JOHNS HOPKINS DNIVERSITT STDDIES IN Historical and Political Science HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor History is past Politics and Politics present History.— Freeman EXTRA VOLUME IX STATE AND FEDEEAL GOVERNMENT IN SWITZERLAND BY JOHN MARTIN VINCENT, Ph. D. Librarian and Instructor in the Department of History and Politics, Jokns Hopkins University BALTIMORE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS 1891 v^. Copyright, 1891, by The Johns Hopkins Press. PRESS OF ISAAC FRIEDENWALiD CO. BALTIMORE. TO PROFESSOR WILHELM ARNDT OP THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED AS A TOKEN OF RESPECT BY A FORMER PUPIL PEEFACE I have attempted to give in these few pages an outline of the existing conditions of government in Switzerland, in its federal, state, and local aspects. It is not a constitutional history; yet Swiss institutions are so firmly rooted in the past that historical explanations have at times been neces- sary, and the temptations to enter upon still wider digressions almost irresistible. Were it possible to give in brief space the evolution of each department of political and economic life I should deem the result well worth the effort, but such an exhibit is foreign to the purpose of this book. As it is, I have approached the subject from a republican standpoint. When I began these studies there was no adequate work upon Swiss government in the English language, and such as were written by other foreigners seemed to lack sympathy with the sub- ject, because the authors were not personally accustomed to democratic institutions. I venture to hope that American nativity has given me some measure of appreciation and of impartiality. I have had occasion to say frequently, and the statement can scarcely be repeated too often, that government in Switzerland can only be fully understood when the confeder- ation and the cantons are studied together. Their fields of operation are at some points distinct, at others they overlap, and the functions of state and federal government become blended, in a manner for which there are no analogies in the institutions of the United States. Yet on the whole the two governments are so similar, and so many problems in national life are being worked out simultaneously in both, that an eminent professor of American history is well justified in saying that " of all the foreign federal constitutions now in operation, the most important for comparison with the Con- stitution of the United States is that of Switzerland." It is. viii Preface. therefore, with more than curious interest that I have inquired into the various departments of Swiss political life, for although I have only occasionally drawn a moral for American readers, I have felt that here we might see our- selves somewhat as others see us. If I have in any degree incidentally contributed to a better understanding of our own institutions, or made clearer the solidarity of our o\Yn state and national life, I shall feel repaid. It is eminently appropriate that a study of Switzerland should appear under the auspices of the Johns Hopkins University, since within its walls are kept the books and papers of one of the most eminent historians of that country, Professor J. C. Bluntschli, who began his career in Zurich, but ended it at Heidelberg as an European authority upon inter- national law. While yet in his native country he wrote extensively upon the history of Zurich, and upon the consti- tutional history of the whole confederation. At his death, in 1881, his library, manuscripts, and historical materials were purchased by German citizens of Baltimore and presented to this University. To this collection was added, in 1886, a large number of books and pamphlets relating to the history and government of Switzerland, presented by the Federal Council at Bern, through the kind mediation of the Hon. Emile Frey, then minister plenipotentiary of Switzerland at Washington, now a member of the Federal Cabinet. It was largely due to these gifts that a study of Switzerland was made possible \vithout continuous residence in that country. To many friends I am indebted for encouragement and direct assistance in the preparation of this book, and I here take occasion to thank them, without making them by name responsible for its errors. I cannot, however, forbear to express my obligations for counsel and advice as to what such a M'ork ought to he, to Prof. H. B. Adams and Rev. W. D. Ball of Baltimore, and Prof. Woodrow Wilson of Princeton. Bluntschli Library, Johns Eopldns University, May, 1891. CONTENTS, PART I.— FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. PAGE Chapter I. — Origins of the Commonwealth 3 Chapter IT. — The Confederation and the Cantons 30 Chapter III.— Federal Legislation 38 Chapter TV. — The Law and the People 46 Chapter V. — The Federal Executive 52 Chapter VI.— The Federal Judiciary 58 Chapter VII. — The Federal Army 62 Chapter VIII.— International Relations 67 Chapter IX. — Federal Finance 70 Chapter X. — The Confederation and Society 83 Chapter XI. — The Confederation and the Individual 97 PART II.— STATE GOVERNMENT. Chapter XII. — State Legislation 105 Chapter XIII. — Referendum and Initiative 123 Chapter XIV.— State Executive and Judiciary 132 Chapter XV. — State and Local Finance 145 Chapter XVI. — Community and Citizenship 157 Chapter XVII. — Church and State 173 Chapter XVIIL— Education 182 PART III.— SOURCES OF CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, 1291-1891. The First Federal Constitution 191 The Present Federal Constitution 194 The Alcohol Monopoly Law 223 Literature of Constitutional History 228 Statistical Table 240 Index 241 PART I FEDERAL GOVERNMENT STATE AND FEDERAL GOVERNMEiNT IN SWITZERLAND. CHAPTER I. Origins of the Commonwealth. The origins of the political institutions and ideas of Swit- zerland must be sought among the laws and customs of the early Germans. Although the foothills of the Alps were for a long time occupied by tribes of Kelts, and, later on, became subject to the Roman Empire, no influence of the ancient Helvetians or of Latin civilization survived the Great Migra- tion Mdth strength enough to determine the form in which law and state should develop. Two nations of Germans, the Burgundians and the Ala- manni, then enemies, later confederates, took possession of Switzerland in the first half of the fifth century, and have never been supplanted. The Burgundians, already christian- ized, divided the soil of the southwestern part with the Roman inhaV)itants, became Frenchmen, and, because of their con- nection with the larger Burgundy of France, became members of a Swiss Coiifcdcracy, only after it had been long in opera- tion and the line of its evolution determined. The Alamanni, still pagan, and hating the restraints of civilization, entered a land once flourishing with cities, but then almost abandoned. Neither Latin inhabitants nor Roman remains affected to any great degree their language or institutions. They grew and developed as a German nation. Their mountainous country fostered their native 4 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. individuality, and tliey became the founders of Swiss liberty, the originators of the Confederation, and were for centuries the exclusive material out of which the republic was enlarged. Thus the foundations of the existing form of government and the political instincts of the people of to-day were in large part laid by the same Teutonic forefathers to whom we trace the constitutions of England and America. The Alamannic invaders divided the land among them- selves and settled down under separate chieftains or kings in different districts, and, we may believe, as in other Ger- man tribes these districts were subdivided into gaue and hun- dreds which were governed by counts and centcnarii or cent- grafen. This was at least the form of government when they were conquered by the Franks in the sixth century. At that time these chiefs were deprived of what royal power theyAnay have had, and were made dukes of the Merovin- gian empire. Pippin in 748 abolished the dukes, and Charles the Great completed the subjugation by causing the grafen to be appointed by royal warrant instead of by popular election. In his district the graf administered the laws under the over- sight of the royal commissioners, and commanded its army contingent in time of war. In the hundred the centgraf, with the whole body of citizens assembled about him as judges and jury, held court upon minor offenses, and, like the graf in his larger sphere, led his neighbors to battle. Such a district, for example, was Thurgau, which originally included all the northeastern and central part of Switzerland, and such hundreds were the valleys of Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden. In the expansion of the feudal system, and in consequence of vast endowments of churches and monasteries, proprietor- ship in the soil became greatly changed, and the lordship of these counties and hundreds became hereditary in different families. Many small owners put themselves under the pro- tection of powerful lords, others placed themselves in feudal relation to the monasteries. Whole districts were granted in Origins of the Commonwealth. 5 fief to abbeys and cloisters, and thereby receiyed the immu- nities wliich the church then enjoyed. Hence, at the time \vhen ^ve first begin to hear of a Swiss Confederation, the legal and political status of the country had become yery much complicated, and each of the districts had reasons of its own for reyolt. Uri had been from the ninth century a fief of the abbey of Zurich. It thereby gained immunity from the jurisdiction of the ordinary graf and centgraf, and enjoyed the milder rule of the monastic officials, receiying later also the direct protection of the emperor, who appointed the adyocate or oyerlord for all the possessions of the abbey. The inhabitants of the lower yalley of the Reuss formed the " Community of the People of Uri," and regulated for themselyes all matters pertaining to their common pastures and ^voodIands. In Schwyz also, along with some manorial subjects, there had been preseryed from earlier times a Marh- genosscvschaft, owning its own land and making its own local laws. Their external political status, howeyer, was not so desirable as that of Uri, since they were under the protection of neighboring magnates and only distantly attached to the empire. The same may be said of Unterwalden, except that ownership of land Mas more diyided up among monasteries and nobles and there were fewer free farmers than in Schwyz. In both the constant menace was that their oyerlords would assume not only the feudal protection of the districts, but the territorial ownership as well, and gradually depriye the small owners of their remaining rights. We must not put too large an estimate upon the legislatiye pow'ers of these communities at this time. The scope of law- making doubtless went little beyond the concerns of their common farming and pasturage. Popular rights found expression rather in the application of law, in attendance upon court and in sitting upon juries in local trials. Here they would jealously guard ancient usages and resent foreign interference and arbitrary interpretation. It is important to 6 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. note, however, that their common interests and occasional assemblies kept alive the sense of mutual dependence, and when political matters were in the air, the Marl-genossenschaft became the centre of action. In this local agricultural free- dom lay the germ of larger political liberty, and when the time came for action, the instinct and the instrumentalities were at hand.^ At the beginning of the thirteenth century we find the dukes of Zahringen in hereditary possession of the com- bined offices of Count of Ziirichgau, now partitioned out of Thurgau, and of advocate for the abbey of Zurich. Thus the three hundreds, Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden, were under the same overlord, but with far different relations. In Uri the duke only exercised a general superintendence through a sub-advocate, while in Schwyz and Unterwalden he adminis- tered the laws through his own vassals, who received the offices of ffraf and centgraf as hereditary fiefs. There was imminent danger that through long usage the local liberties of the people would gradually sink into feudal serfdom. But in 1218 the house of Zaln'ingen became extinct and its fiefs fell back to the crown. Zurich, city and abbey, and consequently Uri, sought and received a renewal of their immunities.^ The other districts began at once to strive after the same immediate attachment to the empire, and at last obtained it from the emperor Frederic II., in 1240, who decreed that Schwyz and Unter- walden should forever after be imperial fiefs and should be governed by imperial advocates.^ The counts of Habsburg, who, as vassals of Zahringen, had long held the offices of centgraf in these valleys, now became imperial instead of feudal administrators, and the condition of the people so far improved that in case of misgovernment appeal could be made directly to the emperor, in place of a self-interested overlord. ' Cf. Dierauer, Gesch., I. 84. ^n 1231. ^Oechsli, Quellenbuch, p. 47. Origins of the CommonweaUh. 7 In 1273, Rudolf of Habsburg Avas elected king. He at once confirmed the imperial relationship of Uri, but for Schwyz and Unterwalden deferred without directly refusing the renewal of the privileges of Frederic 11. The evident object was to gain by gradual usurpation the territorial lordship over these districts and add them to the increasing hereditary possessions of his family. The pur- chase of Luzern and many small landed properties scattered over the three cantons, the imposition of foreign bailiffs, together with increasing burdens of taxation, strengthened these suspicions, and caused not only Schwyz and Unter- walden, but also the imperial fief Uri, to look forward with uneasiness to the future. Eudolf died in 1291, without con- firming the charters. The character of his son Albert was not such as would inspire hope of better treatment, and sev- enteen days^ after Rudolf's death, the three districts entered into a league. The charter itself declares it to be a renewal of an older compact, but no document earlier than this having been preserved, this agreement is known as the First Per- petual League^ and the starting-point of the Swiss Confeder- ation. The object of the League of 1291 was not total independ- ence of all outside domination, but the preservation of their old direct connection with the Empire and long-accustomed local rights. The confederates solemnly agreed not to receive any judge who was not a native of their valleys, nor one who had bought his office with a price ; to settle all difficulties arising between the three cantons by arbitration, and if any j)arty refused to accede to a decision, the others should compel it to obey ; and in case of attack by any power, the other can- tons should come to the help of the endangered. But all proper feudal claims should be respected, and each district should serve its own overlord in all things so far as 'Dierauer, Gesch., p. 78. '^AmtlicheSaramlungderEidgenossischen Abschiede, I., p. 241; Oechsli, Quellenbuch, p. 49. 8 State and Fedei^al Government in Switzerland. they were right, just, and customary before the time of King Eudolf. The territorial rights of the abbeys and monas- teries who had lands and serfs in those valleys, the family possessions of noble houses, and 'the imperial overlordship were to be honored as before. Ten weeks later a defensive alliance was also entered into for three years between Uri, Schwyz, and the city of Zurich, in which mutual assistance is promised in case of attack. The confederates had not misconceived the plans of Duke Albert, for almost immediately an Austrian force appeared be- fore Zurich, though it does not seem from the meagre accounts that much was done, and peace was signed in August, 1292. The danger was temporarily bridged over by the election of Adolf of Nassau as king. He left the Swiss pretty much to themselves, and finally in 1297 renewed the privileges granted by Frederic II. But in 1298 Adolf was killed in a battle with his rival, and the confederates were once more exposed to the ambitious plans of the house of Habsburg. From this time on until his death, Albert more and more exasperated the people of these valleys by tyrannical meas- ures of government. Overbearing bailiffs were set over them, who acted as if they were the overseers of Habsburg private estates, rather than governors of imperial fiefs, and outraged both the written privileges of the cantons and the commonest laws of justice. The Swiss found it advisable to endure this for a time, but upon the news of the emperor's murder the confederates at once arose, drove out the hated bailiffs, and in the following year obtained from Henry VII. not only a confirmation of their previous imperial independ- ence, but also the privilege that they should not be cited before any court outside their own land, except to the royal tribunal itself.^ But in 1313 another double election of kings brought all Germany into arms and threatened once more ' J^^s non evocando. Kojjp, Urkunden, p. 103. Oechsli, Quellenbuch, p. 52. Origms of the Commonwealth. 9 the beginnings of freedom in the Swiss valleys. The con- federates, naturally distrustful of the house of Austria, sided with Louis of Bavaria, and in consequence, Leopold, brother of the rival king Frederic, set out with an army of 10,000 men to complete that humiliation of the peasants which his father had attempted. The invaders were routed in the battle of Morgarten in 1315. The confederates, rendered confident by success, renewed in the same year the compact made in 1291, with the important addition that no party should sub- mit to an overlord or negotiate with a foreign power without the consent of the others. The eventual success of Louis of Bavaria removed the danger of invasion for a considerable time, and peace between Austria and the Forest Cantons was definitely signed in 1323. In 1324 Louis declared the manorial and feudal rights of the rebellious Frederic forfeited to the crown, and the tenants of his lands free imperial citizens. By this stroke the in- equalities of the inhabitants Mere almost entirely removed, the jurisdiction of manor courts largely replaced by the common law and customs of the land, and the sense of unity among the cantons greatly solidified. The next addition to this confederation of states was Luzern. Having been for hundreds of years a fief of the abbey of Murbach, and enjoying the immunities connected with clerical possessions, this city suddenly found itself in 1291 sold out to the house of Habsburg and under the domination of Duke Albert. The governor was now an appointee of a prince anxious to extend his dominion and authority, and although this new official promised to maintain the old privileges, the ])olitical tendency of Habsburg govern- ment was plainly contrary to the interests of Luzern. The citizens were obliged to fight against their neiu'hl)ors in the w^ars of Austria with the Swiss, and had these attacks been successful, the country would have been reduced to one common de])endency. These facts and the close proximity of the three imperial cantons, brought about a union of 10 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Schwyz, Uri, Unterwaldeu, and Luzern in 1332. Mutual aid in time of war and arbitration of disputes were the objects of the league. The territorial rights of their several overlords were distinctly reserved, but the final result could not help but be against the house of Austria. A second infusion of the municipal element into the con- federation resulted from the admission of Ziirich in 1351. This was an important addition, since Zurich was not only a flourishing commercial centre, and the confederates thereby gained the advantages of internal free trade, but situated as it was at the head of the lake, it formed a strategic point on the main road over the Alps. Ziirich also had immediate cause to be glad of allies, for the signing of the compact was the signal for attack by an Austrian army. The siege was sustained with the help of contingents from the Forest Can- tons, and the outcome of the war was that the confederation which began it with five members finished it with eight. The additions were Glarus, Zug, and Bern. The valley of Glarus since the eighth century had been a fief of the abbey of Siickingen on the Rhine, and as such had been administered successively under the overlordship of the houses of Lenzburg, Kyburg and Habsburg, but the resident bailiff had for thi'ee centuries been a member of a native family. In 1288, however, to the consternation of the valley, this office also was bestowed upon the house of Habs- burg, which thus came into possession of both higher and lower judicial functions. The difference at once became apparent in increased taxation and rigor of administration. The first evidence of revolt was a refusal to take up arms for Austria in the invasion of 1315. The Glarnese would fight only in behalf of the Abbess of Sackingen. Redoubled oppressions by foreign bailiffs, and the refusal to renew certain charters accidentally burned in a general confla- gration, so deepened the bitterness against Austria, that in 1351, when a detachment of Zurich soldiers overran and took possession of the valley, the inhabitants not only did Origins of the Commomcealth. 11 not resist, but at the request of the invaders cheerfully sent a company of men to assist the besieged city. When the Aus- trians endeavored in the following year to recapture Glarus they were completely overthrown, and a few months later this canton was joined to the league. The agreement was en- tered into by Zurich, Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, and Glarus, but the latter was not admitted on an equality with the others. Demands for aid from the other confederates were to be sub- ject to proof, but when the Glarnese were called upon they should respond without question. Equality was not obtained till 1450. The city and district of Zug were likewise under the over- lordship of Habsburg, and, on account of their situation, important to the league in a Avar with Austria. So a few weeks after the capture of Glarus a confederate force sur- rounded the city. The besieged sent at once to the Austrians for assistance, but Duke Frederic, intent on humiliating Zurich, refused. Zug, finding no glory in faithfulness to such an overlord, made peace at once and entered into a league with the confederates. In this compact all of the former cantons were parties except Glarus, and Zug was received into the confederation on an equality with the others. Of still greater importance was the acquisition of Bern. This had long enjoyed the rights of an imperial free city, and as such was an ally of the house of Austria in its war against the Swiss, even sending a contingent to assist in the siege of Zurich, But in fighting against the Forest Cantons, the contradiction of its interests was so apparent that as soon as peace was concluded Bern took steps toward an alliance with these neighbors. By a treaty in 1353 it entered into a per- petual league with Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden, upon conditions simihir to those in the other agreements. With Zurich and Luzern, Bern had no connection except through the original states. If Bern desired assistance in war it called upon the Forest Cantons, and these in turn demanded the help of the cities. If Ziirich and Luzern were in need, Bern was enlisted by the same mediation. 12 State and Federal Government in Sicitzerlatid. The League of Eight, as thus completed, remained with- out further enlargement for a century and a quarter. These details of its early history have been given with some parti- cularity in order to show the original motives to the forma- tion of a union, the changing circumstances which caused its continuance and enlargement, and the reasons for the pecu- liar nature of the federal bond. From this point onward to the close of the eighteenth century, events and institutions move with more deliberation, and, although we pass through the most brilliant period of the military ascendancy of Swit- zerland, there is less to record of institutional advancement. In the course of the next one hundred and thirty years three important landmarks are to be met in the constitu- tional growth of the confederation. The first is the so-called Pfaffenhrief of 1370. It is an agreement by means of which all the states except Bern and Glarus freed themselves from the jurisdiction of clerical courts in all temporal matters.^ The chief provisions of this "Priest Letter" were (1) that every inhabitant who was bound by oath of vassalage to the dukes of Austria should also swear allegiance to the confed- eration, and that this should include clergy as well as laity, nobles as well as commoners. (2) That clericals who were not citizens of any confederate city or land, yet dwelt within the confederation, should not summon a confederate citizen before any foreign court of justice, either clerical or tem- poral, but should cite him before the court of the place where he resided, except in matters relating to the clergy and to marriage, which belonged to the jurisdiction of the bishop. The penalty was outla\\Ty to any priest who disobeyed. It was further attempted to set some limit to the disquie- tudes of private warfare by prohibiting armed conflicts to all who had not first obtained a government -license. But the Pfaffenhrief, as its nickname indicates, is distinguished more than in any other way for the measures taken to cut oif the ' Eidgen. Abschiede, I., p. 301. Oechsli, p. 99. Origins of the Commonwealth. 13 juriscliction of foreign and distant courts and to diminish the abuses of clerical immunity, thereby making a distinct advance in the direction of neutrality and independence. The second constitutional monument of this period was the Sempacher Brief of 1393, which may be called the first war-ordinance of the confederation.^ A secret treaty had been discovered between Austria and the Burgomaster and Privy Council of Zurich, in which the city was pledged to remain neuta'al if Austria made war upon the confederates. The citizens procured the overthrow and ban- ishment of the traitors, and during the excitement caused by this narrow escape from danger, the confederates took immediate steps to tighten the bonds of union between themselves. Since they had so recently fought out their cause with Austria to an honorable result, they would now provide for future attacks by renewing their former oaths and agreements, to the end that fellow-citizens should live in peace with one another, should not violently enter each other's houses in war or peace, and should assist each other in all things Avithout deceit. Merchants should be protected in person and in goods. To make defense of their country more effective, regula- tions were made for the better conduct of war. As their forefathers had always done, each city and district fought under its own banner. If any one deserted the flag, his life and goods were at the disposal of his state. Even the wounded were expected to follow the banner as long as they could. No one should begin to plunder until the commander gave permission. The booty when brought in should be handed over to the officers, and these should divide it honor- ably amopg all the men alike. Cloisters and churches should not be plundered unless an enemy or his goods were con- cealed therein. Women should not be struck nor stabbed nor otherwise ill-treated, unless they fought themselves, or by 'Eidgen. Abschiede, I., p. 337. Oechsli, p. 110. 14 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. outcry gave help to an enemy; they could then be punished according to desert. This was the first agreement in which the confederated states all acted together without the mediation of the original cantons or through the indirect connection of cities. Its name came from the fact that the battle of Sempach, in 1386, is several times mentioned as showing examples of the evils which the treaty sought to abolish, and one Swiss historian goes so far as to call it the first attempt made by any people to temper by agreement the savagery of war. ^ Eighty-eight years after this agreement the confederation passed through a crisis which threatened its very existence. The danger in this case came from within instead of without. Discord among the states had been increasing for some time, for it was plainly to be seen that the interests of the cities and the rural communities widely diverged. The league had been formed on a basis of equality of states, but it could hardly fail, in course of time, that the cities, with their larger and more cultivated population, should exert a more commanding influence in the politics of the nation than the agricultural cantons, whose boundaries were comparatively stationary and people less progressive. The moral weight Avas on the side of the cities, but the vote in the Federal Diet exhibited four rural states against three municipal, with Zug in a changeable position, as it was composed of both city and country. The policy of Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, and Glarus had degenerated into chronic opposition to the desires of Zurich, Bern, and Luzern. The Forest States regarded themselves as the founders of the League and still the centre of its life. They were jealous of the increashig power of the towns, their wealth and evident influence with foreign nations. They feared also for their 1 Dandliker, Gesch. d. Schweiz, I., p. 560. Same, I., p. 594 : ♦' The Con- federation which in the 19th century established the Convention of Geneva for the protection of the wounded, had already in the 14th century, for the first time in the history of the world, mitigated the barbarity of war." Origins of the Commomvealth. 15 hard-bought freedom, should the aristocratic cities gain the upper hand, and the municipalities on their part had given cause for suspicions of this kind, for in the government of their territories they made distinctions between citizens within and without the walls, much to the disadvantage of the latter, and in general held their rural subjects in invidious sub- ordination. The Forest States had no desire to become appendages of the rich, aristocratic, and sometimes unscru- pulous governments of Bern, Luzern, or Ziirich. The cities, moreover, had appeared to reap most of the advantage from the confederate wars. Their territories had grown larger by annexation, while the enclosed central states must remain the same. Especially in the war with Charles the Bold, Bern had gained greatly in extent on the west, while the immense booty taken in battle and the tributes laid on conquered cities seemed to the country cantons to be unfairly divided, for all w'ere supposed to receive an equal share. The cities pro- tested that it was no fair division of booty to give each one of the country states, who had all together furnished 14,000 men for the war, an even share with Bern which had sent out 40,000. Another bone of contention was the enlarge- ment of the union. The cities had for a long time desired to bring the cantons of Freiburg and Solothurn into the League. This was a step recommended by policy as well as by friendship, for by this means the borders of the confed- eration would have been rounded out to limits nuich better fortified by nature, not to mention the numerical increase in military forces. But these were municipal governments, and the Forest States, unwilling to add more to the voting strength of the cities and thereby place themselves in the minority, refused again and again to admit these cantons. The situation daily grew more critical. Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden made an agreement with Glarus to stand by each other in case of attack. Luzern, Bern, and Zurich made a compact of mutual citizenship, a form of agreement by which they sought to circumvent the oath they had taken in the League of Eight to enter into no new alliances. 16 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Just at this point there was alleged to have been discov- ered a plot to destroy the city of Luzern by countrymen of Obwalden and Entlibuch. The cities were thrown into a frenzy and peace was strained to the utmost. Threats and recriminations passed from side to side, but finally, as an almost hopeless eifort toward reconciliation, a Diet was called to meet at Stanz on the 8th of December, 1481. The details of this conference read like romance, so great was the transformation which took place in the feelings of the confederates. Much controversy has arisen over the causes of this sudden change of sentiment. Whether it was the moral influence of the hermit Nicolas von cler Fliie or the statesmanship of Burgomaster Waldmann which brought it about is difficult to decide, but just as the Diet was about to break up in confusion a compromise was effected, and an agreement was drawn up which is known as the Con- vention of Stanz [Stanzeri'crkomniss). In this convention the agreements of the Perpetual League, the Pfafenbricf and of the Sempacher Brief are re-affirmed and the new separate alliances abolished. As to the matter latest in contention, it was agreed that movable booty should be divided according to the number of men sent into war, but new acquisitions of territory should be shared equally among the states partici- pating. Thus the principle of state-rights was preserved and the idea of popular representation received its first, and for three hundred years almost its only recognition. In another agreement, made the same day, Freiburg and Solothurn were admitted to the League on equal terms with the others. Li 1501 the confederation was enlarged by the admission of Basel, which, on account of its situation and importance, was a most desirable acquisition, and in the same year the addition of Schaffhausen, like Basel, a free imperial city with outlying territories, still further strengthened the union. The next, and for two hundred and eighty-five years the 1 Eidgen. Abschiede, I., p. 696. Oechsli, p. 203. Origins of the Commonwealth. 17 last, addition to the inner membership of the alliance was Appenzell. This canton had often sought admission, but had hitherto been refused on account of the warlike disposi- tion of the people and their liability to get into trouble without sufficient cause. Indeed, all three of these new states were placed in a subordinate position, as may be seen from the fact that they were enjoined from making new alliances or beginning war without the consent of the other confed- erates. For Basel and Schaffhausen the peculiar arrange- ment is made that in case strife should arise between other members of the League, they are to endeavor to mediate peaceably, but failing in this they are to stand by, let them fight it out and aid neither party. Connected Avith the confederacy there Avere, for varving periods and in different relationships, other territories and cities more or less under its control. One class consisted of the so-called Allied Districts [Zugewandte und Verbundete Orte), who were attached to the central body not as equal members, but as friends for mutual assistance. This form of alliance began almost with the formation of the league, and gradually extended till it included St. Gallen, Biel, Neucha- tel, the Bishopric of Basel (which territory lay outside the city), the separate confederacies of Graubiindcn and Valais, Geneva and several free imperial cities of Germany, at one time so distant as Strassburg. More closely attached to the confederation were the Gemeine Vogteicn, or subject territories, whose government was admin- istered by various members of the league in partnership. These lands had been obtained partly by purchase or for- feiture of loans and partly by conquest. The desire for enlargement of territory began early in the history of the cantons, and all of them added individually or in partnership to the extent of their possessions. In the fifteenth century this ambition seized upon the confederation itself. Previous to the battle of Sempach the struggles of the Swiss had been to defend their rights and hereditary privileges. After that 18 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. decisive occasion their aims were toward increase of power, and, while the cantons had generally enlarged their borders by purchase, the confederation as a rule made use of force. Thus in 1410 seven states joined in the subjugation of Eschenthal, an Italian possession beyond the Gotthardt. Of greater importance was the acquisition of Aargau. This was a fief of the house of Austria and had faithfully followed its fortunes, but when the Council of Constance excommunicated Duke Frederic, the Emperor Sigismund placed him and his territories under the ban of the Empire and invited the con- federates to take possession of Aargau. As they had only three years before made a fifty years peace with Austria, they were reluctant to do so, but finally succumbed to the tempta- tion. Uri alone would have nothing to do with it. The other seven assumed the government, and administered its affairs by governors appointed alternately from each state, dividing the surplus revenues equally between themselves. In consequence of another quarrel with Austria in 1460, the Swiss took possession of Thurgau, and after some forty years of contention obtained complete jurisdiction in 1499. The inhabitants at that time desired admission to full mem- bership in the league, but the confederates had become so greedy of spoils that they would not forego the advantages of the offices and revenues. They were democrats at home but not abroad, so Thurgau remained imtil 1798 in a condi- tion of subjection to the League of Thirteen. By various means and under differing conditions other districts were brought under the rule of the league during the next few years, so that before the middle of the sixteenth century nearly all the territory now included in Switzerland was in some way connected with the confederation. Upon this territorial basis of states, subject lands and allies, the fabric of government stood till the close of the 18th century. It was a loose confederation, whose sole organ of common action was a Diet in Avhich each state was entitled to one vote. During the infancy of the league the Origins of the Commonwealth. 