρεγόμενοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι πάντα μὲν πόνον ὑποδύονται, πάντα δὲ κίνδυνον ὑπομένουσι. καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὡς ἔοικε, τοσαῦτα πράγματα ἐχούσης, ὁπόσα λέγεις, τῆς τυραννίδος, ὅμως προπετῶς φέρεσθε εἰς αὐτήν, ὅπως τιμᾶσθε καὶ ὑπηρετῶσ
^ e ^ , , N ,
μὲν ὑμῖν πάντες πάντα τὰ προσταττόμενα ἄπρο NAA περιβλέπωσι δὲ πάντες, ὑπανιστῶνται ' ἀπὸ τῶν θάκων ὁδῶν τε παραχωρῶσι, γεραί- poc. δὲ καὶ λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις πάντες οἱ παρόντες ἀεὶ ὑμᾶς: τοιαῦτα γὰρ δὴ ποιοῦσι τοῖς τυράννοις οἱ ἀρχόμενοι καὶ ἄλλον ὅντιν᾽ ἂν ἀεὶ τιμῶντες
τυγχάνωσι. καὶ γάρ μοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Ἱέρων, τούτ διαφέρειν ἀνὴρ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων, τῷ τιμῆς ὀρέ- γεσθαι. ἐπεὶ σιτίοις γε καὶ ποτοῖς καὶ ὕπνοις καὶ ἀφροδισίοις πάντα ὁμοίως ἥδεσθαι ἔοικε τὰ ζῷα: ἡ δὲ φιλοτιμία οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἀλόγοις ζῴοις ἐμφύεται οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις: οἷς δ᾽ ἂν ἐμφύῃ τιμῆς τε καὶ ἐπαίνου ἔρως, οὗτοί εἰσιν ἤδη οἱ πλεῖστον μὲν τῶν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ οὐκέτι ἄνθρωποι μόνον νομιζόμενοι. ὥστε ἐμοὶ μὲν εἰκότως δοκεῖτε ταῦτα πάντα ὗὑπο- μένειν, ἃ φέρετε ἐν τῇ τυραννίδι, ἐπείπερ τιμᾶσθε διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων. καὶ γὰρ
-
26
ilia nib cendiusdilitenime 35 nc | | i o
HIERO, vti. 16-vit. 4
reluctant to slaughter him on account of his good qualities, and yet his anxiety lest the animalmay work some fatal mischief in a moment of danger will make him reluctant to keep him alive and use him. Yes, and this is equally true of all possessions that are troublesome as well as useful: it is painful to
them, and painful to get rid of them."
VII. These statements drew from Simonides the following reply: “Δ great thing, surely, Hiero, is the honour for which men strive so earnestly that they undergo any toil and endure any danger to win it! And what if despotism brings all those troubles that you tell of, yet such men as you, it seems, rush head- long into it that you may have honour, that all men may carry out your behests in all things without question, that the eyes of all may wait on you, that all may rise from their seats and make way for you, that allin your presence may glorify you. by deed and word alike. (Such, in fact, is the behaviour of subjects to despots and to anyone else who
16
happens to be their hero at the moment.) For3
indeed it seems to me, Hiero, that in this man differs from other animals—I mean, in this craving for - honour. In meat and drink and sleep and love all creatures alike seem to take pleasure; but love of honour is rooted neither in the brute beasts nor in every human being. But they in whom is implanted a passion for honour and praise, these are they who differ most from the beasts of the field, these are accounted men and not mere human beings! And so, in my opinion, you have good reason for bearing all those burdens that despotism lays on you, in that you are honoured above all other men. For no
1 Cyropaedia, 1. vi. 25.
37
XENOPHON
οὐδεμία ἀνθρωπίνη ἡδονὴ τοῦ θείου ἐγγυτέρω δοκεῖ εἶναι ἢ ἡ περὶ τὰς τιμὰς εὐφροσύνη.
δ Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ εἶπεν ὁ 'lépov: ᾿Αλλ᾽, ὦ Σι- μωνίδη, καὶ αἱ τιμαὶ τῶν τυράννων ὅμοιαι ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσιν εἶναι olámep ἐγώ σοι τὰ ἀφροδίσια ὄντα
6 αὐτῶν ἀπέδειξα. οὔτε γὰρ αἱ μὴ ἐξ ἀντιφιλούν- rev ὑπουργίαι χάριτες ἡμῖν ἐδόκουν εἶναι οὔτε τὰ ἀφροδίσια τὰ βίαια ἡδέα ἐφαίνετο. ὡσαύτως τοίνυν οὐδὲ αἱ ὑπουργίαι αἱ παρὰ τῶν φοβου-
7 μένων τιμαί εἰσι. πῶς γὰρ ἂν φαίημεν ἢ τοὺς βίᾳ ἐξανισταμένους θάκων διὰ τὸ τιμᾶν TO ἀδικοῦντας ἐξανίστασθαι ἢ τοὺς ὁδῶν παρα- χωροῦντας τοῖς κρείττοσι διὰ τὸ τιμᾶν τοὺς ἀδι-
8 κοῦντας παραχωρεῖν ; καὶ δῶρά γε διδόασιν οἱ πολλοὶ τούτοις, οὺς μισοῦσι, καὶ ταῦτα ὅταν μάλιστα φοβῶνται, μή τι κακὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πά- θωσιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἶμαι δουλείας ἔργα εἰκότως ἂν νομίζοιτο' αἱ δὲ τιμαὶ ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσιν
9 ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων τούτοις γίγνεσθαι. ὅταν γὰρ ἄν- θρωποι ἄνδρα ἡγησάμενοι εὐεργετεῖν ἱκανὸν εἶναι καὶ ἀπολαύειν αὐτοῦ ἀγαθὰ νομίσαντες ἔπειτα τοῦτον ἀνὰ στόμα τε ἔχωσιν ἐπαινοῦντες θεῶνταί T αὐτὸν ὡς οἰκεῖον ἕκαστος ἀγαθὸν ἑκόντες τε παραχωρῶσι τούτῳ ὁδῶν καὶ θάκων ὑπανιστῶν- ται φιλοῦντές τε καὶ μὴ φοβούμενοι καὶ στεφανῶσι κοινῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ εὐεργεσίας ἕνεκα καὶ δωρεῖσθαι ἐθέλωσιν, οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τιμᾶν τε τοῦτον ἀληθῶς, οἱ ἂν τοιαῦτα ὑπουργήσωσε,
10 καὶ ὁ τούτων ἀξιούμενος τιμᾶσθαι τῷ ὄντι. καὶ ἔγωγε τὸν μὲν οὕτω τιμώμενον μακαρίξω: ai- σθάνομαι γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐπιβουλευόμενον, ἀλλὰ φροντιζόμενον, μή τι πάθῃ, καὶ ἀφόβως καὶ 38
y emnt eoe yn
(CS A48 DUAE AC tomm unm pun EC mtm tnn ,
HIERO, vir. 4-10
human joy seems to be more nearly akin to that of heaven than the gladness which attends upon honours." *
To this Hiero replied: * Ah, Simonides, Hin k 5 even the honours enjoyed by despots bear a close resemblance to their courtships, as 1 have described them to vou. πε services of the indifferent 6 seemed to us not acts of grace, and favours extorted appeared to give no pleasure. And so it is with the services proffered by men in fear: they are not honours. For how can we say that men who are 7 forced to rise from their seats rise to honour their oppressors, or that men who make way for their superiors desire to honour their oppressors? And as 8 for presents, most men offer them to one whom they hate,and that too at the moment when they have cause to fear some evil at his hands. These acts, I suppose, may not unfairly be taken for acts of servility ; but honours, I should say, express the very opposite feel- ings. For whenever men feel that some person is 9 competent to be their benefactor, and come to regard
. himas the fountain of blessings, so that henceforward
his praise is ever on their lips, everyone of them looks, on him as his peculiar blessing, they make way for him spontaneously and rise from their seats, through love and not through fear, crown him for his generosity and beneficence, and bring him freewill offerings, these same men in my opinion, honour that person truly by such services, and he who is accounted worthy of them is honoured in very deed. And, for myself, I count him a happy man who is 10 honoured thus; for I perceive that, instead of being exposed to treason, he is an object of solicitude, lest harm befall him, and he lives his life unassailed
39
11
12
13
XENOPHON
ἀνεπιφθόνως kal ἀκινδύνως καὶ εὐδαιμόνως τὸν βίον διάγοντα: ὁ δὲ τύραννος ὡς ὑπὸ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κατακεκριμένος δι’ ἀδικίαν ἀποθνή- cketv οὕτως, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, εὖ ἴσθι καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν διάγει.
, M * ^ , , € ,
Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα πάντα διήκουσεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης, Καὶ πῶς, ἔφη, ὦ ἹἹέρων, εἰ οὕτως πονηρόν ἐστὶ τὸ τυραννεῖν καὶ τοῦτο σὺ ἔγνωκας, οὐκ ἀπαλ- λάττῃ οὕτω μεγάλου κακοῦ οὔτε σὺ οὔτε ἄλλος μὲν δὴ οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἑκὼν εἶναι τυραννίδος ἀφεῖτο, ὅσπερ ἅπαξ ἐκτήσατο;
Ὅτε, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, καὶ ταύτῃ ἀθλιώτατόν ἐστιν ἡ τυραννίς" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀπαλλαγήναι δυνατὸν αὐτῆς ἐστι. πῶς γὰρ ἄν τίς ποτε ἐξαρκέσειε τύραννος ἢ χρήματα ἐκτίνων ὅσους ἀφείλετο ἢ δεσμοὺς ἀντιπάσχοι ὅσους δὴ ἐδέσμευσεν ἢ ὅσους κατέκανε πῶς ἂν ἱκανὰς ψυχὰς ἀντιπαρά- exovro ἀποθανουμένας ; ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ τῳ ἄλλῳ, ὦ
^ , Σιμωνίδη, λυσιτελεῖ ἀπάγξασθαι, ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὅτε τυράννῳ ἔγωγε εὑρίσκω μάλιστα τοῦτο λυσι- τελοῦν ποιῆσαι. μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ οὔτε ἔχειν οὔτε καταθέσθαι τὰ κακὰ λυσιτελεῖ.
VIII. Καὶ ὁ Σιμωνίδης ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν" ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν νῦν, ὦ Ἱέρων, ἀθύμως ἔχειν σε πρὸς τὴν τυραννίδα οὐ θαυμάζω, ἐπείπερ ἐπιθυμῶν φιλεῖσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἐμποδών σοι τούτου νομίζεις αὐτὴν εἶναι. ἐγὼ μέντοι ἔχειν μοι δοκῶ διδάξαι σε, ὡς τὸ ἄρχειν οὐδὲν ἀποκωλύει τοῦ φιλεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλεονεκτεῖ γε τῆς ἰδιωτείας. ἐπισκοποῦντες δὲ αὐτὸ εἰ οὕτως ἔχει μήπω ἐκεῖνο σκοπῶμεν, εἰ διὰ τὸ μεῖζον δύνασθαι ὁ ἄρχων καὶ χαρίζεσθαι πλείω δύναιτ᾽ ἄν, ἀλλ᾽ ἂν τὰ 40
HIERO, vn. ro-vi. 2 -
by fear and malice and danger, and enjoys unbroken happiness. But what is the despot'ss lot? I tell you, Simonides, he lives day and night like one condemned by the judgment of all men to die for his wickedness."