19 machinery of federal government was simple indeed. "When- ever anything needed to be done in concert, the state to whom the matter first occurred called a Diet ; delegates were appointed, and these, upon assembling, acted according to the instructions of their home governments. If disagreement arose between two states, each appointed referees, and if these were unable to agree, a third was chosen by the other two, and his opinion prevailed. Such were the beginnings of the Swiss Federal Tribunal. In war each state furnished and maintained its own soldiers, unless the campaign was under- taken for the special benefit of a single state ; then the canton which called in aid maintained the forces while within its own boundaries. The formal bond of union was for five hundred years hardly more than this. In later times the Diet assumed more of the duties of the primitive arbitration committees, and was recognized more as a central organ of communi- cation, yet the written articles of confederation were but little different from the early beginnings. The actual bond of union, however, owing to the pressure of circumstances, was greater than written agreements. Until the Reformation had introduced religious schism between the states, the presence of powerful enemies on every hand kept fresh the sense of mutual dependence, and the Swiss Confederation rose above the letter of its constitution ; but when it had passed through the struggle for existence, and the principle of state-rights found no impediment in its way, the weakness of the central government became sadly apparent. The Diet, which at the height of its power had no means of enforcing its own decrees, was even for a time during the Reformation split into Catholic and Evangelical parts which acted separately. When united again, the small powers which had been exerted rapidly faded away. The acts of the Diet were in no sense legislative, but rather recommendations to the several states, for, though the resolutions passed may have had the form of law, they were obeyed only when it suited 20 State and Federal Government in Sivitzerland, the individual cantons. The military aifairs of the country reached a deplorable condition, notwithstanding numerous attempts to provide for a uniform system of national defense. Jealousy and indifference broke down all efforts to strengthen the central government, and the country was open to the first invader. The situation was similar to that of the United States under the old confederation after the war of independence was over, except that, on account of religious differences, the disintegration of interests was more marked in Switzerland than in America. Had the United States continued under that form of government for a century, or even a generation longer, their political condition would doubtless have been as bad. Almost the only thread that held the Swiss Confederation together was the possession of subject lands. In these they were interested as partners in a business corporation. Here were revenues and offices to watch and profits to divide, and matters came to such a pass that almost the only questions upon which the Diet could act in concert were the inspection of accounts and other affairs connected with the subject territories. These common properties were all that prevented complete rupture on several critical occasions. Another marked feature in the condition of government was the supremacy gained by the patrician class. Muni- cipalities gained the upper hand over rural districts, and within the municipalities the old families assumed more and more privileges in government, in society, and in trade. The civil service in some instances became the monopoly of a limited number of families, who were careful to perpetuate all their privileges. Even in the rural democracies there was more or less of this family supremacy visible. Sporadic attempts at reform were rigorously suppressed in the cities, and government became more and more petrified into aris- tocracy. A study of this period of Swiss history explains many of the provisions found in the constitutions of to-day, Origins of the Commonwealth. 21 which seem like over-precaution against family influence. The effect of privilege was especially grievous, and the fear of it survived when the modern constitutions were made. The Helvetic Republic. These aristocracies were particularly obnoxious to the revolutionists of France, and, after they had sufficiently cured the evils of human society in their own country, they determined to rectify the political affairs of Switzerland according to their views of the rights of man. The army of the Directory was charged with the propagation of the new doctrine, and the Swiss were obliged to receive a new form of government at their hands. A more complete change in the political character of Switzerland than that introduced by " La Ke])ublique Hel- vetique" in 1798 could hardly have been imagined. Where had been a Staatenbund of the frailest kind was erected in a day a unitary state with central government. What had been independent sovereign states now became departments only of a larger unit, or, in some cases, several were thrown together to make a single department. Bern, the largest and most aristocratic, was divided into four, and general havoc was made with existing institutions. The central legislature consisted of a Grand Council of rep- resentatives elected from the cantons according to population, and a Senate of four delegates from each canton, to whom were to be added from time to time the retiring members of the Directory. Senate and Council together elected the Executive Directory of five members. These in turn ap- pointed four ministers for different departments of adminis- tration, and together wielded the executive power of the state. Local administration was carried out by prefects in the cantons, sub-prefects in the districts, and agents in the com- munes. These were offices hitherto unknown in Switzerland, and their connection with each other and the central power formed a distinct innovation. 22 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Such radical changes and such reckless disregard of past conditions could hardly be expected to find cordial accept- ance. Discontent was held in check for nearly five years by French bayonets, but the Helvetic Republic was finally driven across the border before a storm of reactionary indig- nation. Although this was a period of visionary experi- ment in government, and political abuses exasperated the Swiss beyond endurance, the educating influence of that short experience in centralized government must not be left out of account. Many of the most patriotic minds were enthusi- astic for greater unity, and endeavored to direct their country toward higher ideals of politics and social welfare. Many things were begun that have only in these later years again become established, but so rudely was the matter thrust upon them, and so greedy were the saviors who came to their rescue, that reaction was inevitable. The Act of Mediation. Napoleon Bonaparte, however much he desired to make Switzerland an appendage of France, and to use her military forces as his own, appreciated the historical fitness of things and the political instincts of the mountaineers. He gave them a constitution in his Act of Mediation, which restored the local autonomy of the cantons but still retained a central government. It was, indeed, a restoration of the confeder- ation in a form which suited the times,^ but it was not a restoration of old conditions in the cantons. The Act of Mediation contains a federal constitution, but the first nine- teen chapters outline the fundamental law of as many states. To some of these democratic, to others representative govern- ments were given. To Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Glarus, Appenzell, and Graubiinden, the old follonote, the Landesgemcinde and council were restored, as better suited to the inclinations and habits of those states. The distinctions ' Bluntschli, Schweiz. Bundesrecht, I. 460. Origins of the Commonwealth. 23 and privileges of the patrician municipalities which had been overthrown by the Helvetic Republic, were still held in check, and despite the reactionary eiForts of the original thirteen states, the former subject territories retained their newly acquired sovereign rights. The national legislature was made again into a Diet, but regard was paid to population by giving two votes to those states having 100,000 inhabitants or more. Six of the most important cantons, Freiburg, Bern, Solothurn, Basel, Zurich, and Luzern were appointed VoroHe to take turns at the head of affairs for one year at a time. During that year the capital of the Vorort became the seat of the Diet, and the chief magistrate became also the president of the Confederation, with the title Landammann of Switzer- land. For a period of eleven years government proceeded under these forms, but the moving spirit was all the while the man of destiny at Paris. Switzerland was not only allied with France but controlled by her. A contingent of sixteen thousand'^ Swiss must constantly be kept in the armies of Napoleon, and in all external relations Switzerland was treated as part of France. Bits of territory were torn off at Bonaparte's convenience and given to this power or that, as occasion suggested. The laws of commerce and industry were regulated to suit the financial policy of France, and protest was met with threats or harsh measures. But the fall of Napoleon brought with it the destruction of his governmental experiments in the Alps. At the first crash every ancient privilege leaped forth to claim its own as it had been before the advent of the French. Bern demanded the provinces of which it had been shorn ; the democracies wished again to be the owners of other democrats ; and reac- tionaries in general believed their time had come. Yet to this there was a measure of restraint, even in the reactionary European powers, for the Congress of Vienna would not go ' In 1812 reduced to 13,000. 24 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. as far as many Swiss desired in re-establishing ante-revolu- tionary conditions. While the latter were endeavoring to come to some agreement among themselves as to the general principles of a new constitution, and were succeeding only in splitting into two conventions in which the eight old cantons stood out against the rest, the Powers allowed it to be dis- tinctly understood that the newly made states must be received on an equality with the others. Seeing that further efforts to bring back the old conditions of servitude would be futile, the ultra-reactionary cantons joined the more moderate in forming the Pact of 1815, which, sanctioned by the Vienna Congress, became the federal constitution for the next three decades. Geneva, Valais, and Neuchatel were admitted to membership in the confederation, which from now on is composed of twenty-two states. The Pact of 1815. In most respects the interval between 1815 and 1830 was a period of stagnation ; from other standpoints it was a season of convalescence. Central government went back to the previous century. The highest power was again vested in a Diet of ambassadors from each canton, voting according to the instructions of their governments. There may have been several delegates, but there was only one vote for each state. This Diet, however, in distinction from some of its prede- cessors, might declare war or peace by consent of three- fourths of the cantons, and decided by majority vote the other matters coming within its competence. Such were treaties of commerce ; but freedom was also given the cantons individu- ally to enter into agreement with foreign governments, even to the extent of military capitulations, while the fatal weak- ness of the whole constitutional framework lay in the inability of the Diet to enforce its own decrees. The Pact of 1815 was a reactionary triumph which delayed for nearly half a century the development of the country. Little trace of the radical theories of the French Revolu- Origins of the Commomcealth. 25 tion found a lodgment at this time in Swiss institutions. Religious liberty, the right of assembly, the freedom of the press are passed over in silence, abandoned to the idiosyn- crasies of states. The privileged classes again obtained their ascendancy, though not to the extent which prevailed before the Helvetic Republic. There was general peace in Europe, and the states, not being called upon to unite against foreign danger, were left to work out their own problems in their own fashions with the least possible interference from a central power. These problems were solved universally in a spirit of reaction, yet there was always a small but enlightened minority struggling for better things. The eifects of these efforts were first felt in the politics of the states themselves. As the French revolution of 1793 found its echo in Switzer- land, so the July revolution of 1830 was reflected in the same region, but in this case affected first, not federal gov- ernment, but the constitutions of the more advanced cantons. A cry went up for more popular representation in legislation and administration, and it was along these lines that advance- ment was made from time to time, until the old federal system became more and more unfitted for the new conditions. Economic questions also played a part in bringing about political changes. The rapid advancement of manufactures, means of communication and transportation called for more enlightened treatment of political and social problems. The weaknesses of the old Confederation were in a manner patched up by agreements or treaties between the states. Concordats, as they were called, touching validity of marriage, the laws of commerce, weights and measures, and other mat- ters, were established between as many states as cared to join, but these M'ere insufficient to cover the nakedness and im- I)otence of the central government. Beside the growing and aspiring political institutions of the states the latter became an anachronism, finally so acknowledged by all friends of good government. .26 State and Federal Government in Switzefrland. The Diet itself in 1830 resigned any powers of interfer- ence it might have used to assist or hinder the progress of constitutional reform, by passing a resolution to the effect that " every state in the confederation by virtue of its sovereignty was free to undertake any changes in its constitu- tion which seemed desirable, so long as these changes were not in opposition to the articles of union, and that the Diet would not interfere in any way with the constitutional reforms already effected, or any that might be undertaken in the future." This permitted, indeed, the free movement of reform, but took away at the same time the guaranty of safety which members of a league might expect from a central government. The Diet was requested to guarantee the new constitutions in several states, but, in view of its own weakness in the past, refused. Hence seven cantons, Luzern, Zurich, Bern, Solo- thurn, St. Gallen, Aargau, and Thurgau, all of which were of progressive, if not of radical tendencies, joined in an agreement for mutual protection. This so called Siebner- concordat provided that when strife arose in any of these states concerning infractions of the constitution, the others should act as arbitrators, and, if necessary, give protection by force of arms. At this day we can easily see how great a mistake it was on the part of the liberal party to abandon, even to this extent, the ideal of a united country. It was doubtless thought that the consolidation of progressive states would tend to spread reconstruction till reformers should be in the majority. But the result was quite otherwise. Very soon a conservative league, known as the Sarnerbund, was entered into by Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Baselstadt, Neuchatel, and Valais. On one side were thus arrayed moderate liberals and radicals, and on the other conservatives and immovables of the old confederation. But if the party of progress made a mistake in combining into a league which was in such doubtful accord with the bond of union, the Sarnerbund Origins of the Commonwealth. 27 made a greater in withdrawing from the Federal Diet and meeting in a separate convention. The seceding states announced that they would not send representatives to the general congress so long as the delegates from certain parts of Basel and Schwyz, which had revolted from their home governments, should be recognized. Meanwhile, a revised federal constitution, which offered some improvements to the Pact of 1815, by strengthening the central government, was submitted to vote in the cantons, but satisfying neither the advanced liberals nor the conservatives, failed of adoption (1832). Encouraged by this action, the authorities of Basel and Schwyz endeavored to coerce their refractory parts into obedience by military measures. This roused at last the federal government, which, putting 20,000 men into the field, enforced the recognition of the two parts of canton Basel, dissolved the Sarnerbund, and compelled the states com- posing it to send delegates to the Diet (1833). It required, however, one more great national peril to bring about the introduction of a federal constitution. Secession again came so near being successful that the con- struction of a strong central government could no longer be put off. In 1846 a new Sondci'bund came to light, but the lines of demarkation were different from those of its prede- cessors. The former were based upon political theories and practices ; in the latter the questions at issue were almost entirely religious, and separated states which had pre- viously been in league. Many things had occurred during the previous decade to engender bad feeling between the Catholic and Protestant confessions, though at first the boundary lines of states had not been crossed in any of the controversies. The advanced radicalism exhibited in some parts had brought about a strong reaction in other states, a reaction which in a number of the Catholic cantons demanded the placing of Jesuits at the head of educational affairs. Luzem was one of the most fiercely reactionary cantons, and engaged the ill-feeling of the reform party to such an extent 28 State and Federal Government in Switzerland, that the state was even invaded by volunteer military com- panies, which came to the aid of the small minority of agitators within. But these Frcischaren were too incoherent to effect anything more than an increase of bad feeling and to give a partial excuse for secession. This Sonderbund was for three years kept secret, but in 1846 the gravity of the breach" which it made in the federal constitution became known. Agreements between states on matters concerning themselves were permissible, but a politi- cal and military organization such as this was too great for even the union of 1815 to bear. Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg, and Valais were found pre- pared for practical rebellion against the remainder of the confederation. The Diet, by a close vote, demanded the dis- solution of the Sonderbund, and 80,000 troops were put in motion. In a vigorous campaign of eighteen days the rebellion was broken and the authority of the confederation restored. The New Confederation. Revision of the constitution could no longer be delayed. The Diet went busily to work upon a new project, and on the 12th of September, 1848, the organic law which at the pres- ent day forms the foundation of the confederation was adopted by a large majority of the Swiss people. Amendments have been made from time to time, especially in 1874, but these have all been enlargements of powers already existing, and adaptations of inherent principles to the advances of time. Switzerland obtained its federal government sixty years later than the United States, but had five centuries of preju- dice to overcome. During that long period the great aim and end of all political strife was local independence, and in consideration of the race origin of the people, their national instincts, national experiences, and political education, it is no wonder that the phrase "sovereign state" should be con- spicuous in the constitution. All the elevating memories of the national history, all the inspiring traditions which had Origins of the Commomcealth. 29 been bred into national sentiment generation after generation, were connected with a league of states of almost insulated in- dependence. The darker periods, when fraternal feeling lost its hold and when disunion received its just reward, were en- veloped in motives, religious, ambitious, or pecuniary, which are so deeply wrought into human nature that isolation, once engendered, easily perpetuated itself, grew deeper, and fast- ened itself into the national habit of thought. Then, when solidarity was first offered, the form of it was so historically crude and so rudely forced upon the country, that, although common misery broke down many old preju- dices, love for unity could hardly come out of it. Yet local independence has been a vital element in the evolution of the Swiss nation. By confederation this people became strong, but, after all, the motive of union, the mainspring of politi- cal combination, was desire for local independence. With- out this the Swiss republic would not have existed. At the beginning there would have been nothing else to fight for. Later on there would have been no reasons for wider com- binations, and, although it was at times sadly abused, the Swiss people, as they look back over the history of their neighbors who fell under the power of dynasties, may thank fortune that individuality was maintained. The value of unity has been learned by hard experience, but through it all a vigorous local self-reliance has been cul- tivated, than which there is no surer foundation for safe politi- cal activity in larger fields.^ ' The author, in another essay, has endeavored to explain by itself the origin and continuity of the state-rights idea. See "A Study in Swiss History," Papers of the American Historical Association, Vol. III., p. 14G- 164. CHAPTER II. The Confederation and the Cantons. The Swiss Confederation is composed of twenty-two states which differ widely in area and population. Three of these are divided into "half-cantons," as they are called, so that altogether there are twenty-five governments within the con- fines of the territory.^ In extent these vary from 2774 square miles for the largest, down to fourteen for the smallest, and in population from 539,000 to 12,000, though territory and population do not vary according to the same scale, since some of the smaller states contain comparatively more people. Altogether the Confederation covers about 15,937 square miles of territory, the habitable part of which is about as large as the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island combined, and contains about three millions of people. Differences in the physical character of the various parts of the country are also very marked, causing differences of occu- pation to the inhabitants, variations in personal character- istics, and leading, especially in early times, to different ideas of government and society. Differences in language also, dating from the settlement of Helvetia after the fall of Rome, and perpetuated by the natural divisions of the country, have emphasized these various political instincts and given to the institutions of Switzerland an unusual diversity, which, though now disappearing under the influence of rapid com- munication, adds interest as well as difficulty to the study of its history. Thus, we observed at the beginning that the original strug- gle for freedom and the primitive confederation began in the ' Including the Federal Government, twenty-six. The Confederation and the Cantons. 31 secluded valleys of the high Alps. To-day we find in the same valleys the original ideas of government and the institu- tions of the fourteenth century best preserved. In the more open country, accessible to the march of commerce and outside civilization, institutions have takep on forms determined by the necessities of larger life, and have fluctuated to a greater degree than in the mountain districts. A greater tenacity also in religious opinion has been exhibited in the remote highlands, and in general a stronger spirit of conservatism. Language and race also play their parts. It was stated at the outset that the history of Swiss institutions was essen- tially a study of Germanic political ideas. This was unques- tionably true so long as states of other languages held subordi- nate places in the confederation, but now that French and Italian cantons are represented in the deliberations of the union on a proportional basis, the influences of Romance thought must be reckoned with the rest. The problem of language is not, as in the United States, a question of more or less rapid amalgamation.^ The three tongues have existed side by side for centuries, and their individuality is recognized in the federal constitution by providing that laws shall be printed in all of them, and that in the distribution of certain offices regard shall be paid to the language of the people for whose benefit the official serves. At present the proportion of the population speaking German is about 71 per cent against 21 per cent French and 5 per cent Italian. In spite of all theories these three nationalities have lived side by side, not only in harmony, but in active co-operation. The confines of the union do not even follow the natural configuration of the country ; one language is separated from the rest by a lofty mountain-chain and another by the waters of the Rhine j yet no region can be said to be more patriotic than the others, and none desires to be separated from the confederation. ' Except for a small body of people in Graubiinden, who speak " Ladin- isch "or " Roraanseh," which is giving way before the German. 32 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. These considerations might be referred to the domain of local institutions and antiquarian research, were it not for the fact that in these modern days each locality has an opportu- nity to exert its influence upon general concerns. By means of the Federal Legislature and the popular veto upon the work of that body, the political education and natural instincts of all sides will not fail to be felt, and in estimating popular action upon any given problem all the conditions must be considered. As indicated by the name, the form of government which binds these diverse elements together is not that of a unitary state in which the cantons act as administrative divisions, like the departments of France, but it is a federal state, in which certain powers are delegated to a central government while the rest are exercised by the individual parts. In this it resembles the United States of America, but with certain minor differences which will appear as we proceed. The cantonal constitutions, and the federal as well, declare with one accord that " the cantons are sovereign in so far as their sovereignty is not limited by the federal constitution, and as such exercise all rights which are not delegated^ to the federal power." They might, perhaps, be more strictly defined as autonomous states, united, for purposes common to all, in a central government ; the sovereignty residing in the people as a whole, but finding two modes of expression, one for local, the other for general affairs. They were formerly sovereigTi states and lived under a league like so many foreign powers, but when they joined in 1848 in forming a federal compact, they came, like the United States in 1789, into a new state which seemed but a natural growth from the old, but which eludes precise definition. Also, as in America, the consciousness of solidarity has been 'The words " expressly delegated " were used in Napoleon's constitu- tion of 1803 (Act of Mediation, chap. 20, sec. 13), but, like the framers of the American federal compact, the Swiss of 1848 rejected that limitation. The Confederation and the Cantons. 33 a matter of slow development, even after the forms of constitu- tional unity had been accepted. The line of demarcation between the functions of state and nation is not so strictly defined in Switzerland as in America. In the United States the powers given to the federal govern- ment are wielded by it exclusively, but in Switzerland it will be seen that the cantons, in some cases, join hands with the central government in exercising general functions. This is the case in the organization and maintenance of tlie army. Cantons are also allowed to make treaties with foreign gov- ernments on minor matters, whereas in the United States the federal government is the only treaty-making power. Diiferences will be noted in other departments of the state, but a tendency toward centralization is distinctly visible in the history of administration since 1848. In fact, whole fields of legislation which were not thought of at the forma- tion of the constitution have been almost by necessity given over to the central power.^ On the other hand, curious combinations of administrative duties have been established. In the management of the military exemption tax, all the work of assessment and col- lection is performed and paid for by the authorities of the cantons, who turn over to the federal government one-half of the gross receipts. The administration of the alcohol mo- nopoly, on the contrary, is controlled exclusively by federal law and federal officials, and every franc of net income is paid to the states. The foremost point of contact between Confederation and Canton will be found in the guaranty by which the former upliolds for each state its territory, its sovereignty, the rights and privileges of its people and citizens, and the rights which its people have delegated to its authorities. The federal gov- ernment of the United States simply guarantees to each state a republican form of government, with no mention of its ' For instance, the control of communication by telephone. 34 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. name, size, or boimdaries, but in the Swiss constitution, the fact will be noted that the cantons are all enumerated by name as the twenty-two sovereignties which compose the confederation. The result is that no enlargement can be made, either by addition from without or by subdivision within, without an amendment to the constitution, or, in other words, by general consent. In case a foreign state threatens to deprive a canton of part of its land, resistance becomes a federal matter. The question as to whether new members should be taken into the confederation did not, at the time of the formation of the constitution, depend on the development of large unreclaimed territories in the vicinity of the states, but had already long been practically settled by the events of history and the divisions of nationality. Again, when states revise their constitutions they must submit the amendment or revision to the inspection of the central government, and if the two houses of the Federal Assembly agree that nothing in it contravenes the federal constitution, then, and not before, can the act take effect. If there are defects of this kind in the instrument, they are pointed out in the legislative report, and the result is, that, although the state may not expunge the objectionable clauses at once, they are regarded as void. Comments are also sometimes added, respecting doubtful clauses, to the eifect that they must not be interpreted to mean this or that, thus forestalling any future or hidden strain upon the federal con- stitution. The control over state government in this matter is thus made much more direct than in the United States, where the federal power, through its Supreme Court, exercises an indi- rect right of veto on state constitutions, but instead of pro- nouncing in advance, waits till some person has suffered and a concrete case at law comes before it. This method is in the end as effective, but tardier and more circuitous. In both cases, however, this control is not the arbitrary inter- ference of a central administration, but is based on a contract The Confederation and the Cantons. 35 to which all originally agreed. The cantonal constitutions must themselves assure to their citizens the exercise of political rights according to a republican form of govern- ment, either representative or democratic, and must be sub- ject to revision whenever a majority of citizens demand. Consequently a similarity of institutions is provided, but with wide scope for individuality in local government. It would not be possible for any state to erect itself into a prin- cipality, nor to exclude a large number of its citizens from the exercise of political rights without invoking the interfer- ence of the federal government. In order to make its own guaranty effective, one central power must have a monopoly of the affections of its con- stituent parts. Hence every other political alliance between the cantons is forbidden. They may make agreements on matters of administration or internal legislation of common interest not contrary to the general constitution, but nothing like treaties of offense and defense can be tolerated. Such provisions might well be expected in the constitution of the Swiss. Nothing is more glaring in the history of that coun- try than the evil of separate alliances. Ever since the time when cities were first joined to a confederation of rural states, there has been a tendency to combine into separate leagues. The religious animosities which rose out of the Reformation strengthened these centrifugal forces, till finally the secesMon of 1848 brought the country to the verge of ruin. Aroused by the danger so narrowly escaped, the Swiss at once formed a central government worthy of the name, and settled once for all the question of separate alliances of states. When there are internal disturbances, either a conflict between cantons, or an insurrection within a state, the fed- eral government has certain powers of intervention. The canton threatened shall at once advise the Federal Council of its predicament, and the latter shall take such measures as it finds necessary, or convoke the Federal Assembly. In case the cantonal government is not in condition to invoke aid, the 36 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. federal authority may intervene without a requisition, especi- ally when such a disturbance compromises the safety of the country. But occasions for forcible interference are in a measure forestalled by the agreement of the states not to rush into conflict hastily. "The cantons are bound, if strife arises between them, to withhold themselves from the taking up of arms or any measures of self-help, and to submit to the fed- eral decision." ^ The extent to which the Confederation may intervene in the aifairs of a state without a requisition from the latter has never been fully defined. Neither laws nor precedents have established rules upon the subject, but recent events in Can- ton Ticino have shown tendencies which will doubtless fix the practice of the future. The " Ticino Question," which has been before the public at least since 1876, starts with a constitutional conflict. The cantonal constitution, dating fi'om 1830, divided the state into election districts, and provided that three representatives should be elected to the State Legislature from each district, irrespective of the number of inhabitants. The Federal As- sembly declared this to be contrary to the spirit of the na- tional constitution, and ordered that representation according to population be observed. Another cause of trouble was the custom of allowing Tici- nese natives to maintain a right of domicile in the state while living elsewhere, and to return at indefinite times to take part in elections. Various federal decrees and decisions from 1876 down to 1888 have endeavored to fix rules for persons who desire to retain their voting privileges in Ticino, all tending to stop double citizenship, but meeting with only partial success. At several times insurrections have broken out, notably in 1889, and again in October-November 1890, for the sup- ' Fed. Const., Art. 14. The Confederation and the Cantons. 37 pression of which federal troops were called out. These affairs were, in every case, ebullitions of state politics, and the cantonal authorities aifectcd to ignore the national govern- ment because the disputes were not between separate states. But the Federal Council, Nvith the approval of the Assembly, has not hesitated to intervene, and after restoring order has instituted inquiries by means of federal commissioners. From these examples at least two important ideas are to be gathered. First, that the national government feels called upon to subdue insurrection and maintain the legal authori- ties in any state without waiting for a summons from the latter. Second, that the central authority is competent to inquire into the validity of a state election, not only for mem- bers of the National Assembly, but also for the State Legisla- ture. It does so on the supposition that this pertains to that guaranty of personal rights and political freedom en- joined by the federal constitution, and, though this interpre- tation does not meet with universal approval, the acts of the Federal Council have been sustained by the representatives of the people assembled in the national legislature.^ ' G. Vogt, Zur TessinerPrage, Rechtserorterungen, 1889. Hilty, Polit. Jahrbuch, 1889, p. 579, etc.; 1890, p. 794, etc. CHAPTER III. Federal Legislation. Tlie National Council {Nationalrath). The law-making powers of the general government are intrusted to a Federal Assembly, composed of two chambers which are distinguished as the National Council and the Council of States. The National Council is the more numerous body, and occupies a position similar to that of the Amer- ican House of Representatives. Its members are chosen by districts numbering 20,000 inhabitants, or fractions over 10,000, every such district sending one representative, who may be any Swiss citizen not of the clerical profession.