When Simonides had listened to all this he asked : * Pray, how comes it, Hiero, if despotism is a thing so vile, and this is your verdict, that you do not rid yourself of so great an evil, and that none other, for that matter, who has once acquired it, ever yet surrendered despotic power? "'
* Simonides," said he, *this is the crowning misery of despotic power, that it cannot even be
got rid of. For how could any despot ever find
means to repay in full all whom he has robbed, or himself serve all the terms of imprisonment that he has inflicted? Or how could he forfeit a life for every man whom he has put to death? Ah, Simonides," he cried, *if it profits any man to hang himself, know what my finding is: a despot
as most to gain by it, since he alone can neither keep nor lay down his troubles with profit."
VIII. * Well, Hiero," retorted Simonides, “1 am not surprised that you are out of heart with despotism for the moment, since you hofd that it cuts you off from gaining the affection of mankind, which you covet. Nevertheless, I think I can. show. you that rule so far from being a bar to popularity,
actually has the advantage of a citizen's life. In 2
trying to discover whether this is so, let us for the time being pass over the question whether the ruler, because of his greater power,.is able to 'confer more favours. Assume that the citizen and
41
IN
XENOPHON
ὅμοια ποιῶσιν ὅ τε ἰδιώτης καὶ ὁ τύραννος, ἐννόει, πότερος μείζω ἀπὸ τῶν ἴσων κτᾶται χάριν. | Αρξομαι δέ σοι ἀπὸ τῶν μικροτάτων παρα- δειγμάτων. ἰδὼν γὰρ πρῶτον προσειπάτω τινὰ φιλικῶς ὅ τε ἄρχων καὶ ὁ ἰδιώτης. ἐν τούτῳ ^ , , ^ , * τὴν ποτέρου πρόσρησιν μᾶλλον εὐφραίνειν τὸν ἀκούσαντα νομίζεις ; ἴθε δὴ ἐπαινεσάντων ἀμ- φοτέρων τὸν αὐτὸν τὸν ποτέρου δοκεῖς ἔπαινον ἐξικνεῖσθαι μᾶλλον εἰς εὐφροσύνην ; θύσας δὲ τιμησάτω ἑκάτερος: τὴν παρὰ ποτέρου τιμὴν μείζονος ἂν χάριτος δοκεῖς τυγχάνειν ; κάμνοντα θεραπευσάτωσαν ὁμοίως" οὐκοῦν τοῦτο σαφές, ὅτι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν δυνατωτάτων θεραπεῖαι καὶ χαρὰν ἐμποιοῦσι μεγίστην ; δότωσαν δὴ τὰ ἴσα' οὐ M 3 , , e δὲ ν᾿ A ^ , καὶ ἐν τούτῳ σαφές, ὅτι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν δυνατωτά- E ᾿ . ΄ / Àow N ^ TOV ἡμίσειαι χάριτες πλέον ἢ ὅλον τὸ παρὰ τοῦ ἰδιώτου δώρημα δύνανται; ἀλλ᾽ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ καὶ ἐκ θεῶν τιμή τις καὶ χάρις συμπαρέπεσθαι ἀνδρὶ ἄρχοντι. μὴ γὰρ ὅτι καλλίονα ποιεῖ ἄνδρα, f ^ , ; ἀλλὰ kai τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον ἥδιον θεώμεθά Te ftrt ὅταν ἄρχη ἢ ὅταν ἰδιωτεύῃ διαλεγομενοί τε ἀγαλ- , ^ , ^ ^ , λόμεθα τοῖς προτετιμημένοις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου ἡμῖν οὖσι. καὶ μὴν παιδικά γε, ἐν οἷς ^ ; δὴ καὶ σὺ μάλιστα κατεμέμψω τὴν τυραννίδα, ^ , [4 ἥκιστα μὲν γῆρας ἄρχοντος δυσχεραίνει, ἥκιστα
» 7 ^ ^ ^ , € "n ri . ὃ αἰσχος, πρὸς ὃν ἂν τυγχάνῃ ομιλῶν, τούτου
ὑπολογίζεται. αὐτὸ γὰρ τὸ τετιμῆσθαι μάλιστα 42
πα ὩΣ ΨΥ ΡΨ Ψ ΨΨΨ ᾽ν «νυ Ψ Ὡ»ϑϑσ»
HIERO, vii. 2-6 the ihe despot act alike, and consider which of the two
— H— M Án
the greater measure of gratitude from the same
. actions. * You shall have the most trifling examples to - begin with. First, suppose that two men greet 3 . someone with a friendly remark on seeing him. . One is a ruler, the other a citizen. ln this .ease which greeting, do you think, is the more delightful to the hearer? Or again, both commend the same man. Which commendation, do you think, is the more welcome? Suppose that each does the honours when he offers sacrifice. Which invitation, think you, wil be accepted with the "more sincere thanks? Suppose they are equally 4 attentive to a sick man. Is it not obvious that the attentions of the mightiest bring most comfort ἕο the patient? Suppose they give presents of value. Is it not clear in this case too that - half the number of favours bestowed by the mightiest - eount for more than the whole of the plain citizen's gun? Nay, to my way of thinking, even the gods 5 - cause a peculiar honour and favour to dance atten- Bunce on a great ruler. For not only does rule add dignity of presence to a man, but we find more pleasure in the sight of that man when he ds a ruler than when he is a mere citizen, and we take more pride in the conversation of those who rank -above us than in that of our equals. &And6 | favourites, mark you, who were the subject of your bitterest complaint against despotism, are not offended by old age in a ruler, and take no account οὗ ugliness in the patron with whom they happen to be associated. For high rank in itself is a most
-Striking embellishment to the person: it casts a 43
oo
e
10
XENOPHON
συνεπικοσμεῖ, ὥστε τὰ μὲν δυσχερῆ ἀφανίξειν, τὰ δὲ καλὰ λαμπρότερα ἀναφαίνειν. οπότε γε μὴν ἐκ τῶν ἴσων ὑπουργημάτων μειζόνων
δ ἡ
αρίτων ὑμεῖς τυγχάνετε, πῶς οὐκ ἐπειδάν γε,
ὑμεῖς πολλαπλάσια μὲν διαπράττοντες ὠφελεῖν
δύνησθε, πολλαπλάσια δὲ δωρεῖσθαι ἔχητε,
ὑμᾶς καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον φιλεῖσθαι τῶν ἰδιωτῶν προσήκει; ͵
Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εὐθὺς ὑπολαβών, Ὅτε νὴ AC, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, καὶ ἐξ ὧν ἀπεχθάνονται ἄν- θρωποι, ἡμᾶς πολὺ πλείω τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἀνάγκη͵ ἐστὶ πραγματεύεσθαι. πρακτέον μέν γε χρήματα,
εἰ μέλλομεν ἕξειν δαπανᾶν εἰς τὰ δέοντα, ἀναγ-
καστέον δὲ φυλάττειν ὅσα δεῖται φυλακῆς, o-
λαστέον δὲ τοὺς ἀδίκους, κωλυτέον δὲ τοὺς ὑβρίζειν βουλομένους, καὶ ὅταν γε τάχους καιρὸς παραστῇ ἢ πεζῇ ἢ κατὰ θάλατταν ἐξορμᾶσθαι, οὐκ ἐπιτρεπτέον τοῖς ῥᾳδιουργοῦσιν. ἔτι δὲ μισθοφόρων μὲν ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ δεῖ τούτου δὲ βαρύτερον φόρημα οὐδέν ἐστι τοῖς πολίταις. οὐ γὰρ τυράννοις ἰσοτιμίας,1 ἀλλὰ πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα νομίζουσι τούτους τρέφεσθαι.
ΙΧ. Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ πάλιν εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾽᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅπως μὲν οὐ πάντων τούτων ἐπιμελητέον, ὦ Ἱέρων, οὐ λέγω. ἐπιμέλειαι μέντοι μοι δο- κοῦσιν αἱ μὲν πάνυ πρὸς ἔχθραν ἄγειν, αἱ δὲ πάνυ διὰ χαρίτων εἶναι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ διδάσκειν ἅ ἐστι βέλτιστα καὶ τὸν κάλλιστα ταῦτα ἐξεργαζόμενον ἐπαινεῖν καὶ τιμᾶν, αὕτη μὲν
1 ἰσοτιμίας of an inferior MS. is doubtless a conjecture. S. gives ἰσοτίμους with B and a later hand in ἃ, The
44
HIERO, vin. 6-ix. 2
— Shade over anything repulsive in him and shows up
. his best features in a high light. Moreover, inas- 7
much as equal services rendered by you rulers are
rewarded with deeper gratitude, surely, when you
. have the power of doing far more for others by
your activities, and can lavish far more gifts on
- them, it is natural that you should be much more
- deeply loved than private citizens."
. Hiero instantly rejoined: * Indeed it is not so, 8
. Simonides ; for we are forced to engage far oftener *
- than private citizens in transactions that make men
hated. Thus, we must extort money in order to 9
. find the cash to pay for what we want: we must
. eompel men to guard whatever needs protection :
- we must punish wrongdoers; we must check those
- who would fain wax insolent ; and when a crisis arises
. that calls for the immediate despatch of forces by land and sea, we must see that there is no dilly-dally- ing. Further, ἃ great despot must needs have mer- 10
cenaries; and no burden presses more heavily on
- the citizens than that, since they believe that these
- Hiero, I do not deny that all these matters must - receive attention. But I should divide a ruler's - activities into two classes, those that lead inevitably - to unpopularity, and those that are greeted with - thanks. The duty of teaching the people what 2 .things are best, and of dispensing praise and
"honour to those who accomplish the same most
original reading in A was ἰσότιμος. The best conjecture is Still τιμῆς.
45
—À
e
XENOPHON
ἡ ἐπιμέλεια διὰ χαρίτων γίγνεται, τὸ δὲ τὸν ἐνδεῶς TL ποιοῦντα λοιδορεῖν τε καὶ. ἀναγκάζειν καὶ ζημιοῦν καὶ κολάζειν, ταῦτα δὲ ἀνάγκη δι᾿ ἀπεχθείας μᾶλλον γίγνεσθαι. ἐγὼ οὖν φημι ἀνδρὶ ἄρχοντι τὸν μὲν ἀνάγκης δεόμενον ἄλλοις προστακτέον εἶναι κολάξειν, τὸ δὲ τὰ ἄθλα ἀποδιδόναι 0v αὑτοῦ ποιητέον. ὡς δὲ
ταῦτα καλῶς ἔχει, μαρτυρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα. καὶ
- yàp ὅ ὅταν χοροὺς ἡμῖν βουλώμεθα ἀγωνίζεσθαι,
e
-1
ἄθλα μὲν ὁ ἄρχων προτίθησιν, ἀθροίζειν δὲ αὐτοὺς προστέτακται χορηγοῖς καὶ ἄλλοις δι- δάσκειν καὶ ἀνάγκην προστιθέναι τοῖς ἐνδεῶς τί ποιοῦσιν. οὐκοῦν εὐθὺς ἐν τούτοις τὸ μὲν ἐπί- χαρι διὰ τοῦ “ἄρχοντος ἐγένετο, τὰ δ᾽ ἀντίτυπα δι᾿ ἄλλων. τί οὖν κωλύει καὶ τἄλλα τὰ πολιτικὰ οὕτως περαίνεσθαι ; διήρηνται μὲν γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ μὲν κατὰ φυλάς, αἱ δὲ κατὰ μόρας, αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους, καὶ ἄρχοντες ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ μέρει ἐφεστήκασιν. οὐκοῦν εἴ τις καὶ τούτοις ὥσπερ τοῖς χοροῖς ἄθλα προτιθείη καὶ εὐοπλίας καὶ εὐταξίας καὶ ἱππικῆς καὶ ἀλκῆς τῆς ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ δικαιοσύνης τῆς ἐν τοῖς συμβολαίοις, εἰκὸς καὶ ταῦτα πάντα διὰ φιλονικίαν ἐντόνως ἀσκεῖσθαι. καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία ὁρμῷντό γ᾽ ἂν θᾶττον ὅποι δέοι τιμῆς ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ χρήματα θᾶττον εἰσφέροιεν, ὁπότε τούτου καιρὸς εἴη, καὶ τὸ πάντων γε χρη- σιμώτατον, ἥκιστα δὲ εἰθισμένον διὰ φιλονικίας πράττεσθαι, ἡ γεωργία αὐτὴ ἂν πολὺ ἐπιδοίη,
1 τὸν μὲν Thalheim: τὸ μὲν MSS.: τὸ μὲν τὸν S., after Stephanus.
46
πὰ μὰ
χω πώλων.
φῦναι". m.
HIERO, IX. 2-7
efficiently, is a form of activity that is greeted with thanks. The duty of pronouncing censure, using coercion, inflicting pains &nd penalties on those who come short in any respect, is one that must of necessity give rise tó a certain amount of unpopularity. Therefore my sentence is that a great ruler should 3 delegate to others the task of punishing those who require to be coerced, and should reserve to himself the privilege of awarding the prizes. The excel-
lence of this arrangement is established by daily experience. Thus, when we want to have a choral 4 competition, the ruler offers prizes, but the task of assembling the choirs is delegated to choir-masters, and others have the task of training them and eoercing those who come short in any respect. Obviously, then, in this case, the pleasant part falls to the ruler, the disagreeables fall to others. Why, 5 then, should not all other public affairs be managed on this principle? For all communities are divided into parts—.tribes, wards, *unions, as the case may be—and every one of these parts is subject to its appointed ruler. 1f, then, the analogy of the 6 choruses were followed and prizes were offered to these parts for excellence of equipment, good discipline, horsemanship, courage in the field and fair dealing in business, the natural outcome would be competition, and consequently an earnest en- deavour to improve in all these respects too. And 7 asa matter of course, with the prospect of reward there would be more despatch in starting for the appointed place, and greater promptitude in the payment of war taxes, whenever occasion required. Nay, agriculture itself, most useful of all occupa- tions, but just the one in which the spirit of
47
XENOPHON
εἴ τις ἄθλα προτιθείη κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς ἢ κατὰ κώμας τοῖς κάλλιστα τὴν γῆν ἐξεργαζομένοις, καὶ τοῖς εἰς τοῦτο τῶν πολιτῶν “ἐρρωμένως τρεπομένοις
8 πολλὰ ἂν ἀγαθὰ περαίνοιτο. καὶ γὰρ αἱ πρόσοδοι
αὔξοιντ᾽ ἄν, καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη πολὺ μᾶλλον τῇ ἀσχολίᾳ συμπαρομαρτεῖ. καὶ μὴν κακουργίαι γε
9 ἧττον τοῖς ἐνεργοῖς ἐμφύονται. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐμπορία
10
ll
, ^ , , »* € ^ ^ ὠφελεῖ TL πόλιν, τιμώμενος ἂν ὁ πλεῖστα τοῦτο ^ ^ , , , , , » ^ ποιῶν καὶ ἐμπόρους ἂν πλείους ἀγείροι. εἰ δὲ φανερὸν γένοιτο, ὅτι καὶ ὁ πρόσοδόν τινα ἄλυπον ἐξ , ^ )À€ , ὑδ᾽ e à e ἐξευρίσκων τῇ πόλει τιμήσεται, οὐδ᾽ αὕτη ἂν ἡ 3 ^ e ἈΝ , , ^ , σκέψις ἀργοῖτο. ὡς δὲ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, εἰ kai κατὰ πάντα ἐμφανὲς εἴη, ὅτι ὁ ἀγαθόν τι εἰση- γούμενος οὐκ ἀτίμητος ἔσται, πολλοὺς ἂν καὶ τοῦτο ἐξορμήσειεν ἔργον ποιεῖσθαι τὸ σκοπεῖν τι ἀγαθόν. καὶ ὅταν γε πολλοῖς περὶ τῶν ὠφε- XL A, , , Lj , θ , NA. i
(uev μέλῃ, ἀνάγκη εὑρίσκεσθαί τε μᾶλλον κα ἐπιτελεῖσθαι.
Ei δὲ φοβεῖ, ὦ Ἱέρων, μὴ ἐν πολλοῖς ἄθλων προτιθεμένων; πολλαὶ δαπάναι γίγνωνται, ἐν- νόησον, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἐμπορεύματα λυσιτελέσ- τερα ἢ ὅσα ἄνθρωποι ἄθλων ὠνοῦνται. ὁρᾷς ἐν ἱππικοῖς καὶ γυμνικοῖς καὶ χορηγικοῖς ἀγῶσιν ὡς μικρὰ ἄθλα μεγάλας δαπάνας καὶ πολλοὺς πόνους καὶ πολλὰς ἐπιμελείας ἐξάγεται ἀνθρώπων ;
X. Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπεν ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μέν, ὦ
, ^ ^ , E b! ^ Σιμωνίδη, καλῶς μοι δοκεῖς Aéyyeu' περὶ δὲ τῶν ^ ^ ,
μισθοφόρων ἔχεις τι εἰπεῖν, ὡς μὴ μισεῖσθαι δι
1 προτιθεμένων Cobit : προτεθειμένων S. with the MSS. 48
Ὄπ στ“ oon MM —————————ÓÁ
HIERO, 1x. 7-x. 1
competition is conspicuous by its absence, would make great progress if prizes were offered for the farm or the village that can show the best cultivation, and many good results would follow for those citizens who threw themselves vigorously
into this occupation. For apart from the χρῆν ἐγ ΒΗ 8
increase in the revenues, sobriety far more commonly goes with industry; and remember, vices rarely
flourish among the fully employed. If commerce 9
also brings gain to a city, the award of honours for diligence in business would attract a larger number to a commercial career. And were it made clear that the discovery of some way of raising revenue without hurting anyone will also be rewarded, this field of research too would not be unoccupied. In a word, once it becomes clear in every department that any good suggestion will not go unrewarded, many will be encouraged by that knowledge to apply themselves to some promising form of investigation. And when there is a wide-spread interest in useful subjects, an increase of discovery and achievement is bound to come.
** [n case you fear, Hiero, that the cost of offering prizes for many subjects may prove heavy, you should reflect that no commodities are cheaper than those that are bought for a prize. "Think of the large sums that men are induced to spend on horse-races, gymnastic and choral competitions, and the long course of training and practice they undergo for the sake of a paltry prize.'
X. * Well, Simonides," said Hiero, “1 think you are right in saying that. But what about the mercenaries ἢ Can you tell me how to employ them without incurring unpopularity? Or do you
49
—
XENOPHON
αὐτούς ; ἢ λέγεις, ὡς φιλίαν κτησάμενος ἄρχων οὐδὲν ἔτι δεήσεται δορυφόρων ; Kar 2 Nai uà Δία, εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης, δεήσεται μὲν οὖν. οἶδα γάρ, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἐν ἵπποις οὕτως καὶ ἐν ἀνθρώ- ποις τισὶν ἐγγίγνεται, ὅσῳ ἂν ἔκπλεα τὰ δέοντα 8 ἔχωσι, τοσούτῳ ὑβριστοτέροις εἶναι. τοὺς μὲν οὖν τοιούτους μᾶλλον ἂν σωφρονίζοι ὁ ἀπὸ τῶν δορυφόρων φόβος. τοῖς δὲ καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἄν μοι δοκεῖς τοσαῦτα ὠφελήματα 4 παρασχεῖν ὅσα ἀπὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων. τρέφεις μὲν γὰρ δήπου καὶ σὺ αὐτοὺς σαυτῷ φύλακας" ἤδη δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ δεσπόται βίᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν δούλων ἀπέθανον. εἰ οὖν ἕν πρῶτον τοῦτ᾽ εἴη τῶν προστεταγμένων τοῖς μισθοφόροις, ὡς πάντων ὄντας δορυφόρους τῶν πολιτῶν βοηθεῖν πᾶσιν, ἄν τι τοιοῦτον αἰσθάνωνται" γίγνονται δέ που, ὡς πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα, κακοῦργοι ἐν πόλεσιν" εἰ οὖν καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν εἶεν τεταγμένοι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἰδεῖεν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ὠφελούμενοι. b πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐργάταις καὶ κτήνεσιν οὗτοι ἂν εἰκότως καὶ θάρρος καὶ ἀσφάλειαν δύναιντο μάλιστα παρέχειν, ὁμοίως μὲν τοῖς σοῖς ἰδίοις, ὁμοίως δὲ τοῖς ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν. ἱκανοί γε μήν εἰσι καὶ σχολὴν παρέχειν τοῖς πολίταις τῶν ἰδίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, τὰ ἐπί- 6 καιρα φυλάττοντες. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ πο- λεμίων ἐφόδους κρυφαίας καὶ ἐξαπιναίας τίνες ἑτοιμότεροι ἢ προαισθέσθαι ἢ κωλῦσαι τῶν ἂἄεὶ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ὄντων καὶ συντεταγμένων ; ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐν στρατείᾳ τί ἐστιν ὠφελιμώτερον πολί-
50
m"————————————————— ——
HIERO, x. 1-6
say that a ruler, once he becomes popular, will have no further need of a bodyguard? "
* No, no, he will need them, of course," said 2
Simonides. **Forl know that some human beings are like horses—the more they get what they want,
the more unruly they are apt to become. The way 3
to manage men like that is to put the fear of the bodyguard into them. And as for the gentlemen, you can probably confer greater benefits on them by employing mercenaries than by any other means.
For I presume that you maintain the force primarily 4
to protect yourself. But masters have often been murdered by their slaves. If therefore the first duty enjoined on the mercenaries were to act as the bodyguard of the whole community and render
help to all in case they got wind of any such .
intention—there are black sheep in every fold, as
we all know—[I say, if they were under orders to guard the citizens as well as the depot, the citizens would know that this is one service rendered to
them by the mercenaries. Nor is this all: for65
naturally the mercenaries would also be able to give fearlessness and security in the fullest measure to the labourers and cattle in the country, and the benefit would not be confined to your own estates, but would be felt up and down the countryside. Again, they are competent to afford the citizens leisure for attending to their private affairs by guarding the' vital positions. Besides, should an enemy plan a secret and sudden attack, what bandier agents can be found for detecting or pre- venting their design than a standing force, armed and organized? ΟΥ̓ once more, when the citizens go campaigning, what is more useful to them than mer-
51
ω
]
XENOPHON
ταις μισθοφόρων ; τούτους γὰρ προπονεῖν καὶ προκινδυνεύειν καὶ προφυλάττειν εἰκὸς ἑτοιμο- τάτους εἶναι. τὰς δὲ ἀγχιτέρμονας πόλεις οὐκ ἀνάγκη διὰ τοὺς ἀεὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντας καὶ εἰρήνης μάλιστα ἐπιθυμεῖν ; οἱ γὰρ συντεταγμένοι καὶ σώζειν τὰ τῶν φίλων μάλιστα καὶ σφάλλειν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων δύναιντ᾽ ἄν. ὅταν γε μὴν γνῶσιν οἱ πολῖται, ὅτι οὗτοι κακὸν μὲν οὐδὲν ποιοῦσι τὸν μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντα, τοὺς δὲ κακουργεῖν βουλομέ- νους κωλύουσι, βοηθοῦσι δὲ τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις, προνοοῦσι δὲ καὶ προκινδυνεύουσι τῶν πολιτῶν, πῶς οὐκ ἀνάγκη καὶ δαπανᾶν εἰς τούτους ἥδιστα; τρέφουσι γοῦν καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἐπὶ μείοσι τούτων φύλακας.