^ The apportionment is made according to a decennial census, and the number of members has increased since 1850 from 120 to 145. The districts must lie entirely within cantonal borders, hence sectional representation receives due acknowledg- ment through the fractional districts.^ Yet there is the widest diiference between the states with regard to the number of representatives. Bern sends twenty-seven deputies, while Uri, Zug, the half-cantons Obwalden and Nidwalden and Appenzell-Interior have but one each. The election is direct, and any Swiss citizen who is twenty years of age and otherwise capable, according to the laws of the canton of his residence, can take part. The term of office ' This provision is aimed especially at the Jesuit order, whose activity in Swiss politics formerly awakened much opposition. '^ Election jugglery is not unknown even in Switzerland. The cutting of districts to suit party purposes, or what is known there as " Election- district geometry" (Wahlkreisgeometrie), has been tried, but only to a slight extent. Dubs, Oeffentliches Recht, II. 48. Federal Legislation. 39 is three years, and the whole body is subject to re-election at the end of that time.^ The members receive payment for their services out of federal funds according to the amount of attendance, the rate at present being twenty francs per diem with mileage.^ A president and vice-president of the Council are chosen at every session, but neither of these offices can be filled by the same person during two consecutive sessions. The presi- dent has a casting vote when the house is equally divided on a measure, but in elections votes like any other member. The Council also elects from its own number four tellers, who with the president and vice-president form what is called the Bureau. To this Bureau is intrusted the nomina- tion of most of the committees, the business of looking after the absentees and their excuses, beside the counting of votes and certain other matters. Two ordinary sessions are held every year, beginning on the first Monday of June and the first Monday of December, tlie summons proceeding from the Federal Council (Cabinet), or if this should fail, from a demand of one-fourth of the members of the Hoase itself, or that of five cantons. The Council of States {Stdnderath. Conseil des Etats), "When the evils of the old system of government by a Diet of special delegates finally became unendurable, it was resolved to adopt the bi-cameral system which had been so long in operation in England and America, and for longer or shorter periods in other countries of Europe. The basis for such a division could not be the same as that in England, because the constitution at the same time declared that there should ^ Elections for Nat. Council must take place in all districts at once, on the last Sunday in October, by secret ballot. - Mileages are fixed by an official "Distance Gazette," which includes almost every hamlet in Switzerland. The rate is 20 centimes per kilo- meter each way, with 10 centimes per kilometer additional for mountain passes. 40 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. be no distinction of classes in the confederation by reason of birth, title, or privilege. Hence the American plan of repre- senting the states, as such, in a house by itself came nearest the condition of things in Switzerland. The cantons are represented by two delegates each, making forty-four in all ; the manner of election, the term of office, and the amount of compensation being determined entirely by the states themselves. Thus a great diversity of methods obtains in these particulars. In some cautons the delegates are elected by general popular votes, in others by the legislature. The term of office varies from one to three years, and the tenure being likewise variable, there is liability of continual change in the personal make-up of the upper house. Thus an assembly which fully represents the state-rights idea has been formed, but lacking in the regularity of construction, the facility in conduct of business, and the dignity with which long tenure and experience in legislation naturally clothe a senate. Owing to this fact, the best talent in political life prefers to sit in the National Council, and consequently the centre of gravity in federal affiiirs is to be found in the lower house. The organization of the Council of States is similar to that of the National Council, having a president and vice- president chosen at every session. Functions of the Federal Assembly. In general terms, the Federal Assembly takes into con- sideration all matters which lie within the province of federal government. When the particulars are inquired into, it will be seen that in addition to legislative duties it also has certain administrative and judicial functions. The Assembly not only maintains an oversight of these other branches of government, but elects the officials who carry on the work. The Federal Cabinet, the judges of the Supreme Court, and the Chancellor, or Secretary of State, all owe their positions to the vote of the Legislature. It acts as a judicial body as a last resort in deciding on complaints against the federal executive, and on questions of Federal Legislation. 41 competence between different departments of the government. Its properly legislative functions include laws upon the organization and election of federal officials, their emoluments, treaties with foreign powers and ratification of agreements among cantons, the annual financial appropriations, and, more fundamental than all, the power to act as a consti- tutional convention when it so desires, or when a popular vote demands. When acting in a legislative capacity, the houses deliberate apart, and measures must obtain a majority of votes in both to become laws ; but when electing federal officials, or sitting as a court of justice, the chambers meet together and matters are decided by a majority of all the members combined. Freedom of speech and liberty of action in voting are guaranteed. No positive instructions can be forced upon a representative in either house by his constituents.^ Inviola- bility of person and freedom from arrest, except for crime, during his term of office are further safeguards placed about the legislator. The Conduct of Business. At the beginning of each session, the Federal Council sends to the president of each house a list of the matters which have been placed in its hands to bring before them, with comments, showing the stage at which eaclf measure has arrived. These may be subjects which have been previously referred to the Council for opinion, or new matters brought to the attention of the Assembly by state governments or by private indi- viduals. The presidents then consult together as to which house shall first deliberate upon each measure, and having come to an understanding, each lays before his own house, at its first or second sitting, the result of this division. ' Yet certain kind of responsibility is said to be placed upon members of the Council of States in some cases where they are elected by cantonal legislatures. This latter body sometimes requires the delegates to give an account of themselves, thus exercising an ea; jaosi /ac/o control. Law on the subject, Amt. Smlg. 11. 149, Wolf's Collection, p. 29. 42 State and Federal Government in Switzerland, When bills are under discussion, the presence of a majority of members is necessary to form a quorum, and a majority of all votes cast is necessary to enactment. When passed by one house, they are signed by the president and secretary and sent to the other chamber. If passed by that body also, the bill is returned to the first chamber which enacted it, and by that given to the Federal Council for promulgation. If amendments occur, the measure is referred back and forth between the houses till agreement is reached or the matter dropped. When an amended bill is brought up for discus- sion, the points upon which an agreement has been reached fall out of consideration and further debate is confined to matters still in dispute. Members of the Federal Council have a right to speak in either branch of the assembly, and to make motions upon any subject at the time under consideration. They are also sub- ject to interpellation as to the conduct of affairs, and must answer at the same or at the following sitting. The daily sessions begin in summer at eight o'clock in the morning, and in winter at nine, and continue as a rule five hours. Members are required to appear in black clothing,^ and to answer to their names at roll-call or furnish an excuse to the president. The absentees are noted in the minutes, and if they do not appear within an hour, or are absent without excuse, they lose their pay for the day. Business can come before the houses either in form of (1) motion, bill, or report from the Federal Council ; (2) a communication from the other house ; (3) report of a committee ; (4) motion of a member ; (5) or by way of a petition. The president having fixed the order of the day beforehand, precedence takes place according to the calendar. The motion or report is then read in two official languages, German and French. Members of the committee have at ' A reaction against the airs assumed by senators and representatives of the Helvetian Republic, who distinguished their rank by conspicuous garments, hats or sashes. Federal Legislation. 43 this time a right to add explanations or note their dissent from the report, and thereupon the debate opens. Members address the house from their places, and may speak to the question not more than three times.^ Those who desire to take part may give their names to the president after the debate has opened, and he is required to keep a list of these in the order in which enrolled, and to grant the floor accordingly. Members may use either the French, German or Italian language, as educated Swiss are apt to know at least two of these, but if any one so requests, the translator, a functionary who assists the secretary, must give the substance of addresses made. The debate may be brought to a close by a two-thirds vote, biit must be kept open so long as any member who has not yet spoken desires to make a motion and to defend it. When a bill is brought up for discussion, the ordinary pro- cedure is, first, to decide whether the subject will be entered into at all, and if decided affirmatively, whether to discuss it at once, either as a whole or article by article ; but for changes in federal private law [Civilrechtsgesetze] special regulations are in force. Having decided to enter into a subject, and then after discussion having voted to make certain changes, the resolutions are referred to the Federal Council, who must present a final bill adapted to the condition of existing statutes. Thus the confusion in which a measure often finds itself after a long debate, and the conflicts which may in haste be overlooked, can be corrected by a' body of men who are engaged in the execution of all classes of law, and can place the demands of the assembly in logical relations. Committees are appointed to consider business of all kinds, but bills are referred to them, not of necessity, but by vote of the house in each case. These committees may be chosen by the chamber by open or secret vote, or the appointment may be left to the Bureau, mentioned above, which consists of the president and the four tellers. According to a rule of ' It is forbidden to read speeches from manuscript. 44 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. the Council of States, all committees in that body on certain groups of business, as railroads, military, etc., shall be newly appointed every year ; a practice which one would think would add to the weakness of that body. Tlie presidents of the two houses are required to see that certain committees meet before each session, so as to have some business ripe for immediate discussion. The rules of the Council of States do not differ essentially from those of the lower house. Both are characterized by a desire to have matters carefully examined and to give full opportunity for discussion. The chambers are not so large as to demand a rigorous cloture for the expedition of busi- ness, and obstruction does not seem to be much in vogue. The rules allow debate to be brought to a close by a vote of two-thirds of the members present, but this cannot take place so long as any member who has not yet spoken desires to offer an amendment and to explain it.^ X The record of legislative proceedings is kept by an officer known as the Federal Chancellor. He is elected by the Fed- eral Assembly at the same time that the Federal Council is chosen, and serves also for three years, but is not a cabinet officer. A deputy, called Vice-chancellor, is appointed by the Federal Council. His special duty is to keep the min- utes of the Stiinderath, while the Chancellor attends to the proceedings of the more numerous house, but with responsi- bility for both. Clerical assistance will, of course, be under- stood as necessary. Hitherto these records have been kept only in condensed form ; the practice in both houses being substantially iden- tical in requiring simply a statement of the business brought forward, and, when divisions are taken, the names of voters for and against. Speeches are omitted. Efforts were made recently to introduce stenographic reports of the proceedings of the lower house, but the project did not meet with the approval of the cabinet, nominally because of lack of space ' Geschaftsregelmeut, Art. 49, Wolf, p. 59. Federal Legislation. 45 for reporters' tables in the chamber. The large additional expense of taking down and printing fuller minutes doubt- less also had weight in that decision. The record of each day's proceedings is signed by the re- spective presidents and secretaries of the houses. Laws and resolutions also receive the same attestations, hence the for- mula attached to every federal statute reads, for example, as follows : Also beschlossen vom Stiinderathe. Bern, den 20. April, 1883. Der Priisident : Wilh. Vigier. Der Protokollfuhrer : Schatzmann. Also beschlossen vom Nationalrathe. Bern, den 23. April, 1883. Der President : A . Deucher. Der Protokollfuhrer : Ringier. But the chancellor is not solely an officer of the legisla- ture. He is a general master of records, having duties similar to those of the Secretary of State in American common- wealths, with supervision of the publication and distribution of laws. "When the legislature is not in session he is secre- tary to the federal cabinet, attends its meetings, and prepares its communications and orders. Hence we find the promul- gation of the law just noted bears the signature of the "Pro- tokollfuhrer " in another capacity. Bern, den 16. Oktober, 1883. Im Namen des schweiz. Bundesrathes, Der Bundespriisident, L. Ruchonnei. Der Kanzler der Eidgenossenschaft, Ringia'. The signatures of both the President and of the Chancellor of the Confederation arc merely attestations of genuineness. The President has no right to withhold his assent to any document legally enacted, nor has he any veto power like that of the President of the United States. This belongs to another element in the state, which we must next consider. CHAPTER IV. The Law and the People. The Referendum. Bills which have been passed by both houses are promul- gated by the Federal Council. In most other countries such acts become laws at once on the date appointed in the publi- cation, but in Switzerland there is another power to be heard from before a measure can be truly said to have been enacted. For ninety days the law may be said to be on probation, for if within that time a sufficiently representative body of citi- zens so demand, a popular vote must be ordered, and accept- ance or rejection decided by that. This procedure, known as the Referendum, is peculiar to Switzerland. The history of its origin and growth, however, is more fully treated under State Government, where the institution has had larger development than in the confeder- ation, and only the methods adopted for the federal plebiscite will here be noted. All laws, " not of an urgent nature," are published imme- diately after passage, a sufficient number of copies sent to the government of each canton, and for ninety days submitted to inspection. The question as to whether a bill is urgent or not is decided by the Federal Legislature itself, and if it is, the Federal Council is ordered to put the same in force at once. But if it is an ordinary law, and during this period of pro- bation 30,000 citizens petition for a popular vote, the bill must be submitted to that ordeal. It will be observed that again both the democratic and the federal idea may be repre- sented in this expression of opinion. The thirty thousand ^Fed. Const., Art. 89, Amtliche Smlg. N. F., I. 116, Wolf, p. 74, etc. TJie Laio and the People. 47 citizens, being about one-hundredth part of the whole popu- hition, or about one-twentieth of the voters, stand for the democratic principle ; but if the request come from the legis- latures of eight cantons, the eifect is the same. No canton, however, has as yet used this privilege, the demand always arising from popular agitation. The request for Referendum takes the form of a written petition addi'essed to the Federal Council. The petitioners must sign the paper with their own hands, for the signing of any name but his OM'n subjects the voter to the penalties of the criminal law. Furthermore, the signer must prove his right to vote before the officers in charge of the petition, and the qualification of all petitioners in each precinct must be attested by the proper authority. To make an expression of opinion as free as possible, the authorities are forbidden to take any fees for the witnessing of signatures. If, after careful examination of the returns, the Federal Council finds that the request is supported by the required number of citizens or cantons, it orders a general vote, noti- fies the various state governments, and provides for a gener- ous publication of the bill or resolution. The date of the vote cannot be less than four weeks after the announcement, and must l)e the same day for the whole confederation. The voting takes place under the charge of the cantonal and com- munal authorities according to these general regulations ; every Swiss citizen who is in full possession of his civil rights having the privilege of participation. If a majority of all votes cast in the required number of states are in favor of the law, it is accepted, and the Federal Council orders it placed in the statute book. A contrary vote puts a stop to its execution, but in case no petition is sub- mitted, the Federal Council announces this fact at the ex- piration of the ninety days, and tlie bill becomes a law. It will be seen that this petition is no ordinary expression of sentiment to be gathered on street-corners for the asking. It is a serious act of sovereignty, surrounded by all the pre- 48 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. cautions of an election/ and when signed cannot be laid aside, or left to the convenience of the administration, but is a command on the part of citizens to submit a law to vote. The Legislature cannot consider its work done until the con- stituents have been heard from, and the people are not obliged to suiFer unpalatable legislation until a new set of lawmakers is elected. This institution has been the cause of a great amount of discussion, both in and out of Switzerland. It was not adopted as a new creation in 1874, since it had been gradu- ally coming into the cantons since 1831, yet the principle has not been accepted without question. It is certainly a realization of democracy which surpasses the fondest hopes of the revolutionary theorists, yet there is a conservative ele- ment about it which surprised its early sponsors. Introduced as a democratic and progressist weapon, the liberals found after a time that the people would not move so fast as they wished, and could use the Referendum to cut both ways. The Swiss have at times rejected laws which, in all reason- ableness, would seem to have been for their own good ; yet on the other hand, they have not made an excessive use of the veto power, and have corrected, at later elections, mistakes of other days. Less than twenty per cent of the laws coming under the rule have been submitted to popular vote, though it would seem as if most of these were called out only to be rejected. It would not be just to draw inferences from the percentage of accepted and rejected laws simply out of the number put to vote, but the whole body of legislation, those referred and those allowed to pass in silence, must be taken into consideration before any certain veto tendency can be assumed. It must be conceded that legislation has been advancing slowly but steadily upward since the formation of the present confederation. The tendency toward centralization has not ' Amt. Smlg. N. F., IV. 81, Wolf, p. 76. The Law and the People. 49 gone on as fast as the lawmakers would have liked, and the common voters have made themselves felt in curious ways; the old instinct of separation has been hard to lay aside, but, notwithstanding fretful political breezes, this same people has continued by this very process of the Referenduiii to make its federal government more and more effective. Constitutional Revision. The federal constitution is erected for no definite period of time. It exists, as it were, during good behavior, and can at any time be amended or totally renewed. Revision is made by the Federal Assembly, when both houses agree that such procedure is necessary, or when 50,000 voters demand it. When one house of the legislature votes for revision and the other fails to agree to it, or in the case where 50,000 voters demand a change and the Assembly does not act upon it, the question must be submitted to popular vote, and if a majority of citizens agree to have the constitution amended, both National Council and Council of States undergo re- election, and the revision is undertaken by this new body. The work of revision takes place according to the usual process of making law. The constitution of 1874 was laid before the Assembly in the form of a motion of the Federal Council. This was referred to committees in each house, and finally voted on article by article by those bodies in full session. The document, as finally passed by both houses, must then be submitted to popular vote. If it receives the approval of a majority of all the people, and at the same time a majority of all the cantons, the revision becomes law, and goes into effect as soon as promulgated by the Federal Council. In determining the majority, those cantons which are divided count as two half-votes, and the result of the popular vote in each canton counts as the voice of that state. It will be seen from this that the federal constitution of Switzerland is brought nearer to the people than that of the United States, which is adopted solely by the legislatures of 50 State and Federal Government in Switzerlayid. the various states ; also, that it is not so difficult to change, by reason of the fact that the voting is all done on one day, and agitation can be carried on in one campaign, as it were. Instead of forty-two legislatures to be dealt with separately, who may act somewhat according to the votes of other states, a whole people is called upon to express its opinion at one time, and the result by states is determined by analysis of that vote. There is a possibility that one-third of the cantons, con- taining a majority of the citizens, might be overruled by a minority in the remaining states, but such a conflict is highly improbable, as it would require these cantons to vote solidly on one side, allowing for little or no division of opinion. In all the votes hitherto taken on constitutions and laws, the majority of states has been always coincident with a popular majority.^ Interstate Laws by Treaty. Concordats. One other matter should be mentioned in this connection, namely, the method by which the lack of national laws in certain directions is provided for by means of interstate agreements. When Switzerland was a loose confederation of states, this was the only way by which any approach to uni- formity in private law could be reached, and when the new government was formed, some of these agreements carried over, and served a useful purpose in filling gaps not covered by federal enactment. A few others have been added ; some have been superseded in whole or in part by national law. Owing to the peculiarities of Swiss citizenship, the regula- tion of the right of non-residence, or persons not living in the canton which claims them as citizens, occupies the most atten- tion. A list will be sufficient to show to what extent this method of lawmaking by treaty has been used. ^ An interesting account of the growth of democratic lawmaking, both constitutional and statute, is to be found in Curti, Geschichte des schweiz- erischen Volksgesetzgebung. The Law and the People. 51 List of Concordats. 1. Legal status of non-residents in respect to a. Guardianship. Thirteen cantons. h. Inheritance. Twelve cantons. G. Form of papers of residence {Heimatscheine). All but three. d. License of surveyors. Ten. e. License of midwives. Two. 2. Bankruptcy. All but two. (Superseded by national bankruptcy act.) 3. Guarantee of soundness in cattle-dealing. Seven. 4. Depositions in criminal cases. All but one. 5. Requisition of criminals between cantons. Eighteen. 6. Police regulations respecting a. Gypsies and tramps. All but two. b. Passports. All but one. c. License of persons to collect money for benevolent purposes. All. 7. Protection of agriculture against injurious insects. Seven. 8. Religious matters : a. Respecting conversion from one confession to another. Fourteen. 6. Call of Protestant ministers from one canton to another. Eight. CHAPTER V. The Federal Executive (Bundesrath). The chief executive power of the confederation is vested in a committee chosen by the Federal Assembly in joint session and called the Federal Council.^ This Council consists of seven members, who are elected at the beginning of every new term of the lower house of the national legislature, and hold office for three years. Any Swiss citizen who is qualified to sit in the National Council is also eligible to the cabinet, except that near relatives by blood or marriage, or two persons from the same canton, cannot be elected at the same time. Members of the Federal Council shall not at the same time hold any other office, either state or federal, nor engage in business nor exercise a profes- sion. They receive a salary from the federal treasury.^ The chairman of the Council is also chosen by the legis- lature, and is known as the President of the Confederation. His alternate is called Vice-President of the Federal Council. The retiring President cannot be elected either to the same office or to that of Vice-President for the year ensuing, nor can the same member serve as Vice-President during two con- secutive years. The duties of the Federal Council are, in general, to admin- ister the affairs of the confederation, to keep a watchful eye upon the conduct of government, and to guide, in a meas- ure, the course of political activity.'^ Since the composition of this executive is somewhat unusual, it is desirable to look into its functions more particularly. 1 Federal Const., Articles 95-104. 'Salaries at present, for members 12,000 francs each, with 1500 francs additional for the President. Amtliche Sammlung, I. 46, Wolf, p. 98. 3 Fed. Const., Art. 103. The Federal Executive. 53 1. It conducts federal affairs, conformably to the laws and ordinances of the confederation. 2. It takes care that the constitution, federal laws and ordinances, and also the provisions of federal concordats, be observed ; upon its own initiative or upon complaint, it takes measures necessary to cause these instruments to be observed, unless the consideration of redress be among the subjects, which should be brought before the Federal Court. 3. It takes care that the guaranty of the cantonal consti- tutions be observed. 4. It introduces bills or resolutions into the Federal As- sembly, and gives its opinion upon the proposals submitted to it by the two houses or by the cantons. 5. It executes the laws and resolutions of the legisla- ture, the judgments of the Federal Court, and also the com- promises or decisions in arbitration upon disputes between cantons. 6. It makes those appointments which are not assigned to the Federal Assembly, Federal Court, or other authority. 7. It examines the treaties made by cantons with each other or with foreign powers, and approves them, if proper.^ 8. It watches over the external interests of the confedera- tion, and is, in general, intrusted with foreign relations. 9. It watches over the external safety of Switzerland, over the maintenance of independence and neutrality. 10. It watches over the internal safety of the confedera- tion, over the maintenance of peace and order. 11. In cases of urgency, and when the Federal Assembly is not in session, the Federal Council has power to raise the necessary troops and to employ them, with the reservation that it shall immediately summon the councils if the number of troops exceeds two thousand men or if they remain in arms more than three weeks. 12. It administers the military establishment of the con- ' Art. 85, 5. 54 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. federation, and all other branches of administration com- mitted to the confederation. 13. It examines such laws and ordinances of the cantons as must be submitted for its approval; it exercises super- vision over such departments of the cantonal administration as are placed under its control. 14. It administers the finances of the confederation, intro- duces the budget, and 'Submits accounts of receipts and expenses. 15. It supervises the conduct of all the officials and em- ployees of the federal administration. 16. It submits to the Federal Assembly at each regular session an account of its administration and a report of the condition of the confederation, internal as well as external, and calls attention to the measures which it deems desirable for the promotion of the general welfare. It also makes special reports when the Federal Assembly or either council requires it. For the more convenient transaction of business the work of the cabinet is divided into seven departments, having one councillor at the head of each. The precise arrangement is neither established by the constitution nor by statute, as in the United States, but by order of the Federal Council itself. A re-adjustment of the departments took place in January, 1888, and the order is now as follows : ^ Department of Foreign Aifairs. Department of the Interior. Department of Justice and Police. Department of Military Aifairs. Department of Imposts and Finance. Department of Industry and Agriculture. Department of Posts and Railroads. Although administration is thus divided up, the heads of departments are not in law the final authority upon questions 1 Amtliehe Sammlung, N. P., X. 104, Wolf, p. 94. The Federal Executive. 55 decided. Decisions must proceed from the Council as a body. All matters directed to the cabinet are opened by the Presi- dent, and by him assigned to the proper department for con- sideration. The secretaries may decide points coming before them and order their execution directly, if they are so dis- posed, but it is with the understanding that a vote of the whole council is held in reserve for use when called for.~ Although the members of the Federal Council have similar duties to those of the cabinet of the United States govern- ment, it will be observed that the theoretical bases upon which they rest and the sources of responsibility are widely diifer- ent. In America, as it is also in all monarchical govern- ments, the executive power is vested in one person, and the members of the cabinet are his appointees and subordinates. Though the cabinet may take counsel together, the action re- sulting is that of their chief. The various secretaries of the United States government are answerable for their political conduct to no one but the President, and upon him their tenure depends. In Switzerland, however, the federal cabinet is a creation of the federal legislature, and each secretary holds a separate com- mission. Tenure of office is not dependent on the President, but is fixed by the constitution at a definite term of years. Re- election is possible, but always at the hands of a new legisla- ture. Practically, cabinets in America have a fixed term of four years, but there a faithful official has a legal claim upon a three years' tenure, of which he may not be deprived except by decree of court. Nor is this a ministry which rises and falls with the measures which it advocates. It is usually elected by the party of the majority, but does not feel called upon to resign when one of its bills fails to pass. The proposal of legisla- tion is one of the duties laid upon the Council ; it is expected to lead the way in making and changing federal law, but it has no autocratic rights of initiative, even within its own 'Fed. Const., Art. 103. ' Law of Organization, Amtliche Sammlung, N. F., III. 480. 56 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. party. Any member of the chambers may move the adop- tion of a bill, but all are submitted to the Council for an opinion, and must be returned within a certain time. The budget is especially its work, and reports must be made on the management of the finances. In short, all bills, whatever their source, at some time pass through the hands of the Council and are stamped with their approval or disapproval. When, however, projects urged or approved by the cabinet are rejected by the legislature, the ordinary parliamentar}? result does not take place. The self-respect of ministers is not called in question, because they were elected for the very purpose of giving their honest opinion on legislative proposals, and if this opinion does not agree with that of the legisla- ture, they prepare bills which will be acceptable. Instances are rare where ministers resign on account of disagreement with their colleagues, or Avith the majority, and tenure usu- ally depends on their own will in the matter. Men Avho have proved capable administrators are kept in office term after term. Of the cabinet of 1889 one had been in service since 1863, another since 1866, and nearly all more than one term. This long tenure has been partly due to the fact that the same i)arty, or some shade of it, has been in power most of the time ; but parties have not always upheld the projects of their own ministers, and yet when their terms expired have given them a re-election. It has also happened that good executive abilities have brought men of different parties into the same cabinet, yet the machinery of government has run as smoothly as if there were no political differences. It will be observed that such a thing as a "cabinet crisis" is out of the question. Violent and rapid changes of minis- tries, one of the chief objections to parliamentary govern- ment, are overcome by the fixed tenure of office, and, although the legislature has opportunity once in three years to renew the national executive, public opinion-, or tradition, or busi- ness instinct, if you prefer, keeps the fiiithful officer in place. Consequently the administration of affairs has reached a The Federal Executive. 57 high degree of perfection. The cabinet officers are, it is true, more like the heads of bureaus in other countries than like the political ministers of France or England. They are im- mediately in contact with the details of their various depart- ments, as well as guides and directors of policy. Hence two kinds of ability are called for which may not always be united in the same person, namely, genius for details and great political insight, and the one may be cultivated at the ex- pense of the other. But, however that may be, the Swiss have certainly learned the science of administration, for in all departments they succeed in showing remarkable results for the resources at command. It cannot be said that the pecu- niary inducements to enter political life are great, but the honor attached to a cabinet office and the reasonable security of tenure have been sufficient to draw out an eminently respect- able class of men who have served their country well. CHAPTER yi. The Federal Judiciary (Bundesgericht). The history of federal courts in Switzerland offers a valu- able subject for study in the development of legal institu- tions, but it must suffice to say here that, at the very beginning of the confederation in the thirteenth century, a method of settling interstate disputes was organized, which, though it took the rude form of committees of referees chosen as the occasion demanded, contained the germ of the modern federal court. Its growth as an independent institution, how- ever, was not vigorous. The tendency was for a time to make the federal legislature the final resort on great ques- tions of law, but the revision of 1874 finally placed it upon a more logical basis. The Bundesgericht, as now constituted, consists of nine judges and nine alternates, all of whom are elected by the Federal Assembly for terms of six years. The election is open to any Swiss citizen who is qualified to sit in the National Council, but in making choice, the legislature must see that all three national languages are rep- resented, and that the judges are in no way related to each other. A president and vice-president are also chosen from among these for terms of two years. Alternates are persons who are called in on occasions where the regular judges are unable to serve. The court appoints its. own recorders and other necessary clerks. The salaries are 10,000 francs for each judge, with 1000 additional for the president during his term, while the alternates are paid per diem as occasion demands. Judges may not sit in either house of the Federal Legislature, nor engage in any business or professional occu- pation. The Federal Judiciary. 59 The civil jurisdiction of the Bundesgericht as a court of first instance includes disputes between — 1. The confederation and the cantons. 2. Between the confederation on the one hand, and corpor- ations or individuals on the other hand as plaintiffs, when the amount involved reaches 3000 francs. 3. Between different cantons, but only on questions of private law and when the complaint is made against the fiscal administration. 