Xl. Χρὴ δέ, ὦ Ἱέρων, οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων κτημάτων ὀκνεῖν δαπανᾶν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ἀγαθόν. καὶ γὰρ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ τὰ εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀνα- λούμενα μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ δέον τελεῖσθαι ἢ τὰ εἰς τὸ ἴδιον ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ. καθ᾽ ἕν δ᾽ ἕκαστον σκοπῶμεν. οἰκίαν πρῶτον ὑπερβαλλούσῃ δα- πάνῃ κεκαλλωπισμένην μᾶλλον ἡγῇ κόσμον ἄν σοι παρέχειν ἢ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν τείχεσί τε καὶ ναοῖς καὶ vacTáci! καὶ ἀγοραῖς καὶ λιμέσι κατεσκευασμένην; ὅπλοις δὲ πότερον τοῖς ἐκπα- γλοτάτοις αὐτὸς κατακεκοσμημένος δεινότερος ἂν φαίνοιο τοῖς πολεμίοις ἢ τῆς πόλεως ὅλης εὐόπλου σοι οὔσης ; προσόδους δὲ ποτέρως ἂν δοκεῖς πλείονας γίγνεσθαι, εἰ τὰ σὰ ἴδια μόνον ἐνεργὰ ἔχοις ἢ εἰ τὰ πάντων τῶν πολιτῶν 52
HIERO, x. 6-xt. 4
cenaries? For these are, as a matter of course, the readiest to bear the brunt of toil and danger and watching. And must not those who possess a 7 standing force impose on border states a strong desire for peace? — For nothing equals an organized body of men, whether for protecting the property of friends or for thwarting the plans of enemies. Further, when the citizens get it into their heads 8 that these troops do no harm to the innocent and hold the would-be malefactor in check, come to the rescue of the wronged, care for the citizens and shield them from danger, surely they are bound to pay the cost of them with a right good-will . At all events they keep guards in their homes for less ᾿, important objects than these. E XL * Nor should you hesitate to draw on your private property, Hiero, for the common good. Forin my opinion the sums that a great despot spends on the city are more truly necessary expenses than the money he spends on himself. But let us go into 2 details. First, which do you suppose is likely to bring you more credit, to own a palace adorned with priceless objects of art, or to have the whole city garnished with walls and temples and verandahs and market-places and harbours? — Which will make 3 you look more terrible to the enemy, to dazzle all beholders with your own glittering panoply, or to present the whole of your people in goodly armour? Which. plan, think you, will yield revenues more 4 abounding, to keep only your own capital employed, or to contrive to bring the capital of all the citizens
1 παστάσι rests on the authority of Pollux: παραστάσι S. with the MSS.
53
b
τι
10
XENOPHON
μεμηχανημένος εἴης ἐνεργὰ εἶναι ; τὸ δὲ πάντων κάλλιστον καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστατον νομιζόμενον . εἶναι ἐπιτήδευμα ἁρματοτροφίαν ποτέρως ἂν δοκεῖς μᾶλλον κοσμεῖν, εἰ αὐτὸς πλεῖστα τῶν € , [τ , ^ /, *, Βλλήνων ἅρματα τρέφοις τε καὶ πέμποις εἰς ^ / ^ ^ ; τὰς πανηγύρεις ἢ εἰ ἐκ τῆς σῆς πόλεως πλεῖστοι μὲν ἱπποτρόφοι εἶεν, πλεῖστοι δ᾽ ἀγωνίζοιντο ; νικᾶν δὲ πότερα δοκεῖς κάλλιον εἶναι ἅρματος ἀρετῇ ἢ πόλεως, ἧς προστατεύεις,. εὐδαιμονίᾳ ; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ προσήκειν φημὶ ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ πρὸς ἰδιώτας ἀγωνίζεσθαι. νικῶν μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἂν θαυμάξοιο, ἀλλὰ φθονοῖο, ὡς ἀπὸ πολλῶν οἴκων τὰς δαπάνας ποιούμενος, νικώμενος δ᾽ ἂν , , ^ , *, , , , πάντων μάλιστα καταγελῷο. ἀλλ, ἐγώ σοί φημι, ὦ Ἱέρων, πρὸς ἄλλους προστάτας πόλεων τὸν ἀγῶνα εἶναι, ὧν ἐὰν σὺ εὐδαιμονεστάτην τὴν πόλιν, ἧς προστατεύεις, παρέχῃς, εὖ ἴσθι νικῶν τῷ καλλίστῳ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεστάτῳ ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀγωνίσματι. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς κατειργασμένος ἂν εἴης τὸ φιλεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων, οὗ δὴ σὺ ἐπιθυμῶν τυγχάνεις" ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν σὴν νίκην οὐκ ἂν εἷς εἴη ὁ ἀνακηρύττων, , ^ , » € ^ XN ^ , , ἀλλὰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι ὑμνοῖεν ἂν τὴν σὴν ἀρετήν. , MES! , [3 ^5 “ , H περίβλεπτος δὲ ὧν οὐχ ὑπὸ ἰδιωτῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν πόλεων ἀγαπῷο ἂν καὶ θαυμα- ^ , , , , , X M /, στὸς οὐκ ἰδίᾳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δημοσίᾳ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἂν εἴης, καὶ ἐξείη μὲν ἄν σοι ἕνεκεν , , » , , , ἀσφαλείας, εἴ ποι βούλοιο, θεωρήσοντι πορεύ- εσθαι, ἐξείη δ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένοντι τοῦτο πράττειν.
54
HIERO, xti. 4-10
into employment? . And what about the breeding 5 of chariot horses, commonly considered the noblest and. grandest business in the world? By which method. do you think you will gain most credit for that, if you out-do all other Greeks in the number of teams you breed. and send to the festivals, or if the greatest number of breeders and the greatest number of competitors are drawn from your city? And how is the nobler victory gained, by the excel- lence of your team, or by the prosperity of the city of which you are the head? Indeed my own 6 opinion is that it is not even seemly for a great despot to compete with private citizens. . For your victory would excite envy rather than admiration, on the ground that many estates supply the money that you spend, and no defeat would.be greeted. with so much ridicule as yours. I tell you, Hiero, 7 you have to compete with other heads of states, and if you cause your state to surpass theirs in prosperity, be well assured! that you are the victor in the noblest and grandest competition in the world. And in the first place you will forthwith 8 have secured just what you really want, the affection of your subjects. Secondly, your vietory will not be proclaimed by one herald's voice, but all the world will tell of your virtue. The observed of 9 all observers' eyes, you will be a hero, not only to private citizens, but to many Statés: you will be admired not only in your home, but in public among all men. | And you will be free to go wherever you 10 choose, so far as safety is concerned, to see the sights, and equally free to enjoy them in your 1 But εὖ ἴσθι is not right. All the MSS. have εὖ ἔσει,
which perhaps conceals εὐδαίμων ἔσει, *' you will be happy. being the victor." 55
11
12
13
14
15
XENOPHON
ἀεὶ γὰρ ἂν παρὰ σοὶ πανήγυρις εἴη τῶν βουλο- μένων ἐπιδεικνύναι, εἴ τίς τι σοφὸν ἢ καλὸν ἢ ἀγαθὸν ἔ ἔχοι, τῶν δὲ καὶ ἐπιθυμούντων ὑ ὑπηρετεῖν. πᾶς δὲ ὁ μὲν παρὼν σύμμαχος ἂν εἴη got, ὁ δὲ ἀπὼν ἐπιθυμοίη ἃ ἂν ἰδεῖν σε. -
“Ὥστε οὐ μόνον φιλοῖο ἄν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐρῷο ὑπ᾿ ἀνθρώπων, καὶ τοὺς καλοὺς οὐ πειρᾶν, ἀλλὰ πειρώμενον ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀνέχεσθαι ἄν σε δέοι, φόβον δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἔχοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλοις παρέχοις, μή τι πάθῃς, ἑ ἑκόντας δὲ τοὺς πειθομένους ἔ ἔχοις ἂν καὶ ἐθελουσίως σου προνοοῦντας θεῷο à ἄν, εἰ δέ τις κίνδυνος εἴη, οὐ συμμάχους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προμάχους καὶ προθύμους ὁρῴης ἄν, πολλῶν μὲν δωρεῶν ἀξιούμενος, οὐκ ἀπορῶν δέ, ὅτῳ τούτων εὐμενεῖ μεταδώσεις, πάντας μὲν συγ αίροντας ἔχων ἐπὶ τοῖς σοῖς “ἀγαθοῖς, πάντας Ὦ πρὸ τῶν σῶν ὥσπερ τῶν ἰδίων μαχομένους. θησαυρούς γε μὴν ἔχοις ἂν πάντας τοὺς παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις πλούτους.
᾿Αλλὰ θαρρῶν, ὦ Ἱέρων, πλούτιζε μὲν τοὺς φίλους" σαυτὸν γὰρ πλουτιεῖς" αὖξε au τὴν πόλιν" σαυτῷ γὰρ δύναμιν περιάψεις" kTÀ δὲ αὐτῇ συμμάχους" dii νόμιξε δὲ τὴν “μὲν πατρίδα οἶκον, τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ἑταΐρους, τοὺς δὲ φίλους τέκνα σεαυτοῦ, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας ὅτιπερ, τὴν σὴν ψυχήν, καὶ τούτους πάντας πειρῶ νικᾶν εὖ ποιῶν. ἐὰν γὰρ τοὺς φίλους κρατῇς εὖ ποιῶν οὐ μή σοι δύνωνται ἀντέχειν οἱ πολέμιοι.
Kàv ταῦτα πάντα ποιῇς, εὖ ἴσθι πάντων τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις κάλλιστον καὶ μακαριώτατον κτῆμα κεκτήσῃ. εὐδαιμονῶν «yàp οὐ φθονηθήσῃ.
! Weiske indicates ἃ lacuna here : S. does not.
56
you, some eager to display something wise or beautiful or good, others longing to serve you. Everyone present will be an ally, everyone absent will long to see you.
*Thus you will be not only the loved, but the adored "οὗ mankind. You will need not to court the fair, but to listen patiently to theirsuit. Anxiety for your welfare will fall not on yourself, but
11
on others. You will have the willing obedience of 12
your subjects; you will mark their unsolicited care for you; and should any danger arise, you will find in them not merely allies, but champions and zealots.| Accounted worthy of many gifts, and at no loss for some man of goodwill with whom to share them, you will find all rejoicing in your good fortune, all fighting for your interests, as though they were their own. And all the riches in the houses of your friends will be yours in fee.
*'Take heart then, Hiero ; enrich your friends, for so you will enrich yourself. Exalt the state, for so
will deck yourself with power. Get her allies ἴδε so you will win supporters for yourself. Αο-
count the fatherland your estate, the citizens your comrades, friends your own children, your sons possessions dear as life. And try to surpass all these in deeds of kindness. For if you out-do your friends in kindness, it is certain that your enemies will not be able to resist you.
* And if you do all these things, rest assured that you will be possessed of the fairest and most blessed possession in the world; for none will be jealous of your happiness."
Ὁ Or *champions full of zeaL' The xal is not free from suspicion.
14
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ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ ATHZIAAOX
1. Οἶδα μέν, ὅτι τῆς ᾿Αγησιλάου ἀρετῆς τε καὶ δόξης οὐ ῥάδιον ἄξιον ἔπαινον γράψαι, ὅμως , , ^ » ,» w δ᾽ ἐγχειρητέον' οὐ γὰρ àv καλῶς ἔχοι, εἰ ὅτι τελέως ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἐγένετο, διὰ τοῦτο οὐδὲ
μειόνων τυγχάνοι ἐπαίνων.
Περὶ μὲν οὖν εὐγενείας αὐτοῦ τί ἄν τις μεῖζον καὶ κάλλιον εἰπεῖν ἔχοι ἢ ὅτι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τοῖς προγόνοις ὀνομαζομένοις ἀπομνημονεύεται, ὅπόσ- τος ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους ἐγένετο, καὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἰδιώταις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ βασιλέων βασιλεῦσιν ; ἀλλὰ
^ »0* , ME ΝΜ / μὴν οὐδὲ ταύτῃ γ᾽ ἄν τις ἔχοι καταμέμψασθαι
, , L4 , , , ^ αὐτούς, ὡς βασιλεύουσι μέν, πόλεως δὲ τῆς ἐπιτυχούσης: ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τῆς πατρίδος ἐντιμότατον, οὕτω καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ € , , /, [4 , ,
Ελλάδι ἐνδοξοτάτη: ὥστε οὐ δευτέρων πρω- τεύουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡγεμόνων ἡγεμονεύουσι. τῇδέ γε μὴν καὶ κοινῇ ἄξιον ἐπαινέσαι τήν τε πατρίδα καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ 7j τε γὰρ πόλις οὐδεπώποτε φθονήσασα τοῦ προτετιμῆσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐπεχεί- pnce καταλῦσαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν οἵ τε βασιλεῖς οὐδεπώποτε μειζόνων ὠρέχθησαν ἢ ἐφ᾽ οἷσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβον. τοιγαροῦν » b , / , ^ /, ,
ἄλλη μὲν οὐδεμία ἀρχὴ φανερά ἐστι διαγεγενη- μένη ἀδιάσπαστος οὔτε δημοκρατία οὔτε ὀλι- δο
AGESILAUS
I. I kxow how difficult it is to write an appreciation of Agesilaus that shall be worthy of his virtue and glory. Nevertheless the attempt must be made. For it would not be seemly that so good a man, just because of his perfection, should receive no tributes of praise, however inadequate.
Now concerning his high birth what greater and 2 nobler could be said than this, that even to-day the line of his descent from Heracles! is traced through the roll of his ancestors, and those no simple citizens, but kings and sons of kings? ΝΟΥ are they open to 3 the reproach that though they were kings, they ruled over a petty state. On the contrary, as their family is honoured above all in their fatherland, so is their state glorious above all in Greece; thus they are not first in the second rank, but leaders in a com- munity of leaders. , On one account his fatherland 4 and his family are worthy to be praised together, for never at any time has the state been moved by jealousy of their pre-eminence to attempt the over- throw of their government, and never at any time have the kings striven to obtain greater powers than were conferred on them originally at their succession tothethrone. Forthisreason, while no other govern- ment—democracy, oligachy, despotism or kingdom—
! Agesilaus was twenty-fifth in line of descent from Heracles (Herodotus, vir. 131; Plutarch, Lycurgus, c.i; Agesilaus, c. i).
61
δ
-I!
XENOPHON
yapxía οὔτε τυραννὶς οὔτε βασιλεία' αὕτη δὲ μόνη διαμένει συνεχὴς βασιλεία.
Ὥς γε μὴν καὶ πρὶν ἄρξαι ἄξιος τῆς βασιλείας ἐδόκει εἶναι ᾿Αγησίλαος, τάδε τὰ σημεῖα. ἐπεὶ γὰρ "Ayis βασιλεὺς àv ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐρισάντων περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς Λεωτυχίδα μὲν ὡς ἴΑγιδος ὄντος υἱοῦ, ᾿Αγησιλάου δὲ ὡς ᾿Αρχιδάμου, κρίνασα ἡ πόλις ἀνεπικλητότερον εἶναι ᾿Αγησίλαον καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦτον ἐστήσατο βασιλέα. καΐτοι τὸ ἐν τῇ κρατίστῃ πόλει ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων κριθέντα τοῦ καλλίστου γέρως ἀξιωθῆναι ποίων ἔτι “τεκμηρίων προσδεῖται τῆς γε πρὶν ἄρξαι αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς ;
Ὅσα γε μὴν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεπράξατο, νῦν ἤδη διηγήσομαι" ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἔργων καὶ τοὺς τρόπους αὐτοῦ κάλλιστα νομίζω καταδήλους ἔσεσθαι.
᾿Αγησίλαος τοίνυν ἔτι μὲν νέος ὧν ἔτυχε τῆς βασιλείας: ἄρτι δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ, ἐξηγγέλθη βασιλεὺς ὁ Περσῶν ἀθροίζων καὶ ναυτικὸν καὶ πεζὸν πολὺ στράτευμα ὡς ἐπὶ "Ἕλληνας" βουλευομένων δὲ περὶ τούτων Λακε- δαιμονίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, ᾿Αγησίλαος ὑπέστη, ἐὰν δῶσιν αὐτῷ τριάκοντα μὲν Σπαρ- τιατῶν, δισ "λίους δὲ νεοδαμώδεις, εἰς ἑξακισ- χιλίους δὲ τὸ σύνταγμα τῶν συμμάχων, διαβή- σεσθαι εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ πειράσεσθαι εἰρήνην ποιῆσαι, ἢ ἂν “πολεμεῖν βούληται, ὁ βάρβαρος, ἀσχολίαν αὐτῷ παρέξειν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας. εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ πάνυ ἦἠγά- σθησαν αὐτὸ τοῦτο τὸ ἐπιθυμῆσαι, ἐπειδὴ ὁ
Πέρσης πρόσθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα διέβη, ἀντι- 62
AGESIEAUS, τ. 4-8
ean lay claim to an unbroken existence, this kingdom alone stands fast continually.
However, there are not wanting signs that even 5 before his reign began Agesilaus was deemed worthy to be king. For on the death of King Agis there was a struggle for the throne between Leotychidas, as e son of Agis, and Agesilaus, as the son of Archidamus. The state decided in favour of Agesi- laus, judging him to be the more eligible in point of birth and character alike. Surely to have been pronounced worthy of the highest privilege by the best men in the mightiest state is proof sufficient of his virtue, at least before he began to reign.
I will now give an account of the achievements 6 of his reign, for I believe that his deeds will throw the clearest light on his qualities.
Now Agesilaus was still ἃ young man! when he gained the throne. He had been but a short time in power when the news leaked out that the king of the Persians was assembling a great navy and army for an attack on the Greeks. While the Lacedae- 7 monians and their allies were considering the matter, Agesilaus declared, that if they would give him thirty Spartans, two thousand newly enrolled citizens, and a contingent of six thousand allies, he would cross to Asia and try to effect a peace, or, in case the barbarian wanted to fight, would keep him so busy that he would have no time for an attack on the Greeks. His eagerness to pay back the 8 Persian in his own coin for the former invasion of Greece, his determination to wage an offensive
! He was over forty ; but see the Introduction. 63
12
13
XENOPHON
διαβῆναι ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν, τό τε αἱρεῖσθαι ἐπιόντα μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπομένοντα μάχεσθαι αὐτῷ, καὶ τὸ τἀκείνου δαπανῶντα βούλεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πολεμεῖν, κάλλιστον δὲ πάντων ἐκρίνετο τὸ μὴ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίας τὸν ἀγῶνα καθιστάναι.
Ἐπεί γε μὴν λαβὼν τὸ στράτευμα ἐξέπλευσε, πῶς ἄν τις σαφέστερον ἐπιδείξειεν, ὡς ἐστρατή- γῆσεν, ἢ εἰ αὐτὰ διηγήσαιτο ἃ ἔ ἔπραξεν ; ἐν τοίνυν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ ἥδε πρώτη πρᾶξις ἐγένετο. Τισσαφέρνης μὲν ὥὦμοσεν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ, εἰ σπεί- σαιτο, ἕως ἔλθοιεν obs πέμψειε πρὸς βασιλέα ἀγγέλους, διαπράξεσθαι αὐτῷ ἀφεθῆναι αὐτονό- μους τὰς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας, ᾿Αγησί- λαος δὲ ἀντώμοσε σπονδὰς ἄξειν ἀδόλως, ὁ ὁρισά- μενος τῆς πράξεως τρεῖς μῆνας. ὁ μὲν δὴ Τισσαφέρνης ἃ ὥμοσεν εὐθὺς ἐψεύσατο" ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ εἰρήνην πράττειν στράτευμω πολὺ παρὰ βασιλέως πρὸς ᾧ πρόσθεν εἶχε μετεπέμπετο. ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ καίπερ αἰσθόμενος ταῦτα ὅμως ἐνέμεινε ταῖς σπονδαῖς. ἐμοὶ οὖν τοῦτο πρῶτον καλὸν δοκεῖ “διαπράξασθαι, ὅ ὅτι Τισσαφέρνην μὲν ἐμφανίσας ἐπίορκον ἄπιστον πᾶσιν ἐποίησεν, ἑαυτὸν δ᾽ ἀντεπιδείξας πρῶτον μὲν ὅρκους ἐμπε- δοῦντα, ἔ ἔπειτα συνθήκας μὴ ψευδόμενον, πάντας ἐποίησε καὶ " EXXqvas καὶ βαρβάρους θαρροῦντας συντίθεσθαι ἑαυτῷ, εἴ τι βούλοιτο.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ μέγα φρονήσας ὁ Τισσαφέρνης ἐπὶ τῷ καταβάντι στρατεύματι προεῖπεν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ
πόλεμον, εἰ μὴ ἀπίοι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ παρόντες μάλα ἀχθεσθέντες φανεροὶ ἐγένοντο, νομίζοντες μείονα 64
AGESILAUS, i. 8-13
rather than a defensive war, and his wish to make the enemy pay for it rather than the Greeks, were enough to arouse an immediate and widespread enthusiasm for his project. But whatappealed most to the imagination was the idea of entering on a struggle not to save Greece, but. to subdue Asia.
And what of his strategy after he had received the army and had sailed out? Α simple narrative of his actions will assuredly convey the clearest im- pression of it. This, then, was his first act in Asia. Tissaphernes had sworn the following oath to
ilaus : ** If you will arrange an armistice to last until the return of the messengers whom I will send to the King, I will do my utmost to obtain indepen- dence for the Greek cities in Asia" ; and Agesilaus on his part had sworn to observe the armistice honestly, allowing three months for the transaction. What followed? — Tissaphernes forthwith broke his oath, and instead of arranging a peace, applied to the for a large army in addition to εἰ ἢ which he had before. As for Agesilaus, though well aware of this, he none the less continued to keep the armistice. I think, therefore, that here we have his first noble achievement. By showing up Tissaphernes as a per- jurer, he made him distrusted everywhere; and, contrariwise, by proving himself to be a man of his word and true to his agreements, he encouraged all, Greeks and barbarians alike, to enter into an agreement with him whenever he wished it.
The arrival of the new army emboldened Tissa- phernes to send an ultimatum to Agesilaus, threaten- ing war unless he withdrew from Asia; and the allies and the Lacedaemonians present made no concealment of their chagrin, believing that the
Ξ Ἢ
VOL. Il. D
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XENOPHON
τὴν παροῦσαν δύναμιν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ τῆς βασιλέως παρασκευῆς εἶναι" ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ μάλα φαιδρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ ἀπαγγεῖλαι τῷ Τισσαφέρνει τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκέλευσεν, ὦ ὡς πολλὴν χάριν αὐτῷ ἔχοι, ὅτι ἐπιορκήσας αὐτὸς μὲν πολεμίους τοὺς θεοὺς ἐκτήσατο, τοῖς D. λλησι συμμάχους ἐποίησεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου εὐθὺς τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις παρ- ἤγγειλε συσκευάξεσθαι ὡς εἰς στρατείαν" ταῖς δὲ πόλεσιν, εἰς ἃς ἀνάγκη ἦν ἀφικνεῖσθαι στρα- τευομένῳ ἐπὶ Καρίαν, προεῖπεν ἀγορὰν παρα- a evábew. ἐπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Ἴωσι. καὶ Αἰολεῦσι καὶ ᾿Ελλησποντίοις πέμπειν πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰς Ἔφεσον τοὺς συστρατευσομένους.
Ὁ μὲν οὖν Τισσαφέρνης, καὶ ὅτε ἱππικὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος, ἡ δὲ Καρία ἄφιππος ἦν, καὶ ὅτι ἡγεῖτο αὐτὸν ὀργίξεσθαι αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἀπάτην, τῷ ὄντι νομίσας ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ οἶκον εἰς Καρίαν ὁρμήσειν αὐτὸν τὸ μὲν πεζὸν ἅπαν διεβίβασεν ἐκεῖσε, τὸ δὲ ἱππικὸν εἰς τὸ Μαι- ἀνδρου πεδίον" περιήγαγε, νομίξων ἱκανὸς εἶναι καταπατῆσαι τῇ ἵππῳ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας πρὶν εἰς τὰ δύσιππα ἀφικέσθαι. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ Καρίαν i ἰέναι εὐθὺς ἀντιστρέψας ἐπὶ Φρυγίας ἐπορεύετο" καὶ τάς τε ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ ἀπαντώσας δυνάμεις ἀναλαμβάνων 1j ἦγε καὶ τὰς πόλεις κατε- στρέφετο καὶ ἐμβαλὼν ἀπροσδοκήτως παμπληθῆ χρήματα ἔλαβε.
Στρατηγικὸν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο ἐδόκει διαπρά- ξασθαι, ὅτι ἐπεὶ πόλεμος προερρήθη καὶ τὸ ἐξαπατᾶν ὅσιόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἐξ ἐκείνου ἐγένετο, παῖδα ἀπέδειξε τὸν Τισσαφέρνην τῇ ἀπάτῃ. φρονίμως δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἐνταῦθα ἔδοξε πλου-
66
AGESILAUS, 1. 13-17
strength of Agesilaus was weaker than the Persian king's armament. But Agesilaus with a beaming face bade the envoys of Tissaphernes inform their master that he was profoundly grateful to him for his perjury, by which he had, gained the hostility of the gods for himself and had made them allies of ' the Greeks. Without a moment's delay he gave the word to his troops to pack up in preparation for a campaign, and warned the cities that lay on the lines of march to Caria to have their markets ready stocked. He advised by letter the Greeks of Ionia, the Aeolid and the Hellespont, to send their eontingents for the campaign to his headquarters at Ephesus.
Now Tissaphernes reflected that Agesilaus was without cavalry, while Caria was a difficult country for mounted men, and he thought that Agesilaus was wroth with him on account of his deceit. Concluding, therefore, that his estate in Caria was the real object of the coming attack, he sent the whole of his infantry across to that district and took his cavalry round into the plain of the Maeander, confident that he could ride down the Greeks before they reached the country where cavalry could not operate. But instead of marching on Caria, Agesilaus forthwith turned round and made for Phrygia. Picking up the various forces that met him on the route, he proceeded to reduce the cities and captured a vast quantity of booty by sudden attacks.
This achievement also was thought to be a proof of sound generalship, that when war was declared and cozening in consequence became righteous and fair dealing, he showed Tissaphernes to be a child at deception. 1t was thought, too, that he made shrewd
67
18
19
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21
22
XENOPHON
τίσαι' ἐπεὶ γὰρ διὰ τὸ πολλὰ χρήματα εἰχῆφθαι ἀντίπροικα τὰ πάντα ἐπωλεῖτο, τοῖς μὲν φίλοις προεῖπεν ὠνεῖσθαι, εἰπὼν ὅτι καταβήσοιτο ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἐν τάχει τὸ στράτευμα κατάγων" τοὺς δὲ λαφυροπώλας ἐκέλευσε γραφομένους, ὁπόσου
τι πρίαιντο, προΐεσθαι τὰ χρήματα. ὥστε οὐδὲν ᾿
προτελέσαντες οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ οὐδὲ τὸ δημόσιον βλάψαντες πάντες παμπληθῆ χρήματα ἔλαβον. » MN A , 3 114 e Y ^ | ψὰὼ ᾿ ἔτι δὲ ὁπότε αὐτόμολοι, ὡς εἰκός, πρὸς βασιλέα ἰόντες χρήματα ἐθέλοιεν ὑφηγεῖσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα , , H διὰ ^ / £A / robe ἐπεμέλετο ὡς διὰ τῶν φίλων ἁλίσκοιτο, ὅπως [:4 ν᾽ , LA δὲ , , | ἅμα μὲν χρηματίζοιντο, ἅμα δὲ ἐνδοξότεροι γί- ὃ ^ Ν 87 ^ "80 ' γνοιντο. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα εὐθὺς πολλοὺς épac- τὰς τῆς αὑτοῦ φιλίας ἐποιήσατο. , , wv e ^ ΄ | l Γιγνώσκων δ᾽ ὅτε ἡ μὲν πορθουμένη καὶ ἐρημουμένη χώρα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο πολὺν χρόνον στράτευμα φέρειν, ἡ δ᾽ οἰκουμένη μὲν σπειρομένη δὲ ἀέναον ἂν τὴν τροφὴν παρέχοι, ἐπεμέλετο οὐ μόνον τοῦ βίᾳ χειροῦσθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ πρᾳότητι προσάγεσθαι. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν προηγόρευε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοὺς ἁλισκο- μένους μὴ ὡς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς , , » , , δὲ € , ἀνθρώπους ὄντας φυλάττειν, πολλάκις δὲ ὁπότε μεταστρατοπεδεύοιτο, εἰ αἴσθοιτο καταλελειμ- /, ὃ /, b 1 , , ἃ $c ὶ H 70 μένα παιδάρια μικρὰ ἐμπόρων, ἃ πολλοὶ ἐπώ λουν διὰ τὸ νομίζειν μὴ δύνασθαι ἂν φέρειν αὐτὰ καὶ τρέφειν, ἐπεμέλετο καὶ τούτων ὅπως συγ- κομίζοιντό ποι. τοῖς Ó αὖ διὰ γῆρας καταλει- 1 μικρὰ MSS. : παρὰ S. with Reuchlin. ΐ 68
^
1; [4 bed m tet X AGESILAUS, 4. 17-22
use of this occasion to enrich his friends. For the accumulation of plunder was so great that things were selling for next to nothing. So he gave his friends the word to buy, saying that he was shortly going down to the coast with his army.! The auctioneers were ordered to have a schedule made of the prices obtained and to give delivery of the goods. Thus without capital outlay, and without any loss to the treasury, all his friends made a prodigious amount of money. Further, whenever deserters offered to give information where plunder might be taken, they naturally went to the king. In such a case he took eare that the capture should be effected by his friends, so that they might at one and the same time make money and add to their laurels. The iminediate result was that he had many ardent suitors for his friendship.
Recognizing that a country plundered and de- populated could not long support an army, whereas an inhabited and cultivated land would yield inex- haustible supplies, he took pains not only to crush his enemies by force, but also to win them over by gentleness. He would often warn his men not to punish their prisoners as criminals, but to guard them as human beings; and often when shifting camp, if he noticed little children, the property of merchants, left behind—many merchants offered children for sale because they thought they would not be able to carry and feed them?—he looked after them too, and had them conveyed to some place of refuge. Again, he arranged that prisoners
! Where the goods would be re-sold at a profits 3 The dealers often failed to find a buyer and consequently abandoned these captured children,
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πομένοις “αἰχμαλώτοις προσέταττεν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι αὐτῶν, ὡς μήτε ὑπὸ κυνῶν μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ λύκων διαφθείροιντο. ὥστε οὐ μόνον οἱ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ ἁλισκόμενοι εὐμενεῖς αὐτῷ ἐγίγνοντο. ὁπόσας δὲ πόλεις προσαγάγοιτο, ἀφαιρῶν αὐτῶν ὅσα δοῦλοι δεσπόταις ὑ ὑπηρετοῦσι, προσέταττεν ὅσα ἐλεύθεροι ἄρχουσι πείθονται" καὶ τῶν κατὰ κράτος ἀναλώτων τειχέων τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ὑπὸ “χεῖρα ἐποιεῖτο.
᾿Επεὶ μέντοι ἀνὰ e πεδία οὐδὲ ἐ ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ ἐδύνατο στρατεύεσθαι διὰ τὴν Φαρναβάζου ἱππείαν, ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ἱππικὸν κατασκευαστέον εἶναι, ὡς μὴ δραπετεύοντα πολεμεῖν δέοι αὐτόν. τοὺς μὲν οὖν πλουσιωτάτους ἐκ πασῶν τῶν ἐκεῖ πόλεων ἱπποτροφεῖν κατέλεξε. προεῖπε δέ, ὅστις παρέ OLTO ἵππον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἄνδῥα δόκιμον, ὡς ἐξέσοιτο αὐτῷ μὴ στρατεύεσθαι καὶ ἐποίησεν οὕτως ἕκαστον προθύμως ταῦτα. πράττειν, ὥσπερ ἄν τις πὸν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ ἀποθανούμενον προθύμως μαστεύιο. ἔταξε δὲ καὶ πόλεις, ἐξ ὦ ὧν δέοι, τοὺς ἱππέας παρασκευάξειν, νομίζων ἐκ τῶν ἱππο- τρόφων πόλεων εὐθὺς καὶ φρονηματίας μάλιστα ἂν ἐπὶ τῇ ἱππικῇ γενέσθαι. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀγαστῶς ἔδοξε πρᾶξαι, ὅτι κατεσκεύαστο τὸ ἱππικὸν αὐτῷ καὶ εὐθὺς ἐρρωμένον 3v καὶ ἐνεργόν.