4. Between cantons on one hand and corporations or indi- viduals on the other, when the amount in controversv is at least 3000 francs and one party has appealed. 5. Between communities of different cantons on questions of citizenship. 6. Appeals by cantons from decisions of the Federal Coun- cil on matters relating to the civil rights of persons who have no legal residence {Hciniatlosic/keit). The Federal Court also considers questions which are espe- cially delegated to it by federal law. Thus far these have related entirely to railroads, including right of expropriation, controversies with the state and individuals, and the liquida- tion of these corporations. As a court of revision the Bundesgericht also hears certain appeals from cantonal courts where parties agree to carry them up. The criminal jurisdiction of the Federal Court covers — 1. Treason against the confederation, riot and violence against federal authorities. 2. Violation of international law. 3. Political crimes which have caused armed intervention. 4. Cases where a federal official has been handed over to the court by the authority which appointed him. 5. Other criminal cases which are referred to it by cantonal governments with the consent of the Federal Legislature. The constitutional jurisdiction includes — 1. Conflicts as to competency between federal and cantonal authorities. 60 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. 2. Constitutional and political conflicts between cantons, as, for instance, the interpretation of intercantonal agree- ments, conflicts of competence of cantonal authorities, bound- ary lines, extradition. 3. Complaints of individuals or corporations against viola- tion of the rights guaranteed in the federal and cantonal con- stitutions and in the cantonal concordats. For the conduct of criminal business the court is divided each year into three chambers, the Chamber of Complaints, Criminal Chamber, and Chamber of Appeals [AnMagekam- mer, Kriminalkammer , Kassationskammcr). ■, All but the latter consist of three members each. The last and highest, being the final resort in criminal matters, is composed of the presi- dent and four judges. When considering civil and constitutional matters the Bundesgericht always sits in banc, yet the presence of seven judges is sufficient. Hence the alternates spoken of above are rarely called upon, and the necessity for their appointment is quite doubtful. The confederation is divided into five large federal dis- tricts (Assizcnbezirke), and the Criminal Chamber sits from time to time in each. The trial of such cases is always con- ducted before a jury made up from a list of persons specially elected.^ By a law passed in 1889 the office of Federal Attor- ney-General, which had been for a time abolished, was restored. This official is not a member of the cabinet, but appointed by that body and under its supervision. Beside the general duties of a legal adviser and attorney for the confederation, it is the special function of the Attorney-General to enforce the laws respecting foreigners and abuses of the right of asylum in Switzerland. The introduction of the law consequently aroused the opposition of the Socialist party and all those ^ Federal jurymen are elected in each district in proportion of one to every 1000 inhabitants. Certain official classes, the aged and sick, are exempt, but all others elected are liable to jury duty during a term of six years. The Federal Judiciary. 61 turbulent spirits who wished to use this territory as a base of operations against foreign governments. But it is evident from the lack of interest shown in the meagre petition for popular vote on the subject, that the Swiss, while resent- ing foreign demands for political offenders, intend to make their country a refuge for peaceful citizens and not for plotters. In one aspect the Swiss Federal Court differs widely from that of the United States. In the latter the constitutionality of the laws even of the highest legislature of the land can be brought in question, and if such statutes do not agree with the federal charter they are declared invalid. But in Swit- zerland the Federal Court can only move -within the limits set by the legislature. The Federal Assembly is declared to be the sole judge of the constitutionality of its measures. While such a principle might be desirable in a country having no written constitution, it is doubtful M^hether the Swiss are so secure in their constitutional rights as they would be under the control of an independent judicial body, unswayed by the winds of politics. With all their facilities for revision of the constitution and for popular expression upon law, it M'ould seem as if the matter of final interpreta- tion should be left in calmer hands than those of a congress. On the other hand, the federal tribunal loses something of its dignity from lack of definiteness in jurisdiction. The lines have not been sharply enough drawn between it and the Fed- eral Assembly, and in the attempt to preserve the authority of the people in their representatives, the course of justice has, as it ascends, become a little vague. But this court may be said to be somewhat in a transition state ; the settlement of its functions is a part of the struggle for and against cen- tralization, and we may expect to see the supreme bench be- come more independent of the legislature. The low limit, which permits too many cases of small value to encumber the docket, will be raised, and as time goes on the federal tribunal will become more and more a forum of law, and less of fact. CHAPTER VII. The Fedekal Army. The record of its deeds of war has been for centuries the proud heritage of the Swiss nation. By force of arms six hundred years ago the republic sprang into being ; by the same power its independence was assured, and through its martial reputation Switzerland became the arbiter of Europe. It was not only because of deeds of astounding bravery that the Swiss soldier was sought for by all the armies of the conti- nent, but also on account of tactical skill and precision in the use of arms, for in more than one respect his methods affected the development of military science. Some of the heaviest blows to ancient practices of warfare were adminis- tered by the infantry of Switzerland to the iron-clad cavalry of Europe on the fields of Grandson and Murten, and at other times their movements were the admiration of the mili- tary critics of the day. Even in the cause of others the hired soldier from the Alps displayed a steadiness and courage which made him irresistible in fair battle and unconquered in the worst of odds. To this the monument at Luzern to the Swiss Guard who fell before the mob in Paris is a lasting testimonial. But during all the heroic age of Switzerland there was no permanent national organization of military forces. Each state furnished its contingent under a separate flag, compa- nies were made up of neighbors and relatives, and each part governed by the rules of its own district. The old war ordi- nance of 1393, the Sempacherbrief, commands that cowards, deserters, or other breakers of its provisions shall be tried by their own land or city, and if " one be found guilty before TJie Federal Army. 63 thorn to whom he belongs and whose duty it is to judge, he shall forfeit his life aud goods to them to whom he belongs, and to no one eke.'' ^ In other words, a federal law against treason, but state trial and execution. In fact, all the way down to the present century the man- agement of military matters, as a whole, has been more or less hap-hazard. This accounts for the weakness of national defense during the period of decadence. Notwithstanding several agreements on the subject, the states could not be made to work harmoniously and with precision just at times when co-operation was most needed. Hence when military affairs came to be considered in the construction of the new constitution, there was a large fund of experience to be drawn upon in the history of the nation itself. There was also the perennial spirit of state-rights to contend with, and the result was a compromise between the desire to have a strong military system and the fear of mak- ing it too strong. Power was in all directions dealt out sparingly to the central government, but especially in the management of the army there was a fear that too dangerous a weapon of oppression might be put into its hands. So the states retained as much control as possible consistently with good administration. After the new arrangement had been tried a few years it was found better to let the federal gov- ernment have a little more control, and the present system was introduced in 1874, but all attempts to turn military matters entirely over to the central AVar Department have hitherto failed. Tendencies appear to show, however, that in the end that surrender will take place. In Switzerland a standing army has never been a recog- nized institution. For a few years during the Helvetic Republic the country was obliged to maintain permanent troops for the benefit of France, but not willingly. Before that time the federal idea was too feeble to uphold such a ' Eidgenossische Abschiede, I. 327. 64 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. measure, and afterward, when central government was estab- lished more firmly, the fear of tyranny prevented. Nor yet are the cantons allowed, without special permission, to keep standing forces beyond three hundred men each, outside of the mounted police, and of this privilege they do not avail them- selves.^ On the other hand, every citizen is liable to military duty,'~ and the federal government makes the regulations under which he serves, establishes the system of instruction, drill, clothing, form of weapon, the formation of divisions, and in time of war takes exclusive command. The cantons assist somewhat in the administration, look after the available forces of their particular territories, retain the power to appoint and promote the officers of their corps as far as the grade of major, attend to the clothing and arming of their contingents, but always according to the rules provided. The military exemption tax is collected by the states (see Federal Finance), but enacted in the first place by the central government. The latter maintains establishments for the manufacture of cartridges, small-arms and cannon, and holds a monopoly of gunpowder, hence is in a position to assume at any moment of danger complete control over all the forces of war, both men and munitions. The organization of the federal army is carried out with elaborate exactness. As stated above, every able-bodied citizen, not otherwise engaged in specified government service, must be enrolled in the militia, and continues in some form to the age of fifty a part of the national defense. For this pur- pose, the forces are divided into three general sections accord- ing to the age of the men composing them. The active army {Elite, Auszug) consists of all men liable to service between the ages of 20 and 32 ; the first reserve, national guard {Landux'hr) is composed of those between the ages of 33 and 44, while the Landdurm or second reserve, which would be called out only in case of dire necessity, consists of all the ' Fed. Const., Art. 13. sjbid., Art, 18. The Federal Army. 65 men between the ages of 17 and 50 not otherwise enrolled in the A'uszug or Lcmdwehr. On coming of age, every young man is entered on the list of recruits, and if, after medical examination, he is found avail- able, is sent to one of the schools of instruction for about six weeks of his first year. After that he is liable to be called out two weeks every other year (cavalry, ten days every year) during his term in the active army, to go into camp for military drill. On reaching thirty-two, the militiaman is mustered into the reserve, where he is no longer subject to annual drill, but, if in the infantry, undergoes a biennial, or if in any other class, an annual inspection. Thus, without maintaining a large standing army, great care is taken in the instruction and exercise of the militia, a record being kept of every available man and where he may be found, so that when troops are wanted they may be instantly called together. The Landsturm has been recently placed on a higher footing, so that when it is called out it may enter the army on the same plane as the other divisions. The citizens of Switzerland are consequently to the last man an array in ambush. The effective force of the federal army on January 1, 1889, was as follow^s : Active, 125,570 men and officers. First Reserve, . . . 80,715 '' " Second Reserve, . . . 262,766 " " Hence the confederation could at immediate notice put over 206,000 men in the field, or, if necessary, 469,000 would rise to its defense. This is not large, as great armies go, but a substantial force for so small a territory.^ Indemnity for sickness or loss of life incurred while in the service is provided in a modest system of pensions. The ^Thie statute organizing the army dates 13 Nov., 1874, is published separately, and in Amtl. Samlg. N. F., I. 257. Changes made since then are in later volumes, and in Wolf's Collection. QQ State and Federal Government in Switzerland. maximum amount to be paid in ordinary cases is a single sum of 1200 francs, or an annual pension of 650 francs, but this may be doubled where the soldier was wounded or killed when performing voluntarily some very dangerous duty. The smaller payments are regulated according to the gravity of injuries received and the number of children in the family. Switzerknd's mode of defense is thus in striking contrast to that of the great powers surrounding her. No great army is apparent to the eye in time of peace. No draft upon the youthful strength of the nation withdraws for terms of years a large body of workingmen into an unproductive occupation, yet, by careful organization and short periods of drill the whole able-bodied male population has been made into an army. We are carried back to the old Germanic idea of the folk as " the people in arms." It is interesting to see how this has all been done under a democratic, not an absolute form of government ; how yet the army government itself is to a certain degree republican, and that precision of movement in military aifairs is not incom- patible with local independence in other departments of state. The natural defenses of the country have been guarded to the best advantage. Great care has been expended upon the engineering works of the frontier, and means have been pro- vided for rapid communication between all parts. Yet, after all, the mainstay of the Swiss Republic will be the sturdy patriotism which has been for centuries the bulwark of its liberties. It is the judgment of competent observers that the soldier of Switzerland is particularly gifted with that spirit which makes all the difFerence between a fighting machine and a man at war. It is to be hoped that no occasion will occur for its display, but when the time arrives, this robust love of country, infused through citizens in arms, will make a small force great. CHAPTER YIII. Internatioxal Relations. The geographical position of Switzerland has determined in more ways than one the history and politics of the nation. While yet a part of the Holy Roman Empire, its mountain isolation gave its growth a peculiar tendency ; when op- pressed by grasping feudal lords, its natural configuration both gave the bulwarks of defense and bred the courage of the defenders, and in uiodern times the situation between four great empires not ouly suggests an international policy for its legislators, but guarantees its fulfilment. That policy since the beginning of the sixteenth century has been neutrality. There was a time when Switzerland held the balance of power in Europe, and whoever had her soldiers on his side had won half the battle in advance. But after the unlucky outcome of the war in Italy, at the battle of Marignano, the Swiss determined not to mix in foreign affairs as a state policy, though they would still allow recruits to be hired. With exception of a brief and nearly fatal excejition, during the period of the Helvetic Republic and the Act of Mediation, this rule has been adhered to. Jt found its final setting in the act of the Congress of Vienna, which bound the high contracting powers, not only individually to respect, but conjointly to defend the neutrality of Switzerland. While it may be too much to claim that Switzerland has a peculiar moral mission to fulfill in the midst of the nations of Europe, it is nevertheless a fact that many of the problems of society are undergoing solution in that country in a way which illustrates the democratic in contrast to the monarchic method of treatment. As an ally of one or more of the great powers its influence would not be great, its individuality would soon be swallowed up, but as an independent nation. 68 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. taking neither this side nor that, it serves as a barrier to pre- vent too great friction between contentious nations. The Swiss have done their part also in maintaining this neutrality by organizing a highly developed military system and by elaborate measures for frontier defenses. To avoid complications, the constitution declares ^ that " no military capitulations shall be entered into." Here long experience has pointed the way. The evils of French domination and the party distractions of centuries had their roots in the mili- tary agreements entered into by the various cantons with foreign powers. Neither the members of the federal government, nor soldiers or officers of the army shall receive pensions, titles, orders or presents from foreign powers. This, too, was one of the sources of corruption which for a long time undermined the national life. National policy was guided by men who were in the pay of neighboring governments, and as their wealth increased, the independence of the country faded and vanished. Happily the nation did not have to v/ait for a constitution to revive its self-respect, for patriotism had already asserted itself, and the written prohibition was but a preventive of an evil at the time no longer feared. The United States would seem to have had the fear rather than the experience of this evil when the framers of the constitution enacted the similar prohibitions.' Yet doubtless both were wise in removing temptation. Switzerland has also recognized rights on the sea as a neu- tral nation, a fact which at first sight might seem superfluous to a nation without a seacoast or a ship. But the commer- cial interests of the country, sending wares to all parts of the world, are so large that in time of war they become a matter of great concern. Hence the treaty of Paris of 1856, re- specting neutral flags, neutral goods on vessels of belligerents, and blockades, Mas also entered into by the Swiss in the same year. 1 Art. 11. '^U. S. Const.. Art. L, Sec. 9-10. International Relations. 69 Again, by reason of its central position, Switzerland has become peculiarly the official headquarters of international agreements. The government has accepted this mission and has been a moving sjiirit in such undertakings. Hence arose the convention at Geneva in 1864 for the improvement of the condition of the wounded in battle, and out of this thev/orld- wide Order of the Red Cross. Hence, also, the Universal Postal Union, adopted in 1878, the central bureau of which is directed by the Swiss government. Many otlier interna- tional matters, in which tlie surrounding powers are inter- ested, find expression in treaties which include Switzerland, as those concerning telegraphs, weights and measures, the Gotthard tunnel, phylloxera, railroad transportation, and in- ternational copyright. Diplomatic relations are maintained with foreign countries by ministers plenipotentiary in France, Germany, Austria, Italy, and the United States, while commercial affairs require the attention of consuls in all parts of the world. It cannot be said that Switzerland has ever carried out a " brilliant " foreign policy. Acts of intervention and media- tion in the affairs of nations have not been the vocation of so small a state, but the Swiss have stood manfully for their own rights as occasion demanded, and especially for the right to make their country an asylum for the oppressed of every nation. This has not been an easy task, for vicious classes have taken advantage of this freedom to make Switzerland a base of attack upon other countries, but the government has always endeavored to maintain the rights of man without countenancing schemes of anarchy. To do this without offending the powerful monarchies by which they are sur- rounded has required a large measure of courage, skill and diplomatic tact.^ 'See Hilty, Neutralitat der Schweiz in ihrer heutigen AufEassung. Bern, 1889, pam. 69, p. Flilty, Politisches Jahrbuch d. Schweiz, 1887, p. GG9-718. "Die schweizcrisehen Neuti-alitatsverhiiltnisse." Describes the frontier iu de- tail and gives an historical account of Swiss neutrality. CHAPTER IX. Federal Finance. National finance in Switzerland is an institution of this century, and with slight exception, entirely a product of the latter half of that period. Up to 1848, almost the only ap- proaches to a system of federal taxation or control of money were the measures taken to provide for army expenditures, and those were necessarily meagre, because the states equipped and put into the field their own contingents. The machinery of central government was inexpensive to operate because there was little of it, and undertakings for public welfare on a large scale were either omitted or paid for by contributions from the states. Under the constitution of 1815 there did come into existence a national military fund^ for the support of the army and to provide for national defense. This fund was made up partly by a war indemnity of three million francs which France had been obliged by the second treaty of Paris to pay to Switzerland, partly by un- expended interest of this, and lastly by a very low import tariff.^ The amount was never very large, but formed a con- venient war-chest, sufficient to put the arm}' in motion at a moment's notice. By the year 1846 it had increased to over four and a half million francs, but tlie Sonderbund war of 1847 in a few weeks reduced this by nearly half, so that the new confederation inherited a bank account of 2,787,180 francs, a balance over expenditures of about one million unpaid indemnities due from seceding cantons,^ and no machinery for collecting any more. ^ Eidgenossisehe Kriegsfond. ^Orelli, Staatsrecht, p. 53. ^ la 1852 this was forgiven for political reasons. Federal Finance. 71 Hence the franiers of the constitution were obliged to create almost an entirely new set of financial resources for the federal government. They did not invent many new expedients, but adapted to the confederation such as were already in exist- ence in the states. But if there was no violent adoption of untried financial measures, there was an instant and visible competition with the states on their own ground. The latter also were raising money by the ordinary means, by duties on imports, by excise, and by other indirect as well as by direct taxation. Hence, with jealousy of central power to begin with, there was cantonal opposition to the infringement of taxing privileges, and the result in the constitution was more or less of a compromise. The nearest approach to a general principle governing the two taxing powers is that the federal government shall rely upon indirect, and the state governments upon direct taxa- tion. This is true only in a large sense, as we shall see that some state revenues are derived by indirect means ; but where federal revenues approach the direct class, as in the case of the military exemption tax, it will be observed that the states take a hand in the administration. The regular sources of revenue are enumerated in the con- stitution as follows : ^ a. The income from federal property. h. Proceeds of the federal customs levied at the Swiss frontier. c. Proceeds of posts and telegraphs. d. Proceeds of the powder monopoly. e. One-half of the gross receipts from the military exemp- tion tax. /. Contributions of the cantons, which shall be determined by federal legislation, with special reference to their wealth and taxable resources. The federal fortune consists of loaned funds, real estate, buildings, fortifications, powder mills, and other property, Fed. Const., Art. 42. 72 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. some of which is productive, but a large part is probably only a source of expense. The income from domains amounts to about live-tenths per cent of the total revenue, while the cash capital produces varying returns according to the condition of the loans; in 1889 less than three per cent of the whole. By far the greatest source of revenue is the tariif on im- ports. As soon as the new constitution could be put into working order, steps were taken to tax articles of commerce entering from foreign countries, on a single uniform plan. The principles which were followed were entirely financial and in no sense prohibitive or protective. This was the character of the law passed in 1849, and the same ideas have prevailed ever since. Changes have been made from time to time to correspond with new conditions or new commercial treaties, but the government has always kept as near free trade as good financiering would allow, aiming to tax necessi- ties lower than luxuries, and to lay as little burden as possible upon materials needed in the industries and agriculture of the country.^ The system of assessment of duties differs from that of England, in that, instead of a few articles being selected to stand as much duty as they will bear, a large number, almost every commodity in fact, is taxed a little. The schedule of rates contains over eight hundred articles which are subject to import duty.~ Certain commodities, chiefly raw materials or waste products for home manufac- ture, are admitted free, sometimes through treaties of recip- rocity, sometimes without. A few export duties have also been in existence since 1849, chiefly on timber, live stock, and certain raw materials. But the amount of revenue is very small, and the percentage, in comparison with the receipts from imports, constantly decreasing.' The next greatest source of income is the Department of iFed. Const., Art, 29. ' Volkswirthschafts Lex., p. 481-517. Tariff Laws in Wolf, p. 437, etc. ^In 1889 the whole amount received from export duties was 121,480 francs, from import duties 27,190,265 francs. Federal Finemce. 73 Posts and Telegraplis, in which the carrying of the mails yields the most, the telegraph and telephone about one- seventh of the whole, and railroads as yet an inconsiderable amount. But the expenditures of this department are always nearly as great as the income. The rates of postage are low and the facilities excellent, so that we may say that, as in the United States, the postoffice is not intended to be so much a financial resource as a public convenience.' For some years the federal government has also had the power to lay a tax of fifty francs upon every kilometer of railway in active service, whenever the net profits of management, after providing for a sinking fund, reach four per cent. Should the profits ex- ceed four per cent, the tax may be increased to a maximum of two hundred francs per kilometer. Hitherto this has amounted to very little."' The powder monopoly yielded at one time considerably more than was expended uj)on it. While large quantities of powder were in demand for quarrying and for great engineer- ing enterprises in connection with railways, the government was able to regard it as a thriving business, but when new and more powerful explosives^ came into favor, this industry was obliged to fall back into the function for which it was originally intended, namely, to be a certain and secure source of ammunition in time of war. The highest returns were made in 1858, when the net gain was 238,211 francs. Since ^ See chapter on The Confederation and Soc-iety. The gross income of the Postoffice Department in 1889 wns 26,990,330 francs; expenditures, 24,155,690, leaving 2,834,640 net income. The rates of postage are 5 centimes for local, 10 centimes for general letters, newspapers 1 centime ptM- 50 grammes. In the amount of correspondence transported, per in- habitant, Switzerland stands above all the other countries of Europe except Great Britain ; it expends more on its postal service than any. See Volkswirth. Lexikon, "Post." ■ Amtliche Samlg., XL, I., Art. 19 ; Wolf, [). 586. A list of objects of taxation in Switzerland will be found in U. S. Consular Reports, Nos. 99- 100, 1888. "Fed. Const., Art. 41. Explosives not available as gunpowder are ex- empt from the morioi)oly. 74 State and Federal Government in Switzefrland. then the profit has been as low as 43,426, and in 1888 was returned at 165,905 francs.^ The military tax is laid upon all citizens liable to military- duty who do not perform personal service with the troops. As stated in another place, every able-bodied man is under obligation for a certain period to go into camp with the mi- litia and to be called out as occasion requires. Persons who do not pass the physical examination, or who wish to avoid the inconvenience, may pay a tax instead. This is based on both property and income and consists, first, of a personal or poll tax of six francs, second, a property tax of one and a half francs for each thousand francs of net fortune, third, an in- come tax of one and one-half in one hundred francs net income. Properties of less than 1000 francs and the first 600 francs of income are exempt from this taxation ; the burden laid on any one man shall not exceed 3000 francs a year, and from the thirty-second to the forty-fourth year of age, only one-half the ordinary assessment need be paid. Yet in years when the greater part of the active army is specially called into extraordinary service, the federal legis- lature has the right to raise the tax to twice the normal rate. In the levy of this tax, net fortune is made to include all real and movable property minus debts and encumbrances. Agricultural property is listed at three-fourths of its selling price, and household goods and tools are exempt. Net in- come comprises the receipts from the pursuit of any art, pro- fession, business, industry, office, or employment. The ex- penses incurred in obtaining these earnings are deducted, also necessary household expenses and five per cent of the capital invested in a business. Annuities, pensions, and other simi- lar revenues are included in the calculation of income. Even Swiss citizens who are residing abroad are liable to the military tax, lists being made out each year and notifica- tion sent from the canton where the person is a citizen. Parents are responsible' for minor children and for those ^ Volkswirthschafts Lexikou, 633, etc. Estimate, 1891, 166,000 francs. Federal Finance. 75 sons who, though of age, remain a part of their household. The levy is made and the tax collected by the canton govern- ments, which retain one-half of the gross receipts and turn over the balance to the confederation.' The confederation may also call upon the cantons for direct contributions according to their ability to pay, and a scale has been established by which the quota of each state is measured. This law was passed in deference to the old state- rights ideas which, like those which prevailed in the American confederation, could not endure the notion of a direct tax laid upon individuals by the central government. Various considerations govern the rate of this scale, as population, nature of the country, character of industries, and ability to pay. Having balanced all these with one another, the can- tons were divided into classes with graduated rates, rising from ten to ninety centimes for each inhabitant. The lowest is the sparsely populated mountain district of Uri. Such large and prosperous states as Zurich, Bern, Aargau, Vaud, and Neuchatel are returned at fifty centimes, while the high- est rate is placed on the thickly settled and thriving indus- trial city of Basel. The schedule is an interesting compara- tive table.^ By the law of 1875 the rate was fixed for twenty years on the basis of the census of LS70, according to which the amount upon which the confederation could rely is 1,172,224 francs, but this may better be considered a financial reserve, since the tax has never been called for. ^The share received by the federal governmeat in 1889 was 1,331,983 francs. '■'Scale of taxation for the array contingent fund : Class I, 10 centimes per inhabitant. Uri. Class II, 15 centimes. Obwalden, Nidwalden, Appenzell Interior. Class III, 20 centimes. Schwyz, Graubiinden, Valais. Class IV, 30 centimes. Glarus, Zug, Ticino. Class V, 40 centimes. Lnzern, Freiburg, Solothnrn, Basel-land, Ap- penzell Exterior, SchalThausen, St. Gallon, Thurgan. Class VI, 50 centimes. Ziirich, Bern, Aargau, Vaud, Neuchatel. Class VII, 70 centimes. Geneva. Class VIII, 90 centimes. Basel-stadt. 76 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Since 1881 the central government has used its privilege of inspecting and controlling banks of issue. Federal laws regulate the amount of notes to be circulated, the reserve fund, the method of redemption, and the publication of re- ports.^ The government cannot assume the emission of notes as a monopoly nor guarantee the notes in circulation, but by uniform laws it assists in making business regular and safe. The Federal Council may even demand daily statements of accounts. In return for this supervision, a tax is levied on such banks at the rate of one franc for every thousand in circulation.^ There are also many small items which go to make up the revenue of the various departments which need not be men- tioned here. Fees for naturalization, registration of patents, of commercial houses, and a multitude of other rivulets con- tribute to the grand total. A matter which is perhaps related as closely to the morals as to the finances of the confederation is the alcohol mono- poly. This might also be treated properly under the head of cantonal financiering, were it not that the administration is entirely in the hands of the central government. But as yet neither the social nor the fiscal elements have had time to show their fullest results, and we can do little more than to state the law and some things expected from it. In adjusting the complicated claims of state and confed- eration to the various channels of revenue, the makers of the constitution of 1848 allotted the taxation of spirituous liquors to the former. The cantons were allowed to levy excise duties at their borders, and communities could lay additional taxes at their gates. This arrangement was indeed a restriction of the guaran- teed free trade within the confederation, but was a compro- mise which seemed almost necessary to settle the dispute ^ Volkswirthschafts Lexikon, p. 557. -This yielded in 1889 a gross retiu-n of 153,495 francs. Estimate for 1891, 175,000 francs. Federal Finance. 77 between central and local government. In the revision of 1874, however, in return for the assumption by the confed- eration of greater responsibility in military affairs, it was agreed that the cantons should drop all duties on liquors after the year 1890. But this date was anticipated, first, by the constitutional amendment of 1885,' which placed the power of making general laws on the subject in the hands of the con- federation, and, second, by the statute passed in 1887, and adopted by popular vote, which made the manufacture of alcoholic liquors a federal monopoly. The project brought about much discussion, but the way had been prepared by extensive investigation of the systems of other countries, and the vote showed that two-thirds of the people were in its favor.^ The system is not entirely a new venture, but Switzerland has perhaps gone into the matter more scientifically than has ever been done before, and her experiments will be watched with interest. The principal features of the Monopoly Law are these: the right to manufacture distilled liquor belongs exclusively to the federal government ; it does this by contract either with home or foreign distillers, but at least one-fourth of the quantity required must be manufactured by domestic compa- nies, to whom the government makes allotments from time to time; in order to encourage agriculture, the distillation of certain native fruits and roots is exempted from the monopoly and made free to any one. This practically makes the con- federation the sole distiller of all alcohol made from grain, potatoes and all articles from which the liigher grades of liquor are made. The government is also a distributor of liquor in quanti- ties not less than 150 litres, and fixes the prices itself. Spirits used for technical and household purposes must be sold at cost of manufacture, and before delivery are to be reduced 'Fed. Const., Art. 31b, 33 bis. - Translation of this law in U. S. Consular Reports, No. t>l. Some details have been modified since this wus publii-hod. 78 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. (denaturirt) by the addition of wood-spirits, or other mixtures which render thera unfit for drinking. The peddling of liquor from house to house is entirely forbidden except for the kind last mentioned. Retail dealers require a license from the cantonal authorities where located, and pay a graduated tax according to the amount of sales. The traffic in quantities above forty litres is considered wholesale and under no restrictions. The administration of the liquor business, as will be ob- served, is entirely in the hands of the federal authorities until the spirits reach the retail dealers ; there the states step in to regulate the number and character of the dram-shops, to make any necessary sumptuary and police laws, and to exact such license fees as may seem best. The net profits of the government management are col- lected by the federal authorities, but divided entirely among the states in proportion to population. The cantons on their part are obliged to expend at least ten per cent of this divi- dend in suppressing the evils of intemperance, and to report annually to the federal government. The transition from private to government manufacture was accomplished, not by confiscation, but by indemnification. Distilleries, in order to continue operations, must be large enough to supply at least 150 hectolitres a year ; all others were obliged to shut down, but received the minimum value of their plant, not counting the good-will of the business, by way of -damages. This change had the effect of closing up about 1200 establishments,^ at a cost of 3,655,095 francs. This was not the only great financial problem laid before the federal government at the inauguration of the new system, for at the same time that the monopoly was placed in their hands,' it was also ordei'ed^ that if a statute on the subject was put in force before 1890, the losses to the cantons from ^Leaving but 68. -Const. Amendment of 1885, Art. 34 bis. ^Ped. Const. Uebergangsbestimmungen, Art. 6. Federal Finance. 79 the abandoned tariffs and excise duties should be made good. As the law went into effect on the first of September, 1887, indemnity for the taxes of three years became due to sixteen cantons and two communities. For the years 1887-88 this amounted to 5,423,020 francs, and absorbed all the profits of the monopoly and 465,000 francs more; but in 1889 the business had gotten firmly on its feet, and not only were the cantonal deficits paid, but 884,565 francs divided among the other states. The monopoly is protected from outside competition by a tax of eighty francs per hectolitre upon all high-grade liquors brought into the country, and by a graduated scale of duties upon all containing less than 72 per cent of alcohol. No one except the government is permitted to import alcohol for in- dustrial purposes, because the reducing process must undergo inspection in order to prevent fraud. In getting its supply for the market the government may purchase three-fourths of the demand for all kinds anywhere it chooses. The other fourth, as mentioned above, must be of home manufacture, and the government has not exceeded that limit because spirits can be bought cheaper abroad than at home. Almost all the alcohol intended for industrial purposes comes from Prag, Vienna and Pilsen, received at an average price of about 27 francs and sold at 45. Liquors for drinking pur- poses are contracted for at prices ranging from 72 francs to 88 per hectolitre, and sold at 120 francs and above. ^ The dis- tribution is effected through nine depots, located at various convenient points. The financial operations of this branch of administration in 1889 amounted to about eleven and a half million francs, from ^ The law requires that the price shall not be less than 120 nor more than 150 per hi. pure spirit (Art. 5). This amounts to 140 and 175 for liquors 95 per cent pure. Prices of fine liquors in America, March 1891, are about as follows, translated into hectolitres and francs: Whiskey 138 to 143 fr. per h. ; pure alcohol 250 fr. per h. ; wood alcohol 138 to 175 fr. per h. Here the monopoly privilege is replaced by a high federal tax. 80 State and Federal Govcmment in Switzerland. which the net revenue was 5,249,053 francs. This we may see to have been chiefly due to the mercantile profit on liquors for drinking purposes, since industrial spirits must be sold at cost. Hence, as a business enterprise the monopoly is cer- tainly a success. AYhen we inquire into the moral and social results there is at present less that is tangible to be observed. The expectations of the promoters of the scheme were that the evils of drunkenness would be reduced both by decreas- ing consumption and by providing purer quality of drink. The latter end is obtained by government inspection, not only of the monopoly distilleries, but also of the smaller establishments manufacturing the free products.^ In the matter of consumption there would seem to have been a decrease. In 1885, before the introduction of the monopoly, the total demand was for about 150,000 hectolitres of distilled liquors for drinking purposes, while in 1889 the amount sold by the federal government was 67,242 hecto- litres. But it would not be safe to say that the country had become temperate to this extent, for there is strong reason to believe that much of the reduced alcohol intended for the arts is either purified again and used for drinking or consumed outright in its mixed state.^ Something will have to be done to render purification impossible before trustworthy statistics- can be given as to decrease of drunkenness.^ The tenth part of the revenue which is to be used for the suppression of the vice will, of course, be applied in various ways. Zurich, in 1889, made the following disposition of its portion ; 9000 francs to establish an inebriate asylum, 10,000 francs for the enlargement of an institution for feeble-minded ' Fed. Laws. 2 Bericht d. Bundesrath, 1888. 3 The administration suggests that the price of spirits be raised so that people will be driven to use less expensive and less harmful drinks. The budget for 1891 estimates the sale of liquors for drinking at 11,424,000 francs, for technical purposes 1,265,000 francs. The estimated total receipts from the monopoly are 13,660,000 francs, expenditures 7,830,000 francs, leaving a balance of 5,830,000. Bundesblatt 1890, No. 53. Federal Finance. 81 children, 5000 francs to the police authorities for the relief of poor travelers, 2000 francs for a fresh-air fund^ for school children, 1000 francs to the temperance Society of the Blue Cross, and the balance, about 3400 francs, kept in reserv^e to help communities to get their inebriates to the asylum.~ The use of liquor will by no means be brought under control so long as .the distillation of low grades of fruit spirits and the manufacture of malt drinks is under no restriction. No one can tell whether the apparent decrease in the consump- tion is not merely a diversion of appetite to apple-jack and absinthe, or perhaps to increased use of beer and wine. The sociological side of the question needs a longer time to work out a solution. The financial prospects will be favorable so long as nine-tenths of the income are set apart to pay taxes and one-tenth to making war on intemperance by means of asylums and summer excursions. To recapitulate briefly the financial operations of the cen- tral government, it may be observed that the total revenues from all sources are about sixty-five millions of francs. To this amount the customs duties contribute very nearly half, followed at a long distance by the net profits of the postoffice department and by the military exemption tax. This latter is the easiest of all the revenues to obtain, since all expenses of levy and collection are assumed by the cantons and the gross receipts equally divided. However, for the amount involved, the customs duties are very economically adminis- tered, the cost of collection amounting in 1888 to 7.4 per cent. The largest item of expense is the army, consuming in all nearly forty per cent of the revenues, and over sixteen millions of francs more than its own specific income. Although carrying on no wars of its own, nor joining in the conquests of other countries, Switzerland is compelled to undergo this great expense in order to preserve her neutrality and the integrity of her borders. ' Perienkolonien. -' Hilty, Politisches Jahrbuch, 1890, p. 955. 82 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. In the Department of the Interior there was expended in 1888 for all matters coming within its sphere — public works, education, statistics, and the like — about four and one-half millions of francs, or something over seven per cent of all expenditures. Lawmaking, or the cost of maintaining the two houses of the legislature, amounts to about forty-two thousand dollars a year, as compared with the three millions spent by the United States.^ Education, as noted in another place, being left largely to the cantons, does not occupy a large portion of the federal budget. The public debt of the country, although not a serious weight upon the prosperity of the state, is still a matter which occupies the attention of its financiers and political econo- mists. In 1849 the federal debt was about 5,865,000 francs, and was reduced in a few years to little more than 1,200,000, but the public im])rovements which have been going on, especially since 1867, have brought the outstanding liabilities far away from those modest proportions. On January 1, 1890, the total debt, including the coin reserve, amounted to over forty-six millions of francs. 5,200,000 of this was recently created for the indemnifications made necessary when the government assumed the alcohol monopoly. The annual interest charge on the above date was 2,221,766 francs.^ Considering the thriving industrial condition of Switzerland, the amount of these obligations is not very great. It stands very much in the shadow of the debts of larger states like Russia or the United States, but even in view of the small size of the country, with but three millions of popu- lation, the burden amounts only to about fifteen francs per inhabitant, and is carried at low rates of interest. ^Estimates for the legislature and judiciary for 1891; Nationalrath, Fr. 231,000; Standerath, Fr. 21,400; Bundesrath, Fr. 85,500 ; Bundes- kanzlei, Fr. 349,100; Bundesgericht, Fr. 154,600; Total, Fr. 841,600. Bundesbiatt, 1890, IV., p. 1050. '^ Almanach de Gotha, 1891. CHAPTER X. The Confederation and Society. It will be seen from the second article of the constitution, that the central government was not only provided with the ordinary powers of police, to protect the country from danger without and to keep peace within, but upon it was also laid the task of promoting the common welfare. To the cantons were left those social relations purely connected with locality ; yet there remained a large body of aifairs, now local, now general in their nature, which it was eminently desirable should be uniformly administered, or, as in the case of public Avorks, should be undertaken by the whole people. Hence one of the first matters to demand the attention of the framers of the constitution of 1848 was, very naturally, the establishment of free trade among the states. The end- less vexations arising at the boundaries of every little state, the transportation privileges, the taxes on change of residence, which prevailed so long under the old regime, were as much as possible put aside by the first constitution, and still more by that of 1874. All import and export duties are now col- lected at the federal frontiers, and commercial freedom, except in a few matters, is guaranteed throughout the whole country.^ The exceptions to the free movement of goods are connected either with the financial or the sanitary operations of govern- ment. The monopoly of the sale of salt is retained by the states, in some cases as a source of revenue, in others as a public utility. The manufacture of gunpowder is a monopoly of the confederation, maintained as a part of its military system. The manufacture of alcohol and spirituous liquors has also recently been assumed by the federal government, in ' Fed. Const., Art. 28, Art. 31. 84 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. an attempt to mitigate the evils of the traffic, and still other measures may be taken which limit the freedom of commerce when epidemic diseases threaten, as has been notably the case with cattle-plagues and the phylloxera. The federal authorities may make regulations respecting the exercise of any class of industrial or commercial enter- prise, but must not violate the principle of commercial free- dom.^ In exercise of this right, laws have been passed which regulate the manufacture and sale of matches,^ the guarantee of fineness in the manufacture of gold and silver wares,'' and the traffic in gold and silver waste products.* All of these are intended to obtain safety and uniformity for all concerned. Factory laws for the control and regulation of the sanitary condition of workshops, the employment of children, and for the establishment of responsibility for accidents to employees, have been in force since 1877."' One system of inspection for the whole country is thus secured. Also within the sphere of federal legislation and supervision are agencies for foreign emigration and private insurance companies, although where insurance is undertaken by cantonal governments the con- federation has no right to interfere. Patents for inventions, copyrights for books and works of art, and trade-marks for articles of commerce are issued also by the central government. The efforts to establish uniform commercial laws for the whole of Switzerland have been much hindered by sectional opposition, but have finally been able to attain a reason- ably satisfactory condition. One of the best results of the work of unification is the Federal Law of Contracts [Ohliga- tionenrecht) passed in 1881,*' which is in itself an exhaustive treatise on the subject of commercial law, and defines all classes of agreements and liabilities as they shall be observed iFed. Const., Art. 31e. 2 Amtliehe Smlg. N. F., VI. 499, Wolf, 298. 3 Ibid. X. 45, Wolf, 305. * Ibid. IX. 266, Wolf, 317. 5 Fed. Const., Art. 34, Amtliehe Smlg. N. F., III. 241, Wolf, 288. « Amtliehe Smlg. N. F., V. 635, Wolf, 173. The Confederation and Society. 85 throughout the confederation. Finally, in April, 1889, a general bankruptcy law was passed, which regulates the col- lection of debts' according to a uniform system. One industry has been entirely forbidden. Gambling houses are the subject of constitutional enactment, and their establishment is prohibited. The large gaming tables which formerly flourished so abundantly at summer resorts were given to the first of January, 1878, to close their doors, and have since been under the ban of law.~ Lotteries may also be made the subject of federal legislation, and have received attention in the law of obligations so far as to establish that no liability can grow out of lottery dealings unless the lottery has been permitted by competent authority.'^ The management of posts and telegraphs, including also parcels post, is under the exclusive control of the confedera- tion.* To an American observer the national mail service has become so much a matter of course that he can hardly realize that one of the greatest steps in advance over the old system was taken only forty years ago. Formerly each state had managed the postal arrangements in its own territory, and such meagre unity as existed was obtained only by loose agreements between adjacent cantons. Then each state was more mindful of the financial than of the social aspects of the question, and a comprehensive and regular system was im- possible. As compared with surrounding nations, Switzer- land presented a pitiable aspect of disjointedness. Efforts had been made as early as the projected constitutional revision of 1832 to place the postal service under federal control, but these did not succeed until 1848. The states thus obliged to give up their rights were satisfied with indemnities which ' Comments by A. Zeerleder, Das Buridesgesetz iiber Schuldbetreibung und Konkurs. Bern, 1889. Eug. Borel. Same title, Neuehatel, 1889. '' Fed. Const., Art. 35. ^Oblig. R. 514, 515. * Except that railways have the rigiit to maintain telegraph lines along their roads for their own service. 86 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. were to amount to nearly one and a half millions of francs a year/ In assuming the monopoly, a thread connecting this century with the Middle Ages was severed by the purchase of the transportation rights of the German Counts of Thun and Taxis, which were still in force in Schaifhausen. The indem- nities to the states, however, were settled at the revision in 1874, according to which, exclusive control and benefit of income were given to the confederation in return for certain changes in the military taxes.^ The postal service undertakes the transmission of letters, printed matter, parcels, money orders, and over certain stage routes transports passengers. The administration is very carefully conducted, and rapid and safe communication with all parts of the country is obtained;' The financial aspects of this department are considered in another place.* The monopoly of telegraphs was established first by a federal law in 1851. At the time of the adoption of the con- stitution of 1848 this means of communication was not suffi- ciently developed to gain recognition, but took its place naturally in the revision of 1874. The confederation has the right to erect lines either above or below ground through any state, but always after consultation with the cantonal or community authorities through whose territories it is proposed to pass.^ The operators and clerks are federal appointees, as in the Postal Department, and subject to all the laws gov- erning such servants of the state.'' ' Blumer, I. 553. - Protocol Bundesrevision, p. 281. ^ Postal laws are found in special handbooks issued by the department, and in Wolf, p. 501, etc. ■• See Federal Finance, sAmtlicheSmlg., VII. 329, Wolf, 564, 565. ^A uniform tariff is established for telegrams between all parts of Switzerland. For the sending of a message between any two stations, and its delivery within a radius of one kilometer from the receiving station, the charge is as follows : (1) A fixed payment of 30 centimes {Orundtaxe) ; (2) for each word, including the address, 2^ centimes. So that the charge for a telegram of ten words with eight words in the address would amount to 75 centimes, or 15 cents. The Confederation and Society. 87 The laws regulating railways proceed only from the confed- eration.' The government has never undertaken to manage railroads on its own account, though by the terms of certain concessions some short lines are at its disposal. The question as to whether the confederation shall buy out all the existing roads is often brought forward, but as yet not fully settled. A most important step in this direction was taken during the year 1890, by the purchase of a large share of the preferred stock of the Jura-Simplon railway, one of the largest systems in Switzerland. This does not necessarily mean immediate federal management of the line, like the administration of posts and telegraphs, but the purchase makes the government the controlling stockholder and financial manager. With this important raihvay in hand, the assumption of all the other lines at some future time will not be difficult, and we may look forward to advancement in that direction.' The confederation has established very minute laws as to the construction and conduct of such enterprises, and maintains a close supervision over their administration. Regulations for the technique of railroad-building extend to the width of track, strength of axles, height of buffers, and even to the lettering of cars, so that uniformity and safety are provided for as much as is possible without state ownership.'' But one of the most useful spheres of governmental action lies in the regulation of the financial management of these undertakings. Federal law prescribes the method of keep- iPed. Const., Art. 26. '^ The conditions of the purchase will be found in Bundesblatt, 12 July, 1890, Vol. III., p. 967. An interesting sketch of federal railway politics since 1852 is in Hilty, Polit. Jahrbueh, 1890, p. 959, etc. ' By a law passed June 27, 1890, railway and steamboat employes enjoy federal protection similar to that giv^en to other industries by the Factory Law. The hours of labor are limited to twelve, with an unbroken period of rest for at least eight hours a day. Employes shall have fifty-two free days each year, and at least seventeen of these shall occur on Sunday. Freight traffic is forbidden on Sundays except for stock and perishable goods. 88 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. ing accounts which railways must follow ; what shall be considered expense and how classified ; what shall be credited to profit and loss ; what shall be considered capital, and what shall be charged to improvements and new service; and, further, the methods by which stock shall be transferred, indebtedness incurred and liquidation carried out. The companies must balance their accounts at the close of every calendar year, and before the last day of the next April must lay printed copies of their reports before the Federal Council. Here it undergoes inspection by the Department of Posts and Railroads, control being thus maintained over the management, in the same way that National Banks are con- trolled in the United States. The value of these regulations is obvious. They give pro- tection, not only to the state against operations prejudicial to its welfare, but the interests of the stockholder and bond- holder are served in a high degree by the publicity of accounts. While gambling in railroad stocks cannot thus be done away with, yet manipulation of funds, the " hypothecation " of bonds and much contract jugglery can be headed off completely. The statistics of railway management, such as the United States government is endeavoring so hard to obtain by per- suasion and is only partially successful, are in Switzerland brought to hand every year by federal statute, for the benefit of all concerned. Without actually managing the railways itself, the government has really brought about a high degree of centralization. Since 1848 the coinage of money has been the exclusive prerogative of the confederation. The confusion of currency which was endured in the American Colonies and Confedera- tion is not to be compared to the distracting disorder which prevailed in the monetary arrangements of Switzerland. There were as many coinages as states, and almost as many different systems and bases of value. From so many sources it was impossible to regulate the issue according to the necessities of trade, even if this could endure the endless calculations of The Confederation and Society. 89 exchange. Efforts were made to bring about reform, but these fell with the projected constitutions of the thirties. Under the new confederation the matter was simply turned over to the federal authorities, and they, after careful consider- ation, adopted for uniform currency throughout Switzerland the coinage system of France, which had already gained a partial foothold. The unit of calculation is the franc, divided into 100 centimes (German Happen) and coined in various mul- tiples. By the treaty of 1865, Switzerland entered the Latin Monetary Union, so that now her coinage is on a uniform basis not only with that of France, but also of Belgium, Italy and Greece.^ "The establishment of weights and measures belongs to the confederation. The administration of the laws on the subject is carried out by the cantons, under the supervision of the confederation."^ This order of things was brought about finally in 1874. The cantons had already, before the establishment of the confederation, endeavored to help them- selves toward uniformity by means of a concordat, and were prepared for the provision of the constitution of 1848 which granted the federal government the right to establish a general system on the basis of the existing agreement. But resist- ance was encountered in the Romance cantons, which was not wholly laid till the matter was put into the hands of tb.e central government without reserve. Then the metric system was adopted, and finally made obligatory. As a matter of general interest to the whole people, the confederation superintends the maintenance of such highways and bridges as contribute to the welfare of the union. The care of roads is in reality the duty of the individual states, but by keeping an oversight upon interstate and international thoroughfares of communication a greater certainty of good highways is obtained. Works of a larger nature are also supported in part by federal subventions. Four of the ' International Mon. Conf. 1878. Appendix, p. 779, etc. ^Ped. Const., Art. 40. 90 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. mountain cantons receive annual subsidies for maintaining the Alpine passes within their territories,^ and such under- takings as the Gotthard tunnel have been heavily supported. The confederation is able to discipline these subsidized can- tons in case they do not properly maintain their roads, by withholding the sums allowed them.' In general it may be said that the confederation is ex- pected to assist in the construction of public works which ex- ceed the powers of single states. The improvements of rivers, protection against avalanches, and other matters of like nature have had the support of the federal legislature, lu order to carry out such projects the confederation may exercise for itself the right of eminent domain, and in case an undertaking on the part of a canton threatens injury to the military interests of the country, may forbid its construction." Supervision of the general welfare of the country extends also to the forestry of the Alps, where great precautions must be taken against torrents and snow. Fishing and hunt- ing and the protection of useful birds may also be made the subject of general laws, although the right to hunt and fish is regulated by cantons or communities, as stated elsewhere.^ Education. In the matter of education, the part played by the central government does not exhibit to advantage what is done by the Swiss people as a whole. Schools and universities are nearly all maintained by the cantons, and the work done by them is treated more fully under the head of State Gov- ernment, yet the confederation contributes a respectable amount to the advancement of learning and supplements in many ways the eiForts of the states. 1 Fed. Const., Art. 31. Uri, fr. 80,000 ; Graubiinden, 300,000 ; Ticino, 2U0,000 ; Valais, 50,000. -Fed. Const., Art. 37. •^Fed. Const., Art. 23. ^ See Canton Finance. The Confederation and Society. 91 The constitution of 1848 authorized the federal govern- ment to erect and maintain a polytechnic school and a univer- sity.^ The first was founded in 1855, but the university has never been realized. The revision of 1874 went further in its provisions for education, by declaring that in addition to the existing Polytechnicum the confederation was authorized to establish a university and other institutions of higher edu- cation or to aid such institutions.' Furthermore, the obliga- tion was laid upon the cantons to maintain primary education, which throughout the whole country must be compulsory, free of cost, open to children of all religious beliefs, and under the supervision of the state. If any canton does not fulfill these obligations, the federal government may take the necessary steps to compel it. The interpretation and application of the clauses respect- ing primary education have been delicate tasks for the federal authorities, and perhaps await yet more satisfactory solution. Many of the cantons need no urging in the direction either of popular or higher education, supporting liberally universities, gymnasiums, seminaries, and carefully conducted public school systems, there being, besides the federal Polytechnicum, four universities with over three hundred instructors within this small territory of about three millions of inhabitants. The confederation itself expended in 1887 upon the Poly- technic 579,000 francs.-' It contributed further to the sup- port of over one hundred technical and industrial schools and museums in the various states to the amount of 220,000 francs, and for agricultural education 61,659 francs. It also takes an interest in the preservation of national historical relics,^ and promotes the cause of Swiss fine arts with an annual credit of 100,000 francs.-' ' Art. 32. 2 Fed. Const., Art. 27. ^Grob, Jahrbuch des Unterrichtsweseu in der Schweiz, 1887. * Law of .Tune 30, 1886. In 1889 a National Museum was established. Ililty, Polit. Jahrb. 1890, p. 1011. •^Law of Dec, 1887, Grob, Unterrichtswesen Anhang, p. 1. 92 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. The activity of the central government in the education of army recruits should be mentioned here. Military instruc- tion is entirely in the hands of the confederation, and includes much beside the technicalities of drills.^ By its examinations the state of primary education in the various cantons is ex- hibited, and by the publication of the statistics an honorable rivalry in this field is encouraged. The states have not allowed much interference with their educational systems, but this general superintendence on the part of the confederation has exerted a favorable influence for uniformity and excel- lence. The Confederation and Religion. The relations of the central government to religion and worship are of a general rather than of a particular nature. To the cantons have been left the management of church societies and the local machinery of religious expression, to the confederation the great principles upon which all are founded. Against violation of these the citizen may appeal to the federal constitution, and may invoke the powers of the federal government in his behalf. In brief, these general principles are as follows r freedom of conscience and of belief is inviolable ; persecution, either on the part of the state or of other religious sectarians, cannot be suffered ; nor may any person be compelled to join any religious society, nor to participate in any religious instruction or worship without his own consent. This princi- ple is also involved in the provision mentioned above, which declares that the public schools shall everywhere be so con- ducted that members of all confessions may attend without injury to their religious feelings or violation of their con- sciences. In order to settle any controversies which might arise between parents of different confessions, the constitu- tion provides that the religious education of children up to ' See " Military System," above. Fed. Const., Art. 49-53. The Confederation and Society. 93 the end of the sixteenth year shall be determined by the father or the possessor of the paternal authority.' The exercise of civil or political rights cannot be abridged by regulations or conditions of an ecclesiastical or religious nature. In other words, a man may not be deprived of any of his civil rights because he does, or does not, belong to this or that denomination. Switzerland was slow in coming to this point. Even by the constitution of 1848, only the Christian religion was recognized. Israelites and others had no guarantee whatever, except what public opinion could furnish, but in 1874 all distinctions were laid aside. But if religious opinion cannot deprive a citizen of his rights, so neither can the state be deprived of his services on account of his private opinions. Sectarians who refuse to carry arms may be compelled to do so.' No one shall be required to pay taxes which are levied especially for the purely religious purposes of any society to which he does not belong. The presence of an established religion in many of the cantons makes the interpretation of this clause, and especially the formulation of a federal statute on the subject, quite difficult. The Federal Council and the Federal Court have, however, spoken to the eifect that no one can refuse to pay the general cantonal or general community taxes, out of which in so many states the church is supported.' The tax to be illegal must be for the exclusive use of a particular cult. Levies voted for matters which serve both religious and civil purposes, as bells, tower -clocks, or grounds for cemeteries, would not be considered special religious taxation. The freedom to exercise religious worship, within the bounds of good morals and public order, is guaranteed. Any attempts '" Inhaber der viiterlichen oder vormundschaftlichen Gewalt." - Langhard, Glaubens- uud Kultusfreiheit, p. 121. Yet when such cases come up among recruits, officers have been known to compromise with conscientious non-combatants, by placing them in the hospitals or other similar service. •^Langhard, p. 7.3. 94 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. on the part of diiFerent sects to interfere with each other, or of ecclesiastical authorities to usurp the functions of the civil government, would be checked by the cantons as well as by the confederation. Appeal in any such cases might be had to the federal authorities, with whom lies the guaranty of equality.^ The establishment of bishoprics within Swiss territory must be done only with the consent of the confederation. This is aimed at the prevention of divided allegiance, which would arise where a bishopric included territory of foreign governments. Considerable trouble has been experienced with the Roman Catholic Church on this account. In early times their dioceses paid no attention to national boundaries, and when it became necessary to reorganize these divisions, no little dispute arose and has not yet been fully settled. The order of the Jesuits and societies associated with it are forbidden to locate anywhere in the country and their activity in church or school is entirely prohibited. The establishment of new monasteries or the reopening of any suppressed cloister is also forbidden. The downfall of the Jesuits in Switzerland was caused by their incessant interfer- ence in aifairs of state and the intense ultramontane character of their policy. It was chiefly their agitation that brought about the conflict of religions which resulted in the secession of the Sonderbund and very nearly the downfall of the re- public. It was determined that in future that particular ' The opposition experienced by the Salvation Army for a time called in question the religious liberty supposed to exist in Switzerland. The restrictions placed upon the public performances of these missionaries came from the state authorities and were at times severe, but were established in the interest of peace rather than on account of religious intolerance. The federal government also for a short time interfered, but afterward withdrew its orders, and in 1890 refused to adopt prohibitive measures which were urged upon it. The appearance of the Salvation Army does not now awaken the former opposition on the part of the people, and measures to prevent riots can be safely left to the state governments. The Confederation ami Society. 95 activity should be excluded, since without the agitators the people would soon learn to accommodate themselves to each other's religious views. Finally, in some minor points in which ecclesiastics might possibly exert undue influence, the civil authorities have been given by the constitution a control which in former times they did not have. The registry of births, deaths, marriages, and civil status was placed entirely in the hands of public officials, and to prevent misunderstandings between the church and the unfaithful, it is laid upon the civil au- thorities to see that every deceased person shall be decently buried.^ The latest addition to the social functions of the confed- eration is the power to enforce general and compulsory in- valid and accident insurance. By an almost unanimous vote of the national legislature, a constitutional amendment to this eifect was passed in June and submitted to popular vote in October, 1890. The article- reads as follows: "The con- federation will by statute establish invalid and accident insurance, having regard to already existing invalid funds. It may declare participation to be obligatory upon all, or upon special classes of inhabitants." It yet remains to be seen what kind of legislation will be erected upon this basis. There seems to be a strong demand for something of the kind just at present, and doubtless what- ever is enacted will have the support of public opinion. The subject connects itself on one side with existing factory legis- lation, as better protection for the industrial classes, and in another sense is a part of the problem of poor relief. The parliamentary committee in their report took a conservative view of the matter, and endeavored to forestall the rose-col- ored anticipations of radical advocates of such measures. They expected this movement to be only a single step in 'Fed. Const., Art. 53. - Fed. Const., Art. 34 bis. The article was adopted by a vote of 283,228 against 92,200. Bundesblatt, 1890, p. 1128. 96 State and Federal Government in Sioitzerland. advance, and to express their moderation dropped the desig- nation " labor insurance," so commonly used by agitators, and called the project simply invalid and accident insurance. Doubtless the benefits will be confined chiefly to the laboring classes, but it was not intended as a universal panacea for labor troubles. We may expect a temperate trial of this en- terprise based on the experience of countries where state insurance has been longer in operation.'^ ^A careful statement of the relations of this subject to other state activi- ties will be found in Hilty, Polit. Jahrbuch, 1890, p. 762, etc. CHAPTER XL The Confederation and the Individual. Having indicated in meagre outline the organic structure of the federal government, its place in the complex life of the confederation, and its relations to the social fabric, it will be in order to point out briefly the individual rights which are especially under its protection. In making up the sum of personal privileges which are enabled to be enjoyed, it will also be necessary to keep in mind all the social conditions which form the citizen's envi- ronment, and to remember that all the government activities mentioned in the previous chapters, which are exerted for the general welfare, are inseparable from the good of the pri- vate individual. To these may be added any particular elements which the confederation contributes directly to the safety and well-being of its members. In respect to outward designation of these things, the Swiss government does not diifer from many other enlight- ened states, yet the quality of the privileges may be quite apart. In the first place, there is guaranteed to every citizen equality before the law.^ Not that every man is equal to every other man in his rights to possessions and preferment, but, when he appeals to the law or expresses his opinion in political matters, the lowest is as good as the highest. " There shall be in Switzerland no condition of political dependence, no privileges of place, birth, family or person." 2. Freedom of movement from one state to another may not be denied to any one who can show evidence of origin, nor shall the citizen who takes up a new residence be treated 'Fed. Const., Art. 4. 98 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. any differently from his neighbors. Persons coming from one state into another cannot be taxed more severely than old residents, nor for the support of both cantons. Foreigners look to the federal government for naturalization, though full adoption as citizens depends on the community and canton.^ When citizenship is once obtained, no state can banish the possessor out of its borders nor deprive him of its privileges. The confederation retains the right to order unpleasant strangers to leave the country, but a Swiss citizen cannot be outlawed by any limits of time or absence from the coun- try, except at the request of the person himself, and the regulations for the dissolution of allegiance are established by the central power. Foreign countries are not so willing to allow the perpetuity of these obligations,^ but, so far as the home government is concerned, if you are a Swiss citizen once, you are a Swiss citizen always. 3. The liberty of religious belief, freedom of conscience and choice of worship, have been sufficiently stated under the subject of Church and State. It must be conceded that so long as the cantons maintain established religions, or even attempt to support the ministry of all the chief sects alike, there will be limitations to religious liberty not known in the United States. But to have cut loose all at once from the old state of things would have been too violent a change in 1848, or even in 1874. So far as private belief is concerned, no limitations are set, but as to taxation for religious pur- poses, complete freedom is yet to be obtained. By removing the registration of births and marriages from the hands of any but the civil authorities, a possible limitation of religious liberty was broken down, since ecclesiastical powers might forbid the marriage of persons of different be- liefs. This was a source of great controversy, often of hard- ship, in earlier times, but now the " right of marriage stands under the protection of the confederation, and cannot be 'Fed. Const., Art. 43-48. ^ For instance, the United States, Wharton's Int. Law Digest, 172. The Confederation and the Individual. 99 limited by any restrictions of an ecclesiastical or economic nature, nor on account of previous conduct or any other police reasons."^ The parties may judge for themselves whether or not they will enter into this relation, and no arti- ficial barriers can be thrown up by states or communities, either by non-recognition of foreign ceremonials, or by special taxation, bridal settlement fees, or similar demands, 4. To expression of opinion through the press the fullest liberty is guaranteed within the bounds of good morsls.^ Punishment for the criminal abuse of this privilege is ex- acted by the cantonal governments, though the laws under which this is done must be approved by the federal executive. On the other hand, the confederation has the right to punish press abuses which are directed against itself or the federal officials." This might be made an instrument of oppression, but the criminal statute enumerates as indictable offenses chiefly matters of public concern, as incitement to insurrec- tion, or to disobey or hinder the execution of federal laws. For personal affairs, as when officials or authorities are libelled, suit against the offender is brought, not by the gov- ernment, but by the official or body injured. 5. The right of citizens to form associations cannot be im- peached so long as their objects are not unlawful or danger- ous to the state. The laws on the subject of the misuse of this liberty are, however, established by the cantons them- selves.* The right to enter complaint of grievances in form of petition to government stands also under the protection and guaranty of the confederation. 6. If summoned to answer for his action in a court of law, no citizen can be made to a])pcar before any other than the legally constituted tribunal of his place of residence. Hard- ship cannot be thus imposed upon a man by bringing suit in 'Fed. Const., Art. 54. 2 Fed. Const., Art. 55. 3 Bundesstrafrecht, Art. 69-72, 42, 43, 48, 59. ^Fed. Const., Art. 56. 100 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. a distant and untimely place, but only before the proper judges of his community or state.^ This was one of the great principles for which the struggling confederation fought in feudal times and first obtained in the fourteenth century.^ Now the whole power of the central government may be in- voked to maintain the "Jws non evocando.^' Nor may extra- ordinary tribunals be erected for special purposes, nor shall ecclesiastical courts have any jurisdiction in civil matters. Imprisonment for debt, and all corporal punishments, are forbidden/' That sentence of death should not be pronounced for political offenses was an original provision of the consti- tution of 1848, but in the revision of 1874 this article was made to abolish all capital punishment except in time of war. A few years' trial of this, however, provoked great outcry from all sides, and in 1879 the legislature was compelled to submit the matter to popular vote. As a result, the punish- ment of death for crime was given back again to the option of the cantons, and only the guaranty of political inviola- bility retained by the confederation.^ 7. Tlie liberties and privileges in the domain of commerce and industry have been mentioned before, and it might then have been observed that while freedom of contract and free trade between states and, in general, unrestricted personal action were largely maintained, in reality, the social opera- tions of the confederation and the cantons through their monopolies and industries, impose quite powerful limitations on the sphere of individual activity. These are not neces- sarily harmful to public welfare, but are nevertheless to be noted when speaking of personal liberty. iFed, Const., Art. 58. 2 Chapter I., p. 8. 3 Fed. Const., Art. 59, 65. ■* An eminent jurist has recently made some very just criticisms of the states which called so loudly for the death sentence, but since getting the privilege have been commuting the punishment of criminals notori- ously worthy of hanging. Hilty, Jahrbuch, 1890. The Confederation and the Individual. 101 8. Finally, as a crown to the whole edifice of popular rights, the confederation guarantees to all citizens, not only the liberties and privileges contained in the federal constitu- tion, but also those included in the laws of the cantons.^ In becoming surety to each state for the preservation of its con- stitution, the federal government does not thereby intend to guarantee the continuance of any existing administration ; it upholds only the powers which the people have granted to the authorities, and if constitutional liberties have been in- fringed, will defend the rights of the citizen. In the federal Supreme Court is found a tribunal where the individual may get redress, and in the federal executive the strong arm of enforcement. 'Fed. Const., Art. 5. PART II STATE GOVERNMENT CHAPTER XII. State Legislation. As already indicated, the functions of government are divided between the confederation and the cantons in a man- ner similar to that prevailing in the United States. The federal power i7i Switzerland has, in some directions, greater scope than in America, yet there remains in both cases a large body of interests affecting the individual and the com- munity, which are regulated by the various states in differe^it ways, according to their differences in temperament, in lan- guage and historical development. These differences were formerly more marked than at present. The original physical barriers between the different sections of the country were increased by artificial partitions built of jealousy and distrust ; but modern methods of com- munication, the development of trade and industry, and the successful establishment of a central government have caused the idiosyncrasies of locality largely to disappear. States have in later days been more willing to try one another's experiments, and, as in the case of the Referendum, some institutions or changes have passed from one to the other until, in those respects, nearly all are alike. Yet with all the tendencies to uniformity there still exist many diversities of detail, explained only by their own his- tory, and worthy to be studied for their problems in political psychology. Every region, every hamlet has its peculiarities, but, in order to keep in view state government as a whole, only the outlines of variance will here be indicated. The states, when classified according to their forms of government, may be broadly divided into Democratic and Representative, or, if we leave out of consideration for the 106 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. present the popular vote on the adoption of laws, there are states where the laws are made by the people assembled to- gether in person, and others where this is done by delegates elected by the people to act in their stead. According to this division there are six governments in which the purely democratic or folk-mote system of legislation prevails, and nineteen in which delegated assemblies are more or less com- pletely the sources of law. If we examine into the real nature of the various govern- ments, however, it will soon appear that this classification is not sufficiently exact ; that the presence of an elective legis- lature does not necessarily make a state a representative gov- ernment ; and that, in fact, owing to the supervision assumed by voters over their lawmakers, there are in Switzerland twenty-four democracies and only one republic. The only strictly representative government is that of Freiburg. All the others are democratic in various degrees, according to the amount of original work left to the discretion of the legis- lature. The highest form of democracy is found in the town-meet- ing cantons, where all the citizens come in person to discuss and vote upon laws ; but this system is scarcely more demo- cratic than the one employed, for instance, in Baselland, where the whole work of the legislature is at the close of each session submitted to popular vote. In some states only the more important laws are obliged to run the gauntlet of popular ballot, while in other governments it is optional to call them in question or not. Hence a more suitable arrange- ment is one which divides the states first into democracies and republics, and classifies the former according to the ex- tent to which they employ either the Popular Assembly, the Obligatory Referendum, or the Optional Heferendum. The Landesgemeinde. Of all methods of lawmaking the folk-mote plan is the most picturesque. It has attracted the attention of many State Legislation. 107 writers both on account of its primitive quaintness and its historical interest. But in some cases the impressiveness of the view has led the observer astray in his conceptions of the past and present of popular assemblies, and the Landes- gemeindc in the hands of such has become a fetich with which to conjure up original Germanic institutions. If the Swiss popular assembly is a survival of the tribal council of Tacitus, it must have survived, like the buried rivers of Greece, in subterranean obscurity, for the first Lan- desgemeiiuh, definitely mentioned in the records, occurred some twelve centuries after the Roman historian's time, in 1294. This was a meeting of the inhabitants of Schwyz, for the purpose of making regulations for the sale of their com- mon lands and for taxation. In 1314 another folk-mote is mentioned, at which these Schwyzer determined after long debate to undertake a war- like expedition against the abbey of Einsiedeln. How fre- quently such meetings occurred, or how widespread the cus- tom was among other clans we are not informed, yet it is evident that the folk-mote had already become an established institution, a recognized authority with regular modes of procedure. It must have been in operation for some time, but when it began in Switzerland is as yet only a matter for speculation. As it emerges into history the Landesgemeinde is apparently an outgrowth of the feudal manorial court, or HofgericM} The countrymen of the Alpine valleys assem- bled together at the call of the lord's bailiff or deputy, to wit- ness trials and to act as a popular jury upon disputes arising under the customary law of the region. They did not to any great (ixtent legislate, they applied law ; they did not elect the magistrate, they received him ; as we see from the words of the First Perpetual League, where the compact does not revolt at the thought of judges being a])})ointed for them, but against foreign judges, or such as had bought the place with a price.^ ' See p. 5, above. '^ Rambert, Etudes Ilistoriques, 164. 108 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Just when this assembly advanc d to a fully self-governing body we may not positively determine, but we can under- stand how, having gained the point that only natives should be appointed magistrates, it would be an easy change, at some time when the feudal hand had weakened, to elect a man, instead of waiting for his appointment. As the political horizon grew larger, more of the functions of state would be assumed by the popular assembly, until it finally became supreme. The changes which have taken place within what may be called the historical period, have been rather in the details than in the principles of popular government. Administra- tion was obliged to conform to new and larger wants, but the final source of authority and the method of expressing its will have been the same. Not all the cantons which were originally governed by the folk-mote maintained it to the end. In the old League of Thirteen there were, after the Reformation, eleven Landesgemeinden ; two each in Appen- zell, Schwyz, Glarus, Unterwalden and Uri, and one in Zug. Schwyz became too large and too boisterous to be governed by a mass-meeting, and, in 1798, fell before the advance of the Helvetic Republic. It was made a part of the new unitary state and never returned to the original form. At the same time perished the democracy of Gersau, which had been for five hundred years an independent community within the borders of Schwyz. Glarus catholic and Glarus protestant became united in 1836, and only a year or two ago the separate assemblies of Uri were finally made one. Zug entered the list of representative governments in 1848, so that there are now but six states governed by Landesge- meinden. In their federal relations two of these are whole cantons and four are half-cantons. The theoretical basis of folk-mote government is that the people in person ordain and establish all laws and regula- tions. This is not carried out to the letter, even in the most democratic cantons, for in all of them there are, beside the State Legislation. 109 Landesgemcinde'ii , representative councils which have some degree of legislative initiative, but the amount of discretion is practically so small that in a general consideration it can be ignored. The people cannot personally administer the laws, hence einploy for the purpose a corps of more or less permanent officials ; but they can enact their statutes by only an occasional departure from the ordinary business of life. This is done in Switzerland by stated meetings, ordinarily one a year, though extra sessions may be called in emergen- cies. The day set is a Sunday in April or May, and the place some spot in the open air, long consecrated by conveni- ence and usage to the assembling of the people.^ In theory the Landesgemeinde consists of all male citizens who have reached their majority ; in practice it is composed of all who are able to be present. It differs from an ordi- nary mass-meeting in the respect that the voter not only ex- presses his political opinions, but instantly gives effect to them. The majority does not simply wish, or demand the passage of a measure, but enacts it at once, and the vote is a solemn legal proceeding. Hence the interest with which the foreign observer, who is accustomed to representative methods, beholds this act of sovereignty on the part of an assembly which includes all classes of people, poor and rich, the educated and the ignorant together. The functions of the folk-mote are well stated in the con- stitution of Uri'"^ : " Whatever the Landesgemeinde within the limits of its competence ordains, is law of the land and as such shall be obeyed "; but this does not mean unlimited license to majorities. " The guiding principle of the Landes- gemeinde shall be justice and the welfare of the fatherland, not wilfulness nor the power of the strongest."* ' In Uri, Boetzlingen an der Gand, near Altorf ; in Grlarus, the village of Glarus ; in Obwalden, Sariien ; in Nidwalden, Wyl an der Aa, near Stans; in Appenzell Exterior, alternately at Trogen and Hundwyl; in Appenzell Interior, the village of Appenzell. •^Art. 51. 3Art. 50. 110 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. In detail the powers and duties of this body vary some- what in different states, but usually cover the following sub- jects : partial as well as total revision of the constitution ; enactment of all laws ; imposition of direct taxes, incurrence of state debts, and alienation of public domains ; the granting of public privileges; assumption of foreigners into state citi- zenship ; establishment of new offices and the regulation of salaries; election of state executive and judicial officers.' In no case does the Landesgemeinde act as court of j ustice. This will be noted as a wide variation from the folk-mote of Tacitus, which was accustomed to condemn criminals and cowards by popular vote.^ The modern concilium leaves all such matters to the calmer consideration of the judiciary or executive. In brief the Landesgemeinde is the source of all general law and highest supervisor of administration. The method of procedure while in session is adapted to the necessities of a mass-meeting, and diffiirs considerably from an ordinary legislative body. The presiding officer is the chief executive of the canton, the Landammann. Supported by the State Secretary, the Constable and other officials, the President mounts a temporary tribune in the open air and finds before him the whole population of his dominion, men, women and children, in holiday attire. Not all of these are voters, but none are forbidden to come, though women and bystanders are expected to stand about the borders while their brothers legislate in the centre.^ Formerly it was the custom for every voter to wear a sword, but now this is expected only of the presiding officials. Here and there may be seen perhaps a rusty family relic, more often carried under the arm, or strapped to an um- brella, than hanging at the side. Black clothing is apparently ' Typical enumerations of powers are to be found in the constitutions of Uri, Art. 5'2, and Glarus, Art. 39. ^Germania, Cap. 12. "Ill Glarus, seats are provided directly in front of the tribune for the children, who are thus brought early to understand their political duties. State Legislation. Ill the only uniform required, if general usage may be called a requirement. The people are so well known to each other that it would be difficult for any one to act as a voter without detection.' Some of the Landesfjcmehiden have retained more of their ancient customs than others. In Nidwalden, for instance, the Weibel, whom we may call state constable, or high ser- geant, or herald, is a most important personage. He is dressed in elaborate costume, and acts the part of grand master of ceremonies. At the opening of the assembly the Landammann demands of the people whether they wish to respond to the invitation of his government and to hold their Landesgemeinde. After a pause the Weibel gravely replies, " Most honorable Landammann, we desire to hold the Landes- gemeinde according to ancient custom." " Then let us begin by asking the blessing of God." An act of worship, after different forms, is the beginning of proceedings in all of the popular assemblies, after which it is customary to listen to an address from the President.- This may be long or short, according to the amount of busi- ness on hand. The legislation which is to come up for adoption has already been put into shape for presentation, either by the executive council of the state or by that body which takes the place of a house of representatives.^ It was formerly allowable in some cantons for any person to present a bill at the meeting, but now it is necessary in all of the states to submit such proposals first to the authorities.' Here they are examined and reported upon to the Landesgemeinde, with comments. 1 There is occasionally complaint from some of the Landesgemeinden that the young men who are not yet voters, forget that fact in the excite- ment of the occasion, and add their hands and voices to elections when not entitled to the privilege. ■ The order is not exactly the same in all cantons. " Here the resemblance to the concilium of Tacitus is real. " In Uri, before the last revision of the constitution, it was necessary for a bill to be requested by at least seven men of as many different fami- lies. 112 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. In Glarus this programme is called the Landesgemeinde Me- morial, aud must be published at least four weeks before the assembly meets.^ To give opportunity for individuals and authorities to make proposals and offer bills, the official gazette announces every January that for fourteen days after a given date petitions may be presented for that purpose. These must be written, the object plainly stated, and accom- panied by the reasons. All such motions are considered by M'hat is called the Triple Council, or legislature, and are classified as " expedient " and " inexpedient." A proposal receiving more than ten votes must be placed on the list of expedient, accompanied by the opinion of the council. The rejected are placed under a special rubric, familiarly called by the people the Beiwagen. The assembly may reverse the action of the council if it chooses and take a measure out of the " extra-coach," but consideration of it is in that case de- ferred until the next year. In the larger assemblies debate is excluded, the vote being simply on rejection or adoption. In the smaller states the line is not so tightly drawn, the constitution of Uri providing that signers of petitions may orally explain their motions in person or by deputy. Votes are taken by show of hands, though secret ballot may be had if demanded, elections of officers following the same rule in this matter as legislation. Nominations for office, however, need not be sent in by peti- tion, but ma}'^ be offered by any one on the spot. The proceedings are, on the whole, carried out with great dignity, although considerable good-humored amusement is often occasioned by the election of minor officers. The crowds are never turbulent, even where debate becomes at times exciting. When we examine into the conditions under which folk- mote government is carried on in Switzerland, we find, in the first place, that it is the smaller rather than the larger states which employ that form. A list of the six cantons which are ' In some other cantons as few as ten days may intervene. state Legislation. 113 least in population corresponds very nearly to the six demo- cracies, and, in geographical dimensions, almost the same proportions are exhibited.^ All of them are situated in the mountainous interior of the country, where life is essentially pastoral, where large cities have never grown up and are never likely to be found in the future. The means of existence remained much the same for centuries, and even in these later days the primitive occupations of the fathers have felt less severely than in other places the pressure of change. The wants of the people do not require as elaborate machinery for government as that demanded by larger industrial com- munities. The Landesgemdnde is also possible, because the states are not only small in relation to other members of the confeder- ation, but are actually diminutive in area. The longest dimension of any one of them does not exceed thirty miles, hence the distance from home to the chief town would not, for any large number, be more than ten or fifteen miles. For the greater part of the population, the travel involved in attending the assembly is much less than that. Uri is long and narrow, requiring the greatest amount of travel from its outskirts to its capital, but Interior Appenzell is a circle about ten miles in diameter, in which the seat of government is nearly central, hence it is not a very difficult matter, in any case, to secure the attendance of a large proportion of the voters. The size of the assemblies is also in their favor. It would not be possible to conduct successfully a folk-mote which contained as many voters as the state of Massachusetts, though that commonwealth has had abundant experience in town-meetings. It is astonishing to see how well the larger assemblies of Switzerland are managed, when one considers that it is not an ordinary political mass-meeting, but a legal 'Population in 1888: Nidwalden, 12,538 ; Appenzell Interior, 12,888 ; OWwalden, 15,041 ; Uri, 17,249 ; Glarus, 33,825 ; Appenzell Exterior, 54,109. 114 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. institution, demanding exactitude and fairness at every step. A difference in procedure may be noted between the larger and the smaller cantons, growing out of the fact that larger crowds must be handled. In Exterior Appenzell and Glarus there is less of the picturesque, and stricter attention to the plain cold facts of politics. Ten thousand men is a large number to make their own laws in person, but sometimes more than that are assembled in the public square of Trogen. Ten thousand men in black, framed in a quadrangle of an- cient buildings, is an interesting sight under any circum- stances, but doubly impressive when you realize that they are making law. This, however, is the extreme limit in the size of the Landesgemeinde ; in other cantons you feel less fear of unwieldiness. If the voters in these states amount to about twenty-five per cent of the population,^ the largest assembly \yould bring together about 13,500 people, and the smallest about 3000, provided that all who were qualified were present. This, however, will probably never be the case. Statistics of the votes upon a series of national ques- tions show the highest degree of participation to have been eighty-six per cent of the voting population y hence we may expect that not much over three-fourths of the qualified citi- zens will come together at any one time. This reduces the size of the assembly to about ten thousand for outer Appen- zell and about twenty-two hundred for Nidwalden. Thus the slight population of these districts is represented by a still smaller number of lawmakers, and the uncertainties of democratic government very decidedly reduced. Whether this form of government is likely to endure is a question not easy to answer. The Landesgemeinde has been abandoned by two states in modern times, but their example affords no criterion. If population does not very materially advance its rate of increase, nor ordinary rural conservatism lose its tenacity, we may expect the assemblies to continue to exist for a long time. 1 Zeitsehrift fur Schw. Statistik, 1879, p. 62. ' Idem, p. 62. State Legislation. 115 Legislatures. In all the states are to be found representative bodies, elected for the purpose of making laws.^ Even in the folk- mote cantons, where we have observed the people legislating in person, there are also smaller councils chosen for the same purpose. The amount of responsibility laid upon legisla- tures, however, varies widely, the degree of discretion being measured, as stated above, by the extent to which laws are brought under revision by popular vote. Those states which meet in the Landesgemcinde and those employing Obligatory Referendum may be classed together, for in both cases all laws of a general nature are ratified by the people. Where Optional Referendum obtains, the legislature has more lati- tude, since its work may rest as a finality, provided no one thinks best to agitate for a popular vote. Certain definite fields of legislation are prescribed for the representative bodies, within which they are the source of law until notified to the contrary. Much of their work will stand as enacted, but always with the tacit consent of their constituents. Hence the ultimate source of law in every canton, except one, is the people, not in a distant, theoretical way, but in a practical and direct manner. The legislatures diifer much in outward construction and scope of action, but in principle are alike. They are councils for the preparation of business for the larger assembly of the people. They are uniformly bodies of one chamber, unlike the federal legislature ; but the state legislature was in exist- ence centuries before the present confederation was formed. The mediaeval city council was the ancestor of the modern state assembly, and it is easy to see how one could be trans- formed into the other. The government of large commercial states like Bern and Zurich was, in the middle ages, city ' In a majority of cantons called the " Grand Council," Grosser Rath, or Grand Conseil ; in a few, LandraUi, in others, Kantonsrath. 116 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. government, for the rural portions of those commonwealths were considered subject to the fortified centres, and it was a long time before persons living in the country or in the vil- lages could claim equality in citizenship. To-day the dis- tinctions are abolished, but traces of the old framework still remain. The members of legislatures are elected by districts by direct popular vote, in varying proportions to population. It is not intended, however, that delegates shall be simply ambassadors of their districts, for they must not take binding instructions from their constituents, but consider themselves representatives of the whole state. Freedom of opinion, con- sequently, and liberty of judgment to legislators are fully pro- vided for. The varying proportions of delegates to population offer interesting studies in representation. In all the states the ratios are large, as compared with countries of greater area ; yet it is a curious fact that in most of the cantons which are governed by the Landesgemeinde the legislatures are larger, in proportion to number of inhabitants, than the assemblies of less democratic governments. In Uri there is one delegate for every four hundred inhabitants, in Nidwalden and Inte- rior Appenzell one to two hundred and fifty, in Obwalden as many as one to one hundi'ed and eighty-seven. It would seem as if the people were not content to go up once a year and make laws in person, but must also send a good-sized minority of the citizens to the legislature to keep the machin- ery of state moving during the interval. This procedure is doubtless due to the fact that at best the states are small, and even with the large ratio the legislatures do not become large assemblies. In Obwalden the number of members is about eighty, and in other democracies between fifty and sixty. The small number of inhabitants permits a large representa- tion, without causing the legislatures to actually become as numerous as in the more populous cantons. The following tables will show the condition of representa- State Legislation. 117 tion in the legislature of each canton, the figures standing for the number of 500 Zurich, Bern, . Luzern, Uri, . . Schwyz, . Obwalden, Nidwalden, Glarus, Zug, . . Freiburg, Solothurn, Basel-City, Basel-Land, inhabitants to each delegate : . .1200 Schaffhausen, 250 voters, 2000 Appenzell, Exterior, 1000 Appenzell, Interior, 400 St. Gallen, . . . 600 Graubiinden, . . 187 Aargau, .... 250 Thurgau, 333 circa. 250 Ticino.i 1200 Vaud, 1000 800 Valais, 1000 567 Neuchatel, .... 1000 800 Geneva, 666 2000 250 1200 1300 1100 1000 We are apt to think that we, in the United States, are liv- ing under a highly representative, if we do not call it a democratic system of government; but when we examine into the amount for which one citizen stands in making the laws which govern him, we seem to be a long way from the ideal. In the American legislatures the number of members of the lower house does not exceed one to 1100^ inhabitants, in one-third of the states it is one to more than 15,000,^^ and in one case falls to one in 39,000.^ The qualifications for election to the Swiss legislatures are usually the same as those governing the right to vote, namely, the completion of the twentieth year and full possession of civil rights. In a few cantons the age of twenty-five years must be first attained before entering the state assembly. The terms of office vary in the different cantons from one year to ' In process of revision. "New Hampshire, 1134. 3 Iowa and Michigan, 16,000; Illinois, 20,000; Pennsylvania, 21,000; Ohio, 29,000, etc. "New York, 39,000 or more. 118 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. six, but are usually fixed at three or four, with no hindrance to re-election. Deputies receive ordinarily a small payment out of the state treasury^ for their services, in some states three francs for each day of attendance, in others as high as six. It cannot be said that the pecuniary inducements of political life are great. The number of sessions held annually varies all the way from one to six, but in a majority of states the legislature meets but twice a year. Frequency does not seem to be regulated by form of government, for the rural state of Obwalden and the city of Basel are alike in having six sessions a year, and Appenzell Interior and Luzern both agree to have three. Legislatures, within constitutional limits, are masters of their own time and establish their own methods of organiza- tion. They are judges of the qualification of their members, adjourn from time to time upon their own motion, and can- not be dissolved by any other department of government. We observe in this latter fact that the state assemblies, not- withstanding some confusion of functions, are not parlia- ments after the plan of the legislature of England, for they meet at stated intervals independently of any call or dismissal by the cabinet; the period of service not being indefinite, but distinctly terminable, and the life of the legislature measured by the constitution, not by the exigencies of politics. An apparent exception to this fixity of tenure is the provision found in a few cantons for dismissing a legislature by popu- lar vote. If a certain number of voters^ petition for it, the question must be submitted to the people whether or not the assembly shall be recalled and a new one elected, and in case the recall is affirmed the functions of the legislature cease. This, however, is " an appeal to the country " from the country itself, not an executive dissolution. ^In Zug, a member of the legislature is paid by the community which sends him. Zug, Const., Art. 46. 2 Bern, 8000; Basel-land, 1500; Solothurn, 4000; Aargau, 5000; Schaffhausen, 1000 ; Thurgau, 5000, State Legislation. 119 The functions of the Grand Council partake of the nature of all three departments of government, legislative, adminis- trative, and judicial. In the democratic cantons the legis- lation will naturally be of minor importance, because the Landesgemeinde undertakes the more weighty matters, and supervision of the executive will be a large part of the work. The constitution of Uri calls the Landrath " the representative law-making and highest administrative body,"' and the list of duties prescribed will serve as an example of that class of states. This house of representatives has for its objects: the preparation of the order of business for the Landesgemeinde and the subsequent approval of the minutes of that meeting ; the previous discussion of laws and petitions before they are submitted to the popular assembly ; the interpretation of the acts of the Landesgemeinde in case there is doubt as to their meaning ; to speak as the voice of the canton on ques- tions submitted to the federal Referendum ; the issue of ordi- nances necessary to execute the federal and state laws ; ordi- nances regulating civil and criminal procedure, and regu- lations for the organization of the administrative and judicial departments ; conclusion of treaties and agreements ; super- vision of the whole cantonal administration ; especially, auditing of accounts and budget estimates ; decision of con- flicts between the executive and the judiciary ; examination of petitions and applications for pardon ; regulation of sala- ries and payment of officials elected by the legislature itself; regulation of fees to be paid to the state ; election of a large number of subordinate officials in the various departments, chiefly on recommendation of the state executive council ( Regierungsn^ath). This catalogue of duties will also describe in general terms the functions of the legislature in the states employiug the Obligatory Referendum. The Grand Council is in reality a supervisory committee, taking a hand in all the various 'Art. 54. 120 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. operations of government, preparing matters for the larger assembly below it, and keeping an eye on the smaller com- mittee above it. In the cantons where Optional Referendum is in vogue, the legislature will have the power to spend money below a specified limit ; to enact laws of specified kmds, usually not of general application ; and to elect more important officials, the amount of discretion rising gradually till the complete representative government is reached. In Luzern, where the Referendum is optional, the legislature has discretionary power to expend money to the amount of 200,000 francs, or not to exceed 20,000 francs for a series of years ; all sums above that point are liable to be called up for popular vote. In Schalfliausen the limit is 150,000 francs, and in Zug, a still smaller canton, it is but 40,000. In the states having obligatory Referendum there is usually also a limit withiu which the Grand Council may spend money without further ratification, even when all general laws must be submitted to vote. In Vaud the popular approval must be obtained for a loan exceeding one million francs; in Valais the Referendum is obligatory for financial matters only, and for an expenditure of 60,000 francs. Thus an endless variety exists in the prerogative of state legislatures, making it impossible to present an exact average statement of their functions. Sufficient has been said, however, to show that the Grand Council is, on the whole, a body which prepares and examines legislation for the people, rather than an authority to legislate in place of the people. In almost every state the people have retained the final decision on matters of great importance. The one republic, Freiburg, resembles in general outline the American state more than it does the neighboring cantons. After enumerating the duties of the legislature in a manner similar to that given earlier in this chapter, the constitution of Freiburg states finally, " it exercises all parts of the right of sovereignty which are not expressly given to some other authority by the state constitution." Executive and judicial State Legislation. 121 powers are ascribed to separate bodies in the state, but both of these are elected by the legislature. The Council of State, or cabinet, is the creation of the Grand Council, and holds office for an equal length of time.' The judges of the Kantonsgericht, or state supreme court, are likewise dependent on the legislature and responsible to it for the administra- tion of justice. Hence, although not acting through the same persons in all departments of government, the Grand Council is in fact the controlling power in all spheres of sovereignty. There is no appeal to popular vote except on the adoption or revision of the constitution. In all the states there is more or less participation in the preparation and application of law, by the executive and judicial departments. The consideration of the popular vote is deferred to later chapters. ' Five years. CHAPTER XIII. Referendum and Initiative. To the general outline of these institutions already given, a few remarks on their origin may be added, with certain details which show by what means they are put in operation. A popular vote under the name Referendum was known in the valleys of Graubiinden and Wall is as early as the 16th century. Here existed small federations of communities who regulated certain matters of general concern by means of assemblies of delegates from each village. These conventions were not allowed to decide upon any important measure finally, but must refer the matter to the various constituencies. If a majority of these approved, the act might be passed at the next assembly. This primitive system lasted till the French invasion of 1798, and was again established in Graubiinden in 1815. The word Referendum was also used by the old federal diets, in which there were likewise no comprehensive powers of legislation. If not already in- structed the delegates must vote ad referendum and carry all questions to the home government. The institution as now known is a product of this century. It originated in the canton of St. Gallen in 1830, where at the. time the constitution was undergoing revision. As a compromise between the party which strove for pure democracy and that desiring representative government, it was provided that all laws should be submitted to popular vote if a respectable number of voters so demanded. Known at first by the name Veto, this system slowly found its way into several of the German-speaking cantons, so that soon after the adoption of the federal constitution five were em- Referendum and Initiative. 123 ploying the optional Referendum. Other forms of popular legislation were destined to find wider acceptance, but at present in eight states, including three of the Romance tongue, laws must be submitted on request.^ The statutes thus subject to inspection, as stated before, are usually enactments of general application. In some cases those requiring urgency are excepted, in others, no exception is made and any law may be called up. The usual limit of time during which the petition must be signed is thirty days. These requests are directed to the Executive Council of the state, and that body is obliged, within a similar period after receiving the same, to appoint a day for the vote. The number of signers required varies from 500 in the little canton Zug to 6000 in St. Gallen, or from one-tenth to one-fifth of all the voters. Some states provide that in connection with the vote on the bill as a whole, an expression may be taken on separate points. Cus- tom varies as to the number of votes required to veto a law. Some fix the minimum at a majority of those taking part in the election, and others at a majority of all citizens, whether voting or not. In case the vote is against the bill, the matter is referred by the Executive Council to the legislature. This body, after examining into the correctness of the returns, passes a resolution declaring its own act to be void. By means of the Initiative or Imperative Petition, the order of legislation just described is reversed, since the impulse to make law is received from below instead of above.~ The method of procedure is about as follows : Those who are interested in the passage of a new law pre- pare either a full draft of such a bill or a petition containing the points desired to be covered, with the reasons for its ' Basel City, Schaffhausen, St. Gallen, Luzeru, Zug, Neuchatel, Geneva, Tieino. * Objection may perhaps be made to this apf)lication of the terms "above "and " below " in contrasting legislature and people. In some American States the order might well be reversed. 124 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. enactment, and then bring the matter before the public for tlie purpose of obtaining signatures. Endorsement may be given either by actually signing the petition or by verbal assent to it. The latter form of consent is indicated either in the town meetings of the communes, or by appearing before the official in charge of the petition and openly asking that his vote be given for it. If, in the various town meetings of the canton taken together, a stated number of affirmative votes are given for the petition, the effect is the same as if the names of voters had been signed. When the signature method is adopted, all those who desire to endorse the petition are required to go to the office of the person in charge of the bill. This is always a public officer, either the head man of the town or some precinct official specially designated. Here signers must prove their right to vote as in any other elec- tion. No fees are to be drawn from voters for witnessing their signatures. The number of names required is about the same in proportion to the whole body of voters as for the Optional Referendum. The requisite number of signatures having been procured, the petition is carried to the legislature of the canton. This body must take the matter into cousideration within a speci- fied time (Solothurn, two months), and prepare a completed draft in accordance with the request. It may also at the same time present an alternate proposition which expresses its own ideas of the matter, so that voters may take their choice. In any case the legislature gives an opinion on the project, as to its desirability or propriety,' and the public has thus a report of its own select committee for guidance. The bill is then submitted to the voters, and on receiving the assent of a majority, and having been promulgated by the executive authority, becomes a law of the land. From what has been stated above, it will be observed that the relation of the people to the regulations under which they live is well expressed in a clause of the constitution of Ziirich,^ ' Art. 28. Referendum and Initiative. 126 " The people exercise the law-making power with the assist- ance of the state legislature." Whether appearing in person or by deputy, the individual voter is the ultimate source of legislation. He may leave certain matters to the discre- tion of representatives, but retains a control over their action not usually found. In the United States it is regarded as a principle of common law that a power once delegated cannot be re-delegated, and that a legislature cannot shift its respon- sibility back upon the people by referring a subject to popular vote, a vote thus taken being simply an expression of opinion for information, not a legislative act. In Switzerland, however, the Imperative Petition ap- proaches very closely to an act of legislation. The signatures are not haphazard collections of names, but are taken after official inspection of the qualifications of the signers. Atten- tion to the preliminary request is obligatory, and the final popular vote leaves no discretion to the legislature; it must simply carry the will of the people into effect. This is a nearer approach to theoretical democracy than has been exhibited by any other government of like extent, for the American states adopt only their constitutions by such plebiscites. Rousseau's ideal of democratic government was the people assembled in person at the central point of the state, making and unmaking its own laws ; but he feared that his native country was too rough and the climate too rigorous to see that fully carried out. Yet, by the operation of the petition and the veto, Rousseau's dream is more than fulfilled, since every citizen may participate in making laws of the gravest import, without leaving his own precinct. Laws being thus easily changed, the distinctions between fundamental and statute law are often lost sight of in forming the constitutions^ — a mistake not confined to Switzerland. Since it is, however, a fixed principle of the federal constitu- tion that the constitutions of the cantons shall be open to ' Many of these documents are very long and detailed. 126 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. revision at any time, the results are not the same as in the United States, where a long limit of time is sometimes fixed before a new constitution can be adopted, and fundamental legislation becomes outgrown and unnecessarily difficult to set aside. Revision of the constitution is accomplished by the same instrumentalities as are used to change other laws. Amend- ments may come as suggestions from the legislature, or where Initiative obtains, at the instance of popular agitation. In cases where total revision is wanted, the legislature of its own accord, or on petition of a given number of voters, submits first the question whether the constitution shall be revised or not, and, if revision be affirmed, whether it shall be done by the legislature itself or by a constitutional con- vention. If it is placed in the hands of the legislature, a new assembly is usually elected, in order to get the freshest repre- sentation of the people, and if a constitutional convention is preferred, this body is chosen on the same basis. The work of either constituent body must be accepted by a majority of voters before taking effect. The Referendum in America. It is a matter well worth consideration whether or not some form of Referendum is applicable to the process of legis- lation in the United States. One of the most obvious facts in the history of American state constitutions is the change of opinion which has taken place in the people respecting the relative importance of the various branches of power into which their governments were divided. At first the legis- lature was all-powerful; not only enacting the laws, but generally also electing the governor and the high officials of the judiciary. As Madison said in the convention of 1787, there was " a tendency in our governments to throw all power into the legislative vortex. The executives of the states are little more than ciphers ; the legislatures are Referendum and Initiative. 127 omnipotent." This fear of an overbearing executive, engen- dered by colonial experience, was carried over into many of the newer states as they were admitted, and, notwithstanding the warnings of the revolutionary statesmen, the concentra- tion of powers in one branch of government for a time con- tinued. This resulted not only in the expected preponder- ance of tlie representatives of the people, but also in an un- expected multiplication of laws, with coincident loss of control over the lawmakers. To check the progress of ill- timed or bad legislation, the states began to give to the governor the power of veto, which was already at hand in the federal constitution, and to prevent the great surplus of legislation, limits began to be set to the time in which the assemblies should wield their delegated powers, and the periods of recurrence fixed at such distances apart as should reduce the possibility of making laws to a minimum. The executive is now on the way to complete possession of the veto power, and the legislature, notwithstanding the large number of honest men in it, has become the contempt, if not the biennial terror of its own constituents. In fact, in order to reduce the possibilities of law-making to a supposed point of safety, the people have taken to enacting a large part of their statutes themselves in their constitutions, and, as a result, those instruments present a curious mixture of funda- mental and administrative provisions, all demanding the stability and reverence due to organic law, much to the neglect of logic and of proper political growth. In other words, the people have taken back into their own hands, but after a clumsy fashion, many of the powers once given to their representatives. When we consider the tendencies of constitution-making in this country and the ])rinciples which underlie these attempts at improvement, it would seem as though valuable hints might be found in the experiences of the Swiss. The Ameri- can states are undoubtedly taking more power out of the hands of their legislatures, first by enacting a large part of 128 8tate and Federal Government in Switzerland. general legislation themselves when adopting the constitu- tions, and second, by providing the governor with tlie power to delay and perhaps defeat the passage of laws by the veto. But what is the veto ? Theoretically, the governor is an executor of law, not a lawmaker ; hence this veto is a legislative function thrust upon his office as an artificial appendage. He is supposed to utter the protest of the people, whose creature he is, against the action of their other representatives. But if we are thus obliged to have two mouthpieces for the body-politic, neither of which always expresses the mind of the public, why not let the people speak for themselves ? This would not be a brand-new institution to be grafted upon existing systems, for we are already familiar with the popular vote on fundamental law, and strictly local matters are continually being settled by the voice of towns and coun- ties, but a large body of legislation intermediate between these classes is submitted either not at all or only at those distant intervals when the mongrel codes called constitutions are adopted. If statutes of general application were regularly submitted to popular vote, the constitution could be restricted to proper organic law, which would insure for it that greater stability and respect, which are now so often damaged by the frequent revisions needed to correct the special legislation involved. Laws which are contrary to public sentiment, but which under the present system must be endured till another, or perhaps many assemblies have been elected, could be set aside before taking effect, while measures to which obedience is assured by vote of the majority would be given greater stability and protection from meddling, by the seal of popular approval. It may be urged that this exhibits a lack of faith in representatives, who must thus work without the ambition of trusted agents, but the fear and distrust of legislatures could not well go further than it now exists, even if you restrict it to fear of honest blundering, and the fear of con- stituents is the chronic misery of legislators. The popular Referendum and Initiative. 129 vote would give to the people a certain confidence in its own power, and to the representative a means of solving definitely the puzzle upon which he now ventures so many guesses. For a country which calls itself democratic, the people of the United States have less to say about their own affairs than they are apt to imagine. As stated once before, the largest proportion of representatives to inhabitants in any state in the Union is one to 1100, while in one-third of them the ratio is less than one to 15,000, and in one case there is but one representative for 39,000 souls. So long as this continues, the popular voice cannot be said to have super- abundant means of expression. Switzerland, with all its refinements of village democracy, is, on the average, repre- sented in its legislatures by a delegate for every 944 inhabi- tants. Our legislatures are large enough, but the means of voicing public sentiment inadequate, especially when we consider that within these assemblies, the time, place, form and substance of legislation are practically determined by a few men in committee, and within these wheels much local law-making is enacted by the member from the district in question, with the consent of the majority. It would be rash to say that we ought to adopt the Swiss methods without modification, or that they would be appli- cable to all parts in the present state of the Union, but they are worthy of careful consideration. Their use of the Petition is particularly instructive and capable of wide application. It has been repeatedly proved that in this country one can get a petition signed by any number of people on any subject whatever, and amusing instances are recorded where absurd requests have been numerously signed by persons who knew nothing whatever as to what they had subscribed. Perhaps such documents deserve the oblivion thev meet in legislative halls. Some do, while others, which really express the earnest desires of good citizens, must suffer on account of the cheapness of the rest. If state law, however, required that when a petition, signed by a sufficient number of qualified 130 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. voters, whose signatures had been attested by a notary or clerk of court, is placed before the legislature, it must be con- sidered and a bill submitted to popular vote within a given limit, at least two good effects would appear. First, the petitioners, if required to take the trouble to go to one spot in their precincts to subscribe, would be more certain to know what they were about, and knowing, also, the sure and definite effect of their act, would be more cautious in giving the weight of their names. Second, the time limit, reinforced, if not rendered unnecessary by the new importance which would belong to petitions thus made by the deliberate action of voters, would furnish a remedy for legislative shirking and for suppression of bills in committee. The responsibility could not be tossed about from one side to the other. Such petitions should reach a legislature through some standing office of the state, either the Secretary of State, or some bureau established by the Assembly for the purpose, and not depend on the whims, or even the good wishes, of any member for the time of their presentation. Requests could then appear without that aroma of party which excites oppo- sition to the best of bills, and at least part of the lobbying now deemed necessary to the introduction of all measures would be rendered unnecessary. AVithout including any further obligation, it might add to the effect of petitions to Congress to insist on having the signatures attested. As to the results of these institutions, it may be said, in general, that the people of Switzerland have shown them- selves worthy of the confidence they have placed in them- selves. Mistakes have been made, but often these mistakes have been remedied by the same methods later on, while all the advancement in constitutional law, from the chaos before 1848 down to the present strong federal government, has been made with the consent of the popular voice. Doubtless mistakes would be made in this country, but the risk could not be greater than at present, and, with all the experience already passed through in the making of constitutions and Referendum and Initiative. 131 the practice of local government, it would seem as if this additional power could be used, not only with safety, but with good effect. There would still be enough left for legis- latures to do in the minor matters of regular recurrence. The previous discussion of general laws would still need their direction, but, when the people have taken to themselves the final decision on matters of importance, they will have removed many opportunities for speculation, and obtained for the state more of the reality, in place of the appearance of democracy. CHAPTER XIV. State Executive and Judiciary. The chief executive power of the cantons of Switzerland is uniformly intrusted to a committee of officials, known by various titles, but, in a majority of cases, called the Council of State.^ In a little more than half of the states this body is elected by popular vote; in the democratic cantons, of course, by show of hands ; in the others, usually on a single ticket.^ Where these methods do not obtain, the Council is chosen by the legislature. The number of members varies from five to thirteen, not necessarily according to the size of the canton, but according to the political tastes of the different sections. The term of office is in some states one year, in others five; the usual limit, however, being three or four. The functions of the Council of State are, primarily, the administration of the laws as enacted by the peo])le or by the representative legislature, but there are also duties which are something more than executive. The Council is expected to guard well the interests of the state in its relations with other cantons and foreign powers, to preserve order and public safety witliin, to watch over the moral and material welfare of citizens, and, in general, to carry out the decrees of the legislature or people. This negative, ministerial char- acter, however, is not all. The Council also takes initiative in the political and legislative activity of the state. It lays 1 Designations used are : Hegierungsrath, Conseil d'Etat, Consiglio di Slato, Standebhommission, Kleiner Rath, Landammann und Rath. '^In Baselland, however, members of the cabinet are elected by districts, in the same way that delegates to the Federal House of Representatives are chosen. State Executive and Judiciary. 133 before the lawmaking body the financial necessities of each year and reports on the annual receipts and expenditures, as do executive boards under all forms of government ; but in Switzerland the Executive Council may also propose laws other than fiscal, and with an effect, not merely suggestive, but active. The Council of State is supposed to be on the lookout continually for new political developments, and to project new measures to suit the necessities of the times. Although the right to propose laws belongs to any member of the legislature, or, perhaps, to any citizen, this is, above all, the privilege of the executive cabinet, which has charge of the administration of existing statutes. Hence we find that members of the Councils of State may attend the sittings of the legislatures and may address those bodies on questions coming before them, though generally without the right to vote,^ or to be at the same time members of the legislative branch. The Executive Council is called upon, under certain cir- cumstances, not only to suggest, but also to interpret and apply laws already enacted ; in other words, the cabinet becomes at times a judicial body, to which cases are carried for decision. For instance, the Begierungsrat/i in Aargau has a general supervision of town administration, and becomes a court of appeal when questions of community taxation and finance are brought into dispute.^ The consti- tution of Solothurn makes it a duty of the cabinet to decide, so far as they may come within its competence, all appeals, petitions and complaints; with the added injunction that in all decisions on appeals the reasons for judgment must be given.^ The questions which are thus loft to the chief ex- ecutive council are, in any of the states, chiefly of an administrative character, yet they give a certain com])lexity to tliis branch of government, which is particularly notice- ^ " Mit berathender Stimine." '^Aargau, Staatsverfassung, Art. 39, 1. 'Art. 38, §4. 134 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. able in the institutions of Switzerland, and which will give reason for a brief discussion of the mixture of powers later on. In some of the cantons a discretionary power to expend money within fixed limits is left to the Executive Council, without regard to the legislature. The appointment of cer- tain minor officials is also usually a cabinet duty, sometimes specifically named, sometimes under a constitutional clause which makes the Council the residuary legatee of all appoint- ing powers not granted to any other branch of government. Along with the administration of state affairs, there is, finally, a general supervision of districts and communities. The canton executive does not confine its care to large can- tonal matters alone, but concerns itself with local adminis- tration as well. This duty, however, is undertaken merely by way of supervision, not by dictation or interference, as we shall observe when we come to study community life more in detail. For the better management of business the work of the Council is usually divided into departments, as in the federal cabinet, with one councillor at the head of each division ; but, also as in the case of the national executive, the state cabinet acts as a unit, not by the divided authority of its members. Nor does any one man hold the executive power of a state in his single hand. Administration is vested in a committee; for this committee a chairman is always chosen, but he is not the chief executive to whom all the others are responsible. His title in the German cantons is frequently Landammann; in Luzern, Schultheiss; in the French and in many of the German states he is called President, but in all these cases the full designation is " President of the Council of State," not " President of Geneva," etc., as one might be led to think from American analogies. The Landammann, or President, is selected either by the state legislature or by the Council itself, the term of office usually being limited to one year at a time. A Vice-Presi- dent or StatlhaUer is elected at the same time, and the provi- State Executive and Judiciary. 135 sion frequently made that the outgoing President cannot be made Vice-President during the following year, nor shall the same person be Vice-President for two years in suc- cession. During his term the President is the highest representative of the state; he speaks in the name of the state, but in power does not quite reach the position of the Governor in the United States. The latter is an independ- ent branch of government, for, although he does not appoint the other chief officers of state and these may not be under his direction, he is not bound by the decrees of a cabinet. The governor has a veto power over legislation, which in Switzerland is found neither in any single officer, nor even in any executive board. The point of contact between the executive and legislative branches of government is quite opposite to that usually found in the states of the American republic. Instead of being the mute servant of the lawmaking power until bills have been enacted and are about to be put into operation, the cabinet proposes new measures in advance. This is also the privilege of our governor, but his suggestions have little more weight than those of an influential newspaper, while the Swiss executive councils may go upon the floor of the legislature and explain and defend their proposals while in the process of enactment. Standing at the head of affairs, the cabinet observes the m- orkings of existing machinery, and can suggest improvements with better understanding than is possible to persons at a greater distance. This guiding force is recognized and accepted, and party ideas, instead of floundering about under uncertain leadership, find expres- sion through spokesmen who are both appointed by popular will and are conspicuously responsible. Yet, like the Fed- eral Council, the executive boards in the states are not party cabinets in the ordinary parliamentary sense; they do not retire from office upon the rejection of their measures. The Council is chosen for a definite term of years, and at the end of that time the question comes up as to whether that par- 136 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. ticular body of men have fitly represented the party or policy then dominant. For the better administration of internal affairs nearly all the cantons are divided into districts/ over which are placed officials who represent the state government and are variously known as Prefects, Bezirksammdnnei^, Oberamtmdnner , Amts- statthalter, or Bezirksstatthalter. In the greater number of cases these officials are elected by popular vote, although in a few instances they are appointed by legislature, or even by the Council of State. Whatever the mode of appointment, the district officer is the agent of the central government in the territory over which he is placed. In a small way he is the governor of a group of towns, carrying out the laws en- acted by the legislature and enforcing the ordinances of the Executive Council. In some cases the prefect is assisted by a district council, which discusses the affairs of their pro- vince, much in the same way that county commissioners govern in the United States. This Bezirksrath is, however, advisory to the Bezirksaiiimami, rather than a body to which he looks for commands, for he is responsible chiefly to the state government. The supervision of the district council extends, in some cases, to the subject of wardship and care of orphans, matters which in America are more properly referred to a distinct probate court. The term of office for district governors corresponds in length to that of other canton officials, varying from one to five years, with re-eligibility. To illustrate the duties more particularly we may quote the instructions found in the con- stitution of Aargau.^ " The following duties are laid upon the Bezirksamt : *In the German states called Bezirk, Kreis, or Ami ; in the Romance cantons, district, cercle, circolo. In several states of small territory the District is dispensed with, the stat^ government dealing directly with the community. This is the case in Zug, Baselstadt, Schaffhausen, Appenzell Exterior, and Geneva. *Art. 43. State Executive and Judiciary. 137 a. It attends to the execution of the laws, the ordinances and orders of the Council of State, the execution of judg- ments of court, as well as all other duties laid upon it by law in civil matters. b. It attends to the preservation of public order and safety. c. It attends to all duties laid upon it in connection with the criminal law. d. It is highest guardianship court of the district, and has supervisory authority over the administration of communi- ties and their domains. e. It has supervision over officials subordinate to it." These subordinate officers include, beside minor function- aries connected with the district itself, the head men of vil- lages. The state administration does not appoint separate officers to carry out general laws to the smallest detail, but makes use of the machinery of government already existing for other uses. The mayors of towns are, for the most part, local officials, but when mandates of the state are to be car- ried out in their locality, they act as agents of the central administration. For instance, we may imagine the an- nouncement of a general election to start from the council table of the Regierunqsrath, to proceed from there to the Bezirksammann, thence to the Gemeinde President, or mayor, who causes it to be proclaimed or posted for the information of all citizens of his community. Reports on administration would follow this course in reverse order. In Schwyz the government of the district assumes almost the form of a democratic state. It will be remembered that in this canton before 1798 the Landesgenieiyide was the source of all authority, but was afterward given up. That insti- tution, however, seems to have descended to the district, and now there are six folk-motes instead of one. " Every Bczlrk has a Bezirhsgemeinde" consisting of all male citizens who have reached their majority. The constitution of this meet- ing resembles closely those found in the larger states. " The Bezirkagemcinde assembles ordinarily once a year on the first 138 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Sunday in May ; extraordinarily, whenever called together by the district council, or whenever one-fifth of the voters demand." It is the duty of this assembly to elect a share of the judges of the cantonal court, and a complete set of district officials, namely, the Bezirhsammann and his deputy, the dis- trict treasurer, members of the district council, judges and alternates for the district court, a district secretary and a constable. The Bezirhsgemeinde is, in a small way, a district legislature, for it levies taxes, approves expenditures and makes binding agreements ; the officers elected by it act under its authority in district matters, and under the authority of the canton in general affairs.^ This is an exceptional development of district government, the ordinary form not employing more machinery than that first described. There will be observed, however, all through the various systems an intimate connection between local and general authorities. Along with the utmost freedom in the election of town and district officers there exists a general administrative supervision, which keeps the smallest hamlet in contact with the state government. The cantonal authori- ties may not dictate to town and district councils how in detail they shall manage their respective affairs, but they can enforce the general laws which regulate local government. For instance, in some states a community may not alienate a large amount of its domains without the consent of the Council of State. It is of importance that public property be regulated according to one general system ; a community might vote its domains away to a railroad, or burden them injudiciously with debt, hence local action needs cabinet approval to see that the interests of the state are not preju- diced. This might at first sight be regarded as paternalism, and the term would be justifiable did these acts occur under a monarchical form of government, but we must consider that even the Council of State is a democratic body, in the majority of states coming directly from the people; that the 1 Constitution of Schwyz, Art. 78-90. State Executive and Judiciary. 139 district authorities and all under them are likewise imme- diate creations of the citizens, and that this administrative inspection is only a slight interference with a local autonomy hardly to be equaled outside of Switzerland. The Judiciary. The administration of justice is regulated by the various states without reference to each other or to the confederation, except that regard is paid to those general principles of fair hearing which are guaranteed by the articles of union. Nevertheless a similarity exists between the systems of all the cantons, and, although the course of litigation may vary, and the tribunals bear different names, a careful provision for legal redress is characteristic of all. Each state has practi- cally an independent judicial system of its own, for the Fed- eral Supreme Court is not regularly a tribunal of ap])eal from the lower courts of the cantons. That is to say, it is not in strict organic connection with all the states in common, nor an outgrowth of the inferior judicial systems; for, although controversies between private parties are carried before the federal tribunal, they do not ascend by a graded avenue from tlie courts of the cantons.^ The Bundesgcricht deals with controversies between states, or states and individuals, and with a few selected cases between private persons or corpora- tions; hence we may expect the beginning and the end of legal proceedings in the larger number of cases to be found within the borders of the state. General principles observed in the organization of all the systems are that criminal matters shall be considered by sepa- rate courts from those devoted to civil controversies, and that small matters shall not be carried to the higher tribunals.^ It is also largely true that all cases must begin at the bottom of the series of courts before going higher; hence we are inter- ested in all the degrees of competency because of the impor- 'See Chapter VI., on the competence of the Ban(le Volkswirthschafts-Lexikon, II. 174. See Table, Part III. 148 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. of the country ; states having no wells standing in quite another economic relation to the subject from that occupied by producing cantons. The original cost of salt naturally makes a difference in the revenues derived from the sale, and various prices might con- sequently be expected to rule in different states; but the chief causes of variance are the different ideas of the duty of the state toward the salt-consuming public. In some states the matter is viewed entirely from the fiscal standpoint and as much revenue is derived from salt as the traffic will bear ; in others the monopoly is regarded simply as a means of cheap- ening the commodity, while still other states expect moderate prices and moderate revenues. Aargau, being favored by nature with salt-formations, exacts from the manufacturers the whole supply needed for the state, gratis, and in addition a money payment of 45,000 francs. In other words, the com- pany may make and sell all the salt it wishes after it has given the government enough to supply the state demand and a liberal cash bonus. Baselland receives one-tenth of the production of its wells, or, if this exceeds the amount needed for home consumption, all the salt it wants and the balance in cash. Six of the other states draw their supplies in part, in one case wholly, from foreign countries ; all the rest obtain salt from the Rhine wells, so that companies of Aargau and Baselland have nearly a monopoly of the Swiss supply. This condition of the market is brought about by an understanding with foreign manufacturers, according to which the Swiss members of the ring agree not to sell in German or French territory, provided they are let alone in Switzerland. These agreements, however, are termi- nable at comparatively short intervals, and the nearness of foreign wells does not permit much unjustifiable increase of price. As a financial expedient, the salt monopoly is a question of difference between cost-price to the state and selling price to the public. To all states outside the producing cantons the State and Local Finance. 149 price is uniformly five to six and a half francs per hundred kilogrammes, but the selling price varies from ten to twenty francs per hundred.-^ Where the monopoly is regarded as a tax the prices are higher. For instance, in Bern, one of the largest consumers, with the price fixed at 20 francs, the net profit in 1888 was 1,024,601 francs; while in Ziirich, which consumed about one-half as much as Bern, the profit was only 126,000 francs, or about one-eighth as much. In Bern it amounted to a tax of 1.90 francs per inhabitant, while in Ziirich, with the price at 10 francs, it was but 0.37, or about one-fifth as much as in the former. In one case this profit rises to 2.17 francs per head of the population. The salt is distributed at wholesale from state magazines located at con- venient intervals, while household supplies are obtained through the ordinary channels of retail trade at a very slight advance. The financial returns to all the states together amounted in 1888 to about 3,760,000 francs, and the public was doubtless on the whole further benefited by obtaining salt cheaper than it would have done without the monopoly. In comparison with salt, the other state monopolies are meagre sources of income. The mineral products of Swit- zerland are few and found only in small quantities. There is but one coal mine in the whole confederation which is pro- ductive of royalties. This is in Zurich, and paid in 1888 a tax on its output of only 665 francs. A cement factory, however, in connection with the mine yielded the state 21,484 francs in addition. The canton of Glarus is the owner of a slate mine, but this is more of a convenience than a source of revenue, since the net results for 1888 were but 4500 francs."^ Following the example of the confederation as wholesale monopolist of spirituous liquors, the city of Basel has recently^ assumed the monopoly of retail distribution. This ' Cost about 50-65 cents per 100 lbs. Selling price at wholesale varying from $1.00 to $3.00 per 100 lbs. • Volkswirthschafts-Lexikon, II. 157. 2 Ordinance of April 4, 1888, Volks. Lex. II. 157. 150 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. covers the high grades of alcholic beverages, but not alcohol for use in the arts, nor the weaker spirituous and malt liquors, the sale of the latter being regulated by a system of licenses. For the fine distillations there are government stores, which are to be established according to the demand, but shall not exceed twenty in number. These are furnished by the cantonal finance department with liquors obtained from the federal administration, and at a price somewhat in advance of that paid to the confederation.^ The further preparation of liquors for drinking purposes lies in the hands of the storekeeper, but under official control. The dealer is not a government officer, but gets his profit by selling at market prices, and gives bond to the state that the place will be properly conducted. Statistics are not at hand sufficient to show the permanent results of this experiment, but the attempt to carry the monopoly into the details of distribution will be well worth study in the future, especially from the sociological standpoint. The list of monopolies should include state railroads, but not enough of them exist to affect the finances of the country to any great degree. Bern was at one time a large railway owner, but her lines, after falling back into private hands, have now come into possession of the confederation,^ leaving only two small lines in Geneva and Neuchatel to represent the state idea. Royalties from fishing and hunting privileges are some- times demanded by the canton, sometimes by the community, hence their place and financial resources is somewhat difficult to fix. Water-power, or the use of public streams for mills and factories, is taxed in eleven cantons ; in four of these for the benefit of the state treasury.^ The total revenue derived 1 In 1888 the profit was fixed at 12 francs per 100 kg. - See page 87, above. ^Schollenberger, Die schweiz. Freiheitsrechte, p. 9, gives, under the head of Handels- und Gewerbefreiheit, a summary of all taxes and restric- tions on trade and industry in the various cantons. State and Local • Finance. 151 from the use or taxation of natural privileges, except from the production of salt, is but a small item in the cantonal budget. From mining, water-power, forestry, hunting and fishing, less than five hundred thousand francs is received in the whole confederation. As an item of taxation, or perhaps as a public convenience, rather than a source of income, the subject of State Fire Insur- ance ought to be mentioned here. In many of the cantons government takes the place of private insurance companies, receiving premiums and paying losses resulting from fire. This system began in Switzerland in 1808, and nearly all of the states which accept fire-risks adopted the idea during the first four decades of this century. In most cases insurance in the state company is obligatory ; all buildings above a certain small value, except those involving extraordinary risks, such as chemical factories, powder-mills and the like, being subject to enrolment and taxation with the govern- ment premium, to the exclusion of private enterprises of the kind. State banks are maintained in a large majority of cantons. These are regarded both as financial enterprises and as social conveniences for the benefit of the borrowing class. Most of them are managed on state account, yet others are stock cor- porations, sustained by government guaranty. There are also many small banks, chiefly for savings deposit, which are operated under the guarantee of the communities in which they are situated. Banking, under the present federal consti- tution, cannot be made a government monopoly, for the article prohibiting the confederation from assuming the sole right to issue bank-notes has been held to prevent also any state from monopolizing the issue of paper money within its own limits. Consequently the state goes into banking as a business enterprise rather than as an exercise of its sovereign taxing powers. The miscellaneous taxes which are laid upon the small transactions of life display a wide variety of principles as 152 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. well as practical applications. The state is sometimes the beneficiary of a given tax, sometimes the community, the large cities being especially apt to multiply these financial rivulets. Of those in which the state government is chiefly concerned, the taxes upon exchanges of property are the most productive, but are closely followed by the market and peddling licenses. An enumeration of the various taxes of this class would exhibit a curious mixture of sumptuary and fiscal expedients, but would not allow us to draw any safe general conclusions as to theu' extent or effect. Direct Taxation. Behind all these indirect sources of revenue stands the power to call upon the citizens to contribute directly from their wealth for the good of the state. Some of the old com- munity laws used to say that if the revenues from the com- mon lands did not suffice for schools and public purposes, the deficit would be made up by taxation.^ Perhaps this is the explanation of the direct contribution everywhere in Switz- erland, but at present this so-called deficit is usually larger than the other portion, at all events the most consjucuous in the minds of lawmakers and taxpayers. As to the various methods of taxation, it is to be observed that a Property Tax exists in every canton ; that is to say, an assessment in some form or another upon the total estate, real and personal, may be found in all parts of Switzerland. In a very few states there is a Land Tax [Grundsteuer, Impot Fonder), under which the soil pays a tax fixed by exact sur- vey and appraisement according to productivity. Income taxes are imposed by various methods, side by side with the property tax, in the great majority of cantons. Poll taxes find a place in about half of the states, and the same may be said for the tax upon inheritances. A study of the list shows ^ More recently stated in Township Laws of Ziirich, Gesetz betreffend das- Gemeindewesen, 1875, Art. 139. State and Local Finance. 153 that the succession tax is employed especially in those can- tons which contain the important cities and, consequently, the busier and wealthier populations. Conspicuous among property and income taxes, because of its regular and uniform recurrence, is the Military Exemp- tion tax, of which one-half accrues to the confederation and one-half to the state. This, however, has been sufficiently described under the subject of Federal Finance.' Further examination of this branch of taxation shows that in a large number of states the ]>rogressive system of assessment has been adopted to greater or less extent. In many cases both income and estate are taxed progressively, while in others property pays its simple proportion, and income is assessed according to an increasing ratio. Zurich, Basel, Vaud and Graubiinden exhibit characteristic developments of the pro- gressive system ; the fundamental principles which govern its employment, as viewed by these democracies, being well expressed in the constitution of Zurich :^ " All persons liable to taxation must contribute to the support of state and com- munity in proportion to the means at their disposal. The property and income tax is to be arranged according to classes on the principle of moderate and just progression. Property of small value belonging to persons unable to work, as well as that part of all incomes which is absolutely neces- sary to life, is exempt. The progression shall not exceed five times the simple rate in the case of income, nor double the simple rate in the case of property. For local purposes, property can be assessed only proportionately." Though not always expressed in constitutions, the other progressive states have followed similar principles, with variable regulations for exemption and assessment. In Graubiinden, for instance, property-owners are divided into eleven classes, the first including all estates from one thou- sand up to twenty thousand francs, the others following at ' Page 74, above. '' Article 19. 154 State and Federal Government in Switzerland, intervals of thirty thousands. The tax on the first class shall be the first, or simple assessment ; that on the second, one- tenth greater for every thousand, and so on upward.^ Private properties below one thousand francs are exempt. The income tax is laid upon all earnings above 200 francs per year, except where the person owns taxable property and earns less than 800 francs, and in a few other cases. The greater the income the higher is the rate of assessment ; receipts from all sources being brought under the law except income from agricultural pursuits.' It is beyond the scope of this chapter to attempt a detailed comparison of the methods of direct taxation employed throughout the confederation, or to explain the various economic effects. In regard to the progressive system, it is safe to say that it has met with the approval of the people wherever adopted and is gradually gaining wider acceptance. This popularity is doubtless largely due to the fact that by this method a large number of small taxpayers can make a ' Property Classification in Graubiiaden (^Steuergesetz, 7. Sept. 1881, Art. 3) : Simple rate (say one franc in 1000), plus 5I5 for each additional 1000. First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Tenth, Fr. 1,000— 20,000 20,001— 50,000 50,001— 80,000 80,001—110,000 110,001—140,000 140,001—170,000 170,001—200,000 200,001—230,000 230,001—260,000 260,001—290,000 To 7 8 TT5" Eleventh, 290,001—320,000 and over. " ^g ^ The income tax depends also on the rate fixed for the property tax. In case the latter is fixed at one franc in 1000, the progi-ession for income is as follows : Class. Income. Per cent. 1. 1— 800 ^ 2. 801— 1,500 ^ 3. 1,501— 2,000 1 4. 2,001— 3,000. 1| 5. 3,001— 4,000 2 6. 4,001— 5,000 2^ Class. Income. Per cent. 7. 5,001— 5,500 3 8. 5,501— 6,000 3J 9. 6,001— 6,500 4 10. 6,501— 7,000 ^ 11. 7,001—12,000 5 12. 12,001 and over 5^ State and Local Finance. 155 minority of rich men bear the greater part of the load. There is, however, a principle of justice in the idea that the wealthy man ought to contribute, not only in proportion to his goods, but in increasing proportion as he becomes wealthier, and the experiments tried in Switzerland have tended to equalize the burden and to begin to break down the divisions between the classes ; but no system of taxation has yet been invented which works perfectly, nor is there one which satisfies both government and people. Swiss finances suffer from a disease not unknown in America, namely, undervaluation, or, plainly spoken, tax-dodging. The principle of self-taxation, or the listing of property by the taxpayer himself, is vigorously insisted upon, as if it were a natural right of man ; but, although the detection of fraud and punishment of obstinacy are placed in the hands of tax commissioners, the temptations to under -assessment are too great. Consequently, in many places rates are high, and in reality the pressure of taxation is heavy. This is especially true of the great industrial centres, where much more public money is expended than in the agricultural states. Hence there is more or less casting about for new financial expedients of an indirect kind, now that the alcohol monopoly has proved to be fruitful. Indeed, an eye is turned upon the federal tariff to see if that cannot be stiffened somewhat for the benefit of the taxpayer. The burden of direct taxation per capita of population is not excessive, but this does not altogether reveal the weight laid on the persons who actually contribute. Although not arrived at a critical point, the questions of taxation are causing earnest consideration on the part of her economists. The support of local government is found chiefly in direct taxation. Many communities have funds and domains, but the income from these must be supplemented by contributions from the pockets of the citizens. Ehiborate laws in many cases mark out the field to be occupied by town taxation, procedure and rates being made uniform by cantonal enact- ment. In Zurich, for instance, no progressive tax can be 156 State and Federal Governynent in Switzerland. laid for local purposes, and the direct tax must everywhere be made in the proportion of one franc in the thousand of property, one franc on every household, and one franc for every voter. Towns and cities assist themselves further by means of indirect taxes, other than those levied for state purposes. Fees from public scales, slaughter-houses, baths, hacks, water-rates, funerals, and other minor matters con- tribute something to the general fund, but form, in propor- tion to the direct taxes, an unimportant source of revenue. The purposes for which public money is expended may be sufficiently inferred from what has been said in previous chapters concerning the functions of state government, and from what follows in respect to local administration. Wide differences will be found, however, in the ideas prevailing in the various cantons as to what the duties of the state are in the matter of public expenditure. In the quiet agricultural states the wants of the people are fewer than in the active industrial centres. In Schwyz the government expense in 1888-89 was 7.4 francs per capita, while in the same year in Basel the outlay was 80 francs.^ On the whole, the expen- ditures of Switzerland are much less than those of neighbor- ing states. This may be ascribed in part to the lighter military burden, in part to the fact that no monarchs and courts must be supported, and further, to the inclinations of the Swiss people for practical rather than ornamental matters. ^ The following comparative table of expenditures, abridged from Volks- wirthschafts-Lexikon, is instructive when considered in connection with the natural and commercial resources of the cantons. State expenditures 1888-89 per capita in francs : Zurich, 33. Freiburg, 26.4. Graubiinden, 18.4. Bern, 40. Solothurn, 20.8. Aargau, 14. Luzern, 12.8. Baselstadt, 80. Thurgau, 17.3. Uri, 25.4. Baselland, 11.6. Ticino, 16. Schwyz, 7.4. Schaflfhausen, 27.8. Vaud, 26. Obwalden, 9.1. Appenzell, Int., 10. Valais, 11.5. Nidwalden, 9.2. Appenzell, Ext., 8.4. Neuchatel, 26.5. Glarus, 23.5. St. Gallen, 12. Geneva, 55. Zug, 11.5. CHAPTER XVI. Community and Citizenship. Local government in Switzerland strikes root so deeply into the past that a brief examination into its history is almost necessary to a proper understanding of its present ; and once we begin to trace back the course of institutional growth we soon discover that two lines of development have been followed, or better, perhaps, two points of departure have determined the direction of community evolution. In portions of the country the old Germanic 3IarkgenossenschaJ't was the germ which grew in time to be the community and sometimes the state ; in other places, it was the fortified castle. The neighborhood association of the 3Iark was governed by very simple laws. At the stage of development at which we begin to study the rural hamlet in Switzerland, each household probably possessed a home, a garden spot close by, and a share in the cultivated fields and surrounding wood- lands corresponding to its needs. Neither the arable land nor the wild pasture and wood was divided into individual shares. The fields were allotted to the families year by year, subject to rules of cultivation established by the community; one year spring grain, one year winter grain, and one year fallow, in regular rotation. The woods and pastures were not divided even so much as this, but each householder cut as much timber as he needed, and pastured as many cattle as he happened to have, without regarding any particular part as his own. Even under these simple conditions some kind of commu- nity government would be necessary, and would gradually 158 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. expand as population grew. The time of sowing and reap- ing must be fixed, the time for pasturing the stubble deter- mined, roads mended, disputes settled, and many other matters, at first simple, but later more important and com- plex, resolved upon. As time passed, the ownership of cultivated fields became fixed in private hands, but the common lands remained, as before, the common property of the village, as even to this day the Allmend is a feature of mauy Swiss communities. The question as to who was a citizen and who might become such, was not at first a serious matter. So long as there was plenty of land there was doubtless little difficulty in provid- ing for new settlers, either those springing from the natural increase of population or those coming in from ovitside. But there came a time when the citizen found that to admit new members to the community was to appreciably decrease his share of the common benefits, and barriers began to be placed against admission. A price, corresponding to benefits received, must be paid before membership in the village could be reached, and this entrance fee became relatively very high. Participation in the government of the commune also depended on the question of shareholding, and those who had been admitted by birth or by purchase to the benefits of the common lands were alone competent to vote on village matters. Others were allowed to settle w^ithout full admission, but their position was strictly subordinate. As laborers and tradesmen such were tolerated, but they could have no share in the revenues or privileges of the common lands nor voice in admin stration. Later still it came to be a custom also for settlers to pur- chase the right to live in the community without taking shares in the common lands or common revenues, and thus a status of citizenship was engendered, independent of the community proper, but giving voice in some part of its administration. These modern Metoeci were the so-called Community and Citizenship. 159 IIi7de7'sassen and Niedergelassenen. So the result of growth to the old agricultural village was to superimpose through increase of population a complex, stratified citizenship upon what had been before a simple, almost private corporation. The other point of departure in community development was the fortified Burg, which grew more easily than the country village into a municipality. About the castles of the magnates there gathered the houses of their subordinates ; soldiers' families, artisans, agricultural laborers and others, until these forts became centres of towns of considerable size. Endowed with rights of self-government and many other privileges by kings and barons, in return for loans, or for their allegiance in times of difficulty, they rapidly gained in population and wealth. The inhabitants of the Burg became the burgenses or burgers, and advanced so much earlier to a knowledge of the rights and duties of citizenship and of the science of government, that in time the name came to be applied to all citizens, whether dwellers in towns or open villages. For the control of a walled town there must of course be maintained a stricter discipline than for a community of farmers. Regulations for the call of the militia, sentry duty, fire watch, street patrol, markets, and a multitude of other matters would need the attention of the citizen, and these constantly increasing in extent and intricacy, would teach perforce the art of municipal government. Hence, when we come down to modern times and see rural communities come out of the old agricultural condition and adopt uniform and improved systems of administration, we find that the old Burgs have been a long way in advance, and furnish the ideas which are followed by their neighbors. Although we are at this point concerned only with the development of the community, it will be well to observe that, as in the more sparsely settled districts, the ancient ITarhgenossenschaft became by accretion the state, so in other places the Burg developed first into the city and then into the 160 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. sovereign state. Thus Bern, Ziirich and Luzern, especially during the oligarchical period, while possessing large outly- ing territories, were essentially city governments. Only in modern times have these relations been adjusted. We need not follow through the long line of changes which have little by little overtaken the Swiss community. The prevailing characteristic was always local independence, with very slight interference on the part of the state. The passage of the Helvetic Republic left very little permanent trace of itself on community government. The cantons became for the time departments, and the towns and communes sub-pre- fectures, all ruled from above ; but as soon as the pressure of France was removed, the old state of things returned. Grad- ually, under the impulse of the new political ideas which brought about the constitutional reforms of 1830 and later, the modern form of community government has emerged from the shell of the old. The matter of citizenship, however, cannot be thus sum- marily dismissed, if we desire to understand the present con- ditions. Switzerland is, in some respects, unique in its regu- lations respecting the domicile and civil capacity of its sub- jects. First, the citizen is a member of a certain community, no matter whether he lives in it at the time or not. Second, he can never lose this citizenship without the consent of his native state. Voluntary abandonment counts for nothing unless this consent has been obtained. There is a general citizenship of the state or confederation, distinct from local, but it cannot exist by itself. Membership in the state depends on membership in a community. We are obliged to glance at the history of the country to explain these phenomena, and, strange to say, we find these peculiarities due largely to the methods adopted in the 16th century to eradicate vagrancy. In other words, the tramp question at that early day determined the citizen question of our own time.^ During the middle ages the poor had been 1 Other complications also arose in cities from conferring citizenship upon persons living in other places. Community and Citizenship. 161 the care of the church. Numerous monasteries and ecclesi- astical foundations had furnished shelter and food, sometimes temporary, sometimes permanent, at all times indiscriminate, for the unfortunate and the shiftless. The Reformation, how- ever, by the secularization and abandonment of many of these institutions, caused for a time great confusion in the matter of poor relief, and the consequence in Switzerland was that the country was filled with a horde of vagrants, some de- serving, some unworthy, who gained their living at the expense of the well-disposed. They naturally flocked to those cantons where the cloisters were still maintained, and these, not being in a mood to bear the double burden of both Catholic and Protestant tramps, attempted to drive off the latter, and, in general, to shift the pauper class from one canton to another. This, however, led only to recrimination, and the vagrancy question was as far from settlement as ever. Foreign beggars also were a source of great vexation, since they stole the bread out of the months of the Swiss poor. In 1551 the Federal Diet took hold of the matter in earnest, and passed a law to the effect "that every town, also every village and parish should sustain its own poor people according to its ability." As a means of getting rid of the foreign vagrants it was resolved to give them no licenses to beg, and as for the native poor, they were to be distributed jyro rata among the states and communities. Following the lines laid down by the Federal Diet, the various cantons from time to time enacted laws insisting upon local support of paupers, until it became very important to know where a man belonged, and the question as to who should maintain a person when he fell into poverty became completely fused with the question of citizenship. Great jealousy was exhibited by communities toward new arrivals. Persons who moved from one place to another were for a long time obliged to give bond that they would never become a charity burden in the parish of their adojition, and when they did reach this unfortunate condition they must return to their town of origin, or be supported by it. 162 State and Federal Oovernment in Switzerla,nd. These regulations passed through many phases in the course of three centuries, the constant aim being to establish every person in some locality which he must regard as his "home," Hcimath. Yet notwithstanding these eiForts there grew up a class whom no place would acknowledge as its own — the Heimathlosen. They wandered about from place to place, sometimes in great bands, as tinkers, or basket-weavers, or gipsies pure and simple, until they became in the early part of this century a matter of serious concern to the confederation. They were, however, at last taken hold of, the vagrants assigned to some definite commu- nity as citizens and compelled to look there for sujsport. But it is manifestly impossible, even if it were not unjust, to keep people for any great length of time in one place. Occupation and desire for improvement cause population to constantly change. Modern industrial life demands it, and comparatively few people live all their lives in one town. Hence in Switzerland the mediaeval hindrances to settlement and change of residence have been so far removed that no good citizen can be prevented from adopting any community whatever as his place of abode. The federal constitution guarantees to every Swiss "the right to settle in any place within Swiss territory if he pos- sess a certificate of domicile (Heimathschein) or testimonial of like import.'" In exceptional cases this certificate can be refused to persons who have lost their civil rights through sentence of a criminal court, and can be taken away from persons frequently subject to conviction of crime, or who persistently require poor relief which the community of origin refuses to furnish. In cantons where parish poor relief obtains it may be required that the newcomer be able to work, and that he has not been in any continuous way dependent on charity, but no bond or other special burden shall be demanded, nor can he be taxed differently from other 'Art. 50. Couimunity and Citizenship. 163 citizens. A federal law establLshes the maximum payment for admission, which is a moderate notarial fee. Neverthe- less the regulation holds good that the "home" canton cannot be thus lightly changed. Unless he buys himself a new Hciniath at considerable cost, the citizen must get his poor relief at the town of his nativity, no matter where he spends his days of affluence. Hence there are to be found in every community different classes of citizens living side by side. Biirger are those who by nativity or by purchase have acquired the right to vote on all matters which come under the control of the community, and are entitled to support when reduced to poverty.^ Nieder- gelassenen are those who have moved from other places and have been duly accepted as citizens. These have a voice in all matters except those touching the common lands and poor funds, and obtain no use or dividends arising therefrom. They exercise the rights of cantonal and federal citizenship equally with the Burger, but have fewer privileges in the commune. Being born in a certain village does not necessa- rily make one a full citizen of it. The parents must have been also full citizens. The children of Niedergelassenen, as a rule, must remain in the same political state until they purchase a share in the close corporation.^' In case they need poor relief they must look to the community where their fathers or grandfathers were citizens. Aufenthalter are per- sons who have simply the privilege of residing in the commu- nity without political rights. Upon this basis, therefore, the framework of local govern- ment has been built. Community life expresses itself in terms of citizenship, and allowing for a multitude of varia- tions in minor details, exhibits the following classification : The Political Community, variously known also as the Resident Community [Einwo liner gemeinde), Municipality, or 'Acquired in the case of women by marriage. ''In some places, residence for a long term of years entitles a Niederge- lassener to full citizenship without purchase. 164 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. Parish {Kirchgemeinde), but always with the political idea uppermost, is a territorial unit which corresponds to the American township. It is a convenient subdivision for the exercise of suffrage and of those local rights which are guaranteed to every citizen. Its membership includes every qualified voter residing within its limits. The Burger Community [Biirgergemeinde, commune bour- geoise) is usually bounded by the same lines as the Political Community, but includes as participants only full citizens. These are, of course, also political citizens, if residing there, having the additional advantages of Heimathrecht ; but many members of the Burger community may not live in the place at all. They may never have even seen it, but may, if they choose, claim a voice in its administration, the duties of which include the management of the poor funds, and fre- quently the guardianship of orphans. Within these same limits there is another community which no longer has a public character as a subdivision of the state. This is what we may call the Commons-Corpora- tion,^ or the people who have the right to the use and man- agement of common pastures and woods. This is now simply a private corporation enjoying hereditary rights, and in most places is all that remains of the original Ilarkgenossenschaft. The Political Community is the most conspicuous unit of civic life, but it is also the most recent. As modern indus- trial life began to make itself felt in Switzerland, and trans- portation and communication became more rapid and easy, the character of population in towns changed very decidedly from the mediaeval condition. A large part of every com- munity came to be residents [Niedergelassenen) instead of citi- zens. It was found that an important class would be de- prived of political rights unless provided with some means of local government in which they could participate. Hence came about gradually the institution of the inhabitant, or political community. The organization of the Bilrger Com- ' Gorporationsgemeinde. Community and Citizenship. 165 munity remained intact within this political community, for the benefit of those who by inheritance or purchase were entitled to the privileges of the common lands, and for the purpose of maintaining the fixity of poor relief. The administration of this portion of the community included at first all the common lands, the regulation of their use, and the division of profits ; but as villages grew, a three-sided conflict became more and more evident between the interests of the old original families, the adopted full citizens, and the political residents. The first would find their dividends diminished by too frequent admission of new shareholders. The larger the place became the more evident was it that the products of the commons should be used for public expenses, especially poor relief, and when additions were made to the domains it might be difficult to decide whether these were to be used for general or private gain. Residents, on their side, would naturally want to see the dividends expended upon as many public interests as possible. So in quite recent times a divi- sion has been going on between the old vested rights of the Allmendr/enossen, or time-honored shareholders in the Mark, and the less ancient Burger Community, which represents the side of poor relief. It will be understood that the former are still included in the Burger class, but the confusion of private and public rights has been settled by a division of property. The Marhgenossen are now as a rule simply corporations of private citizens whose rights are recognized and guaranteed by the constitution. The Burger Community also possesses funds and domains, but these are destined primarily for the support of the poor, and the rule is sometimes laid down that there shall be no division of proceeds so long as taxes are levied in the community for charitable purposes. Within the commune there also exist one or more School Communities, or School Districts. These also, within the limits of law and constitution, are self-governing c()r])orations on all matters relating to local education. The Parish, or 166 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. ecclesiastical district, as a territorial division varies in extent, sometimes including more than one political community, sometimes forming only a part of one. This church com- munity includes all persons of the same confession residing in its limits, the only recognized differences in faith being Catholic, Protestant, and Israelitish. There may be, accord- ingly, three different Kirchgemeinde in the same place. The Catholics may meet together to manage their own affairs as one body, the Protestants as another, and the Hebrews as another; no person having a vote in a communion other than his own. Organization of the Commune. The highest authority in local affairs is the town-meeting, the Gemeindeversammlung. For the Political Community this consists of all the resident citizens, Burger and Niederge- lassenen, who meet together on stated occasions, or at call, to elect the village officials and to determine questions of im- portance. Within the competence of the Political Community lie all matters relating to local police, sanitation, fire extinc- tion, roads, pavements, and the like. Upon such questions the town-meeting forms resolutions, votes, and hears reports. Into matters touching the adoption of citizens, the manage- ment of the purely corporative domains and funds, or other questions belonging to the full citizens, this assembly does not enter. These are duties of the Bilrgergemeinde. But the political or inhabitant assembly already includes the full citizens, hence it is usually the custom for this body simply to resolve itself into a Bilrgergemeinde by not allowing the Niedergelassenen citizens to vote on matters which belong exclusively to the inner circle. Still the political assembly has by far the more important role to play. In it take place the elections, federal, state and local ; it is the local unit of state government and the residuary legatee of all powers not granted to other authorities. Its procedure is simple and highly democratic. It meets Community and Citizenship. 167 either at the call of an executive council of its own election, or in pursuance of adjournment, and, as a rule, on a Sunday or holiday. Its presiding officer is sometimes the mayor, sometimes a special chairman (Gemcindepres'ident). Care is taken that only voters shall sit in the body of the assembly, it being a rule in Zurich that the register of citizens shall lie on the desk for inspection. Tellers are appointed by vote, and must be persons who do not belong to the village council, since that is the local cabinet which proposes measures for consideration. Any member of the assembly may offer motions or amendments, but usually these are brought for- ward by the town council, or at least referred to that body before being finally voted upon. A careful record of pro- ceedings is kept by the town clerk. The Gemeindcjversammlnruj of the political community elects the principal town officials. These are the village mayor {Gemeindeaiamann, Gcmeinde Hauptmann, Syndic, Ifaire), the council