"Eme δὲ “ἔαρ ὑπέφαινε, συνήγαγε πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα εἰς "Edecov: ἀσκῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸ βουλόμενος ἄθλα προὔθηκε καὶ ταῖς ἱππικαῖς τάξεσιν, ἥτις κράτιστα ἱππεύοι, καὶ ταῖς ὁπλιετι-
1 The MSS. of the Hellenica have δ᾽ correctly: the MSS. have καὶ here: δὲ καὶ S. 7o
“-
' AGESILAUS, 1. 22-25
: of war who were too old to accompany the army were to be looked after, that they might not fall a prey to dogs or wolves. It thus came about that he won the goodwill not only of those who heard of these- facts, but even of the prisoners themselves. In his settlement with the cities that he won over, he invariably excused them from all servile duties and required only such obedience as freemen owe to their rulers; and by his clemency he made himself master of fortresses impregnable to assault.
However, since a campaign in the plains was im- possible even in Phrygia, owing to Pharnabazus' cavalry, he decided that he must raise a mounted force, if he was to avoid continually running away from the enemy. He therefore enrolled the wealthiest men in all the cities thereabouts as breeders of horses, and issued a proclamation that anyone who supplied a horse and arms and an efficient man should be exempt from personal service. In this way he brought it about that every one of them carried out these requirements with the zeal of a man in quest of someone to die in his stead. He also specified cities that were to furnish con- tingents of cavalry,feeling sure that from the horse- breeding cities riders proud of their horsemanship would be forthcoming. This again was considered an admirable stroke on his part, that no sooner had he raised his cavalry than it became a powerful body ready for action.
At the first sign of spring! he collected the whole of his forces at Ephesus. With a view to their training he offered prizes for the cavalry squadron that rode best, and for the company of heavy in-
1 395 B.C, 71
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als, ἥτις ἄριστα σωμάτων ἔχοι: kal πελτασταῖς δὲ καὶ τοξόταις ἄθλα προὔθηκεν, οἵτινες κράτιστοι τὰ προσήκοντα ἔργα φαίνοιντο. ἐκ τούτου δὲ παρῆν ὁρᾶν τὰ μὲν γυμνάσια μεστὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν γυμναζομένων, τὸν δὲ ἱππόδρομον ἱππέων ἱππα- ζομένων, τοὺς δὲ ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐπὶ στόχον ἱέντας. ἀξίαν δὲ καὶ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν, ἐν jj ἦν, θέας ἐποίησεν. ἥ τε γὰρ ἀγορὰ μεστὴ ἦν παντοδαπῶν. καὶ ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων ὠνίων οἵ τε χαλκοτύποι καὶ οἱ τέκτονες καὶ οἱ σιδηρεῖς καὶ οἱ σκυτεῖς καὶ οἱ γραφεῖς πάντες πολεμικὰ ὅπλα κατεσκεύαζον: ὥστε τὴν πόλιν ὄντως ἂν ἡγήσω πολέμου ἐργαστήριον εἶναι. ἐπερρώσθη δ᾽ ἄν τις κἀκεῖνο ἰδών, ᾿Αγησίλαον μὲν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους στρατιώτας ἐστε- φανωμένους τε, ὅπου ἀπὸ τῶν γυμνασίων ἴοιεν, καὶ ἀνατιθέντας τοὺς στεφάνους τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι. ὅπου γὰρ ἄνδρες θεοὺς μὲν σέβοιεν, πολεμικὰ δὲ ἀσκοῖεν, πειθαρχίὰν δὲ μελετῷεν, πῶς οὐκ εἰκὸς ἐνταῦθα πάντα μεστὰ ἐλπίδων ἀγαθῶν εἶναι ; ἡγούμενος δὲ καὶ τὸ καταφρονεῖν τῶν πολεμίων ῥώμην τινὰ ἐμβαλεῖν πρὸς τὸ μάχεσθαι προεῖπε τοῖς κήρυξι τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν λῃστῶν ἁλισ- κομένους βαρβάρους γυμνοὺς πωλεῖν. ὁρῶντες οὖν οἱ στρατιῶται λευκοὺς μὲν διὰ τὸ μηδέποτε ἐκδύεσθαι, πίονας δὲ καὶ ἀπόνους διὰ τὸ ἀεὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀχημάτων εἶναι ἐνόμισαν μηδὲν διοίσειν τὸν πόλεμον ἢ εἰ γυναιξὶ δέοι μάχεσθαι.
Προεῖπε δὲ καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς εὐθὺς ἡγήσοιτο τὴν συντομωτάτην ἐπὶ τὰ κρά- τιστα τῆς χώρας, ὅπως αὐτόθεν αὐτῷ τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν γνώμην παρασκευάζοιντο ὡς ἀγωνιού-
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fantry that reached the highest level of physical fit- ness. He also offered prizes to the targeteers and the archers who showed the greatest efficiency in their particular duties, Thereupon one might see every gymnasium crowded with the men exercising, the racecourse thronged with cavalrymen riding, and the javelin-men and archers shooting at the mark. Indeed he made the whole city in which he was quartered a sight to see. For the market was full of arms and horses of all sorts on sale, and the copperstniths, carpenters, workers in iron, cobblers, and painters were all busy making weapons of war, so that you might have thought that the city was really ἃ war factory. And an inspiring sight it would have been to watch Agesilaus and all his soldiers behind him returning garlanded from the gymnasium and dedicating their garlands to Artemis, For where men reverence the gods, train themselves in warfare and practise obedience, there you surely find high hopes abounding. | More- over, believing that contempt for the enemy would kindle the fighting spirit, he gave instructions to his heralds that the barbarians captured in the raids should be exposed for sale naked. So when his soldiers saw them white because they never stripped, and fat and lazy through constant riding in carriages, they believed that the war would be exactly like fighting with women.
He also gave notice to the troops that he would immediately lead them by the shortest route to the most fertile parts of the country, so that he might at once find them preparing themselves in body and
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μενοι. ὁ μέντοι Τισσαφέρνης ταῦτα μὲν ἐνόμισε λέγειν αὐτὸν πάλιν βουλόμενον ἐξαπατῆσαι, εἰς Καρίαν δὲ νῦν τῷ ὄντε ἐμβαλεῖν. τό τε οὖν πεζὸν καθάπερ τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς Καρίαν διεβίβασε καὶ τὸ ἱππικὸν εἰς τὸ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον κατέ- στησεν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος οὐκ ἐψεύσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ προεῖπεν, εὐθὺς eig! τὸν Σαρδιανὸν τόπον ἐχώρησε, καὶ τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας δι’ ἐρημίας πολεμίων πορευόμενος πολλὰ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ στρατιᾷ παρεῖχε' τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἧκον οἱ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς. καὶ τῷ μὲν ἄρχοντι τῶν σκευοφόρων εἶπεν ὁ ἡγεμὼν διαβάντι τὸν Πακτωλὸν ποταμὸν στρατοπεδεύεσθαι: αὐτοὶ δὲ κατιδόντες τοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀκολούθους ἐσπαρμένους καθ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος βοηθεῖν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἱππέας. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Πέρσαι ὡς εἶδον τὴν βοήθειαν, ἠθροίσθησαν καὶ ἀντιπαρετάξαντο παμπληθέσι τῶν ἱππέων τάξεσιν. ἔνθα δὴ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος γιγνώσκων, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις οὔπω παρείη τὸ πεζόν, αὐτῷ δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπείη τῶν παρεσκευασμένων, καιρὸν ἡγήσατο μάχην συνάψαι, εἰ δύναιτο. σφαγιασάμενος οὖν τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα εὐθὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ἱππέας, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐκέλευσε τὰ δέκα ἀφ᾽ ἥβης θεῖν ὁμόσε αὐτοῖς, τοῖς δὲ πελτασταῖς εἶπε δρόμῳ ὑφηγεῖσθαι: παρήγγειλε δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐμβάλλειν, ὡς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος ἑπομένου. τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἱππέας ἐδέξαντο οἱ ἀγαθοὶ τῶν Περσῶν' ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἅμα πάντα τὰ δεινὰ παρῆν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἐνέκλιναν καὶ ! εἰν is added from Zellenica ττι, ἵν." 21 : S. adds ἐπί, 74 —
AGESILAUS, τ 28-32
mind for the coming struggle. Tissaphernes, how- ever, believed that in saying this he meant to deceive him again, and that now he would really invade Caria Accordingly he sent his infantry across into Caria as before, and stationed his cavalry in the plain of the Maeander. But Agesilaus did not play false: in accordance with his notice he marched straight to the neighbour- hood of Sardis; and for three days his route lay through a country bare of enemies, so that he supplied his army with abundance of provisions. - On the fourth day the enemy's cavalry came up. Their leader told the officer in command of the baggage-train to cross the river Pactolus and encamp. The cavalry, meantime, catching sight of the Greek camp-followers plundering in scattered bands, killed a large number of them. On noticing this, Agesilaus ordered his cavalry to go to their help. The Persians in turn, seeing the supports coming, gathered in a mass and confronted them with the full strength of their horse. Then Agesilaus, realising that the enemy's infantry was not yet up, while he had all his resources on the spot, thought the moment was come to join battle if he could. Therefore, after offering sacrifice, he led forward the battle line immediately against the opposing cavalry, the heavy infantrymen of ten years service having orders to run to close quarters with the enemy, wbile the targeteers were to lead the advance at the double. He also sent word to the cavalry to attack in the knowledge that he himself was following with the whole army. The charge of the cavalry was met by the flower of the Persians: but as soon as the full weight of the attack fell on them, they swayed, and
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οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν εὐθὺς ἐν ,Τῷ ποταμῷ ἔπεσον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἔφευγον. οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες ἑπόμενοι αἱροῦσι καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν. καὶ οἱ μὲν πελτασταὶ ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν ἐτρέποντο’ ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος ἔχων κύκλῳ πάντα καὶ φίλια, καὶ πολέμια περιεστρατοπεδεύσατο.
Ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε τοὺς πολεμίους ΠΟΥ διὰ τὸ αἰτιᾶσθαι ἀχλήλους τοῦ γεγενημένου, εὐθὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ “Σάρδεις. κἀκεῖ ἅμα μὲν ἔκαιε καὶ , ἐπόρθει τὰ περὶ τὸ ἄστυ, ἅμα δὲ καὶ κηρύγματι. ἐδήλου τοὺς μὲν ἐλευθερίας δεομένους ὡς πρὸς σύμμαχον αὐτὸν παρεῖναι" εἰ δέ τινες τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἑαυτῶν ποιοῦνται, πρὸς τοὺς ἐλευ- θεροῦντας διακρινουμένους ἐν ὅπλοις παρεῖναι. ἐπεὶ μέντοι οὐδεὶς ἀντεξήει, ἀδεῶς δὴ τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου ἐστρατεύετο, τοὺς μὲν πρόσθεν προσκυνεῖν e ᾿Βλληνας ἀναγκαξομένους ὁρῶν τιμωμένους ὑφ᾽ ὧν ὑβρίξοντο, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀξιοῦντας καὶ τὰς τῶν θεῶν τιμὰς καρποῦσθαι, τούτους ποιήσας μηδ᾽ ἀντιβλέπειν τοῖς “Ελλησι δύνασθαι καὶ τὴν μὲν τῶν φίλων χώραν ἀδήωτον παρέχων, τὴν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων οὕτω καρπούμενος, à ὥστε ἐν δυοῖν ἐ ἐτοῖν πλέον τῶν ἑκατὸν ταλάντων τῷ θεῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς δεκάτην. ἀποθῦσαι.
Ὁ μέντοι, Περσῶν βασιλεὺς͵ νομίσας Τισ- σαφέρνην αἴτιον εἶναι τοῦ κακῶς φέρεσθαι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ Τιθραύστην καταπέμψας ἀπέτεμεν αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλήν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὰ μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων ἔτι ἀθυμότερα ἐγένετο, τὰ δὲ ᾿Αγησι-
! The text as corrected by Reiske and Schneider: τὸ
ἐλευθεροῦν διακρινομένους ὃ. : τῷ ἐλευθεροῦν τοὺς (Or Tovs) διακρινομένους MSS,
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some were cut down immediately in the river, while the rest fled. The Greeks followed up their success and captured their camp. . The targeteers naturally fell to pillaging; but Agesilaus drew the lines of his camp round so as to enclose the property of all, friends and foes alike.
On hearing that there was confusion among the enemy, because everyone put the blame for what had happened on his neighbour, he advanced forthwith on Sardis. There he began burning and pillaging the suburbs, and meantime issued. a proclamation calling on those who wanted freedom to join his standard, and challenging any who claimed a right to Asia to seek a decision between themselves and the liberators by an appeal to arms. As no one came out to oppose him, he prosecuted the campaign henceforward in complete confidence : he beheld the Greeks, compelled erstwhile to cringe, now honoured by their oppressors; caused those who arrogantly claimed for themselves the honours paid to the gods to shrink even from looking the Greeks in the face; rendered the country of his friends inviolate, and stripped the enemy's country so thoroughly that in two years he consecrated to the god at Delphi more than two hundred talents as tithe.
But the Persian king, believing that Tissaphernes was responsible for the bad turn in his affairs, sent down Tithraustes and beheaded Tissaphernes. After this the outlook became still more hopeless for the barbarians, while Agesilaus received large accessions
1 i.e, he intrenched.
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Aáov πολὺ ἐρρωμενέστερα. ἀπὸ πάντων γὰρ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐπρεσβεύοντο περὶ φιλίας, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἀφίσταντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ὀρεγόμενοι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ὥστε οὐκέτι Ἑλλήνων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάρων πολλῶν ἡγεμὼν ἣν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος. Αξιόν γε μὴν καὶ ἐντεῦθεν ὑπερβαλλόντως ἄγασθαι αὐτοῦ, ὅστις ἄρχων μὲν παμπόλλων ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πόλεων, ἄρχων δὲ καὶ νήσων, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν προσῆψεν αὐτῷ ἡ πόλις, αὐξα- νόμενος δὲ καὶ εὐκλείᾳ καὶ δυνάμει, παρὸν δ᾽ αὐτῷ πολλοῖς καὶ ἀγαθοῖς χρῆσθαι ὅ τι ἐβούλετο, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὸ μέγιστον, ἐπινοῶν καὶ ἐλπίζων καταλύσειν τὴν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα στρατεύσασαν πρότερον ἀρχὴν ὅμως ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς τούτων ἐκρατήθη, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἦλθεν αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῶν οἴκοι τελῶν βοηθεῖν τῇ πατρίδι, ἐπείθετο τῇ πόλει οὐδὲν διαφερόντως ἢ εἰ ἐν τῷ ἐφορείῳ ἔτυχεν ἑστηκὼς μόνος παρὰ τοὺς πέντε, μάλα ἔνδηλον ποιῶν, ὡς οὔτε ἂν πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν δέξαιτο ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίδος οὔτε τοὺς ἐπικτήτους ἀντὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων φίλων οὔτε αἰσχρὰ καὶ ἀκίνδυνα κέρδη μᾶλλον ἢ μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ καλὰ καὶ δίκαια. Ὅσον γε μὴν χρόνον ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ ἔμεινε, πῶς οὐκ ἀξιεπαίνου βασιλέως καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔργον ἐπε- δείξατο, ὅστις παραλαβὼν πάσας πόλεις, ἐφ᾽ às ἄρξων ἐξέπλευσε, στασιαζούσας διὰ τὸ τὰς πολιτείας κινηθῆναι, ἐπεὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔληξαν, ἐποίησεν ὥστ᾽ ἄνευ φυγῆς καὶ θανάτων, ἕως αὐτὸς παρῆν, ὁμονόως πολιτευομένας καὶ εὐδαίμονας τὰς πόλεις διατελέσαι ; τουγαροῦν οἱ
1 In the market at Sparta. The Five EÉphors sat there daily, and it was in their power to censure the kings.
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of strength. For all the nations of the empire sent embassies seeking his friendship, and the desire for freedom caused many to revolt to him, so that not Greeks alone, but many barbarians also now acknow- ledged the leadership of Agesilaus.
His conduct at this juncture also merits unstinted admiration. Though ruler of countless cities on the mainland, and master of islands—for the state had now added the fleet to his command—becoming daily more famous and more powerful; placed in a position to make what use he would of his many opportunities; and designing and expecting to erown his achievements by dissolving the empire that had attacked Greece in the past : he suppressed all thought of these things, and as soon as he received a request from the home government to come to the aid of his fatherland, he obeyed the call of the state, just as though he were standing in the Ephors' palace! alone before the Five, thus showing clearly that he would not take the whole earth in exchange for his fatherland, nor new-found friends for old, and that he scorned to choose base and secure gains rather than that which was right and honourable, even though it was dangerous.
Throughout the time that he remained in his command, another achievement of his showed beyond question how admirable was his skill in kingeraft. Having found al] the cities that he had gone out to govern rent by faction in consequence of the political disturbances that followed on the collapse of the Athenian empire, he brought it about by the influence of his presence that the communities lived in unbroken harmony and prosperity without re- course to banishment or executions. "Therefore the
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XENOPHON
ἐν τῇ 'Acía "EXXqves οὐχ ὡς ἄρχοντος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς πατρὸς καὶ ἑταίρου ἀπιόντος αὐτοῦ ἐλυποῦντο. καὶ τέλος ἐδήλωσαν, ὅτι οὐ πλαστὴν τὴν φιλίαν παρείχοντο. ἐθελούσιοι γοῦν αὐτῷ συνεβοήθησαν: τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, καὶ ταῦτα εἰδότες, ὅτι οὐ χείροσιν ἑαυτῶν δεήσοι μάχεσθαι. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ πράξεων τοῦτο τέλος ἐγένετο.
II. Διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπορεύετο διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐθνῶν ὧνπερ ὁ Πέρσης τῷ παμπληθεῖ στόλῳ: καὶ ἣν ἐνιαυσίαν ὁδὸν ὁ βάρβαρος ἐποιήσατο, ταύτην μεῖον ἢ ἐν μηνὶ κατήνυσεν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος. οὐ γὰρ ὡς ὑστερήσειε τῆς πατρίδος προεθυμεῖτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ éfapuel yas Μακεδονίαν εἰς Θετταλίαν ἀφίκετο, Λαρισαῖοι μὲν καὶ Κραννώνιοι καὶ Σκοτουσσαῖοι καὶ Φαρσάλιοι σύμμαχοι ὄντες Βοιωτοῖς καὶ πάντες δὲ Θετταλοὶ πλὴν ὅσοι αὐτῶν φυγάδες τότε ὄντες ἐτύγχανον, ἐκακούργουν οὗτοι ἐφεπόμενοι. 0 δὲ τέως μὲν ἦγεν ἐν πλαισίῳ τὸ στράτευμα, τοὺς ἡμίσεις μὲν ἔμπροσθεν, τοὺς ἡμίσεις δὲ ἐπ᾽ οὐρὰν ἔχων τῶν ἱππέων: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκώλυον τῆς πορείας αὐτὸν οἱ Θετταλοὶ ἐπιτιθέμενοι τοῖς ὄπισθεν, παραπέμπει ἐπ᾽ οὐρὰν καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ προηγουμένου στρα- τεύματος ἱππικὸν πλὴν τῶν περὶ αὑτόν. ὡς δὲ
/ , / ε ^ , Ἁ παρετάξαντο ἀλλήλοις, οἱ μὲν Θετταλοί, νομίέ- σαντες οὐκ ἐν καλῷ εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἱππομαχεῖν, στρέψαντες βάδην ἀπεχώρουν" οἱ δὲ μάλα σωφρόνως ἐφείποντο. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ ᾿Αγησί- λαος ἃ ἑκάτεροι ἡμάρτανον παραπέμπει τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν μάλ᾽ εὐρώστους ἱππέας καὶ κελεύει τοῖς τε ἄλλοις παραγγέλλειν καὶ αὐτοὺς διώκειν 8ο
* .— AGESILAUS, i. 38-11. 3
Greeks in Asia mourned his departure as though they were bidding farewell not merely to a ruler, but to a father or a comrade. And at the end they showed that their affection was unfeigned. At any rate they went with him voluntarily to aid Sparta, knowing as they did that they must meet an enemy not inferior to themselves. "This then was the end of his activities in Asia.
II. After crossing the Hellespont, he passed through the very same tribes as the Persian king with his mighty host; and the distance that had been traversed by the barbarian in a year was covered by Agesilaus in less than a month. For he had no intention of arriving too late to aid his fatherland. When he had passed through Macedonia and reached Thessaly, the people of Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa and Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians, all the Thessalians, in fact, except those who happened to be in exile at the time, followed at his heels and kept molesting him. For a time he led the army in a hollow square, with one half of the cavalry in front and the other half in the rear; but finding his progress hampered by Thessalian attacks on his rearguard, he sent round all the cavalry from the vanguard to the rear, except his own escort. When the two forces faced one another in line of battle, the Thessalians, believing it inexpedient to engage heavy infantry with cavalry, wheeled round and slowly retired, their enemy following very cautiously. Agesilaus, noticing the errors into which both sides were falling, now sent round his own escort of stalwart horsemen, with orders to bid the others to charge at full speed, and to do the same themselves,
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XENOPHON
κατὰ κράτος καὶ μηκέτι δοῦναι αὐτοῖς ἀναστροφήν. οἱ δὲ Θετταλοὶ ὡς εἶδον παρὰ δόξαν ἐλαύνοντας, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν οὐδ᾽ ἀνέστρεψαν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἀνα-
στρέφειν πειρώμενοι πλαγίους ἔ ἔχοντες τοὺς ἵππους.
4 ἡλίσκοντο. Πολύχαρμος μέντοι ὁ Φαρσάλιος ἱππαρχῶν ἀνέστρεψέ τε καὶ μαχόμενος σὺν τοῖς φυγὴ γίγνεται ἐξαισία' ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἀπέθνησκον αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ξῶντες ἡλίσκοντο. ἔστησαν δ᾽ οὖν οὐ πρόσθεν, πρὶν UE ἐπὶ τῷ ὄρει τῷ Ναρθακίῳ
ὅ ἐγένοντο. καὶ τότε μὲν δὴ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος τρόπαιόν τε ἐστήσατο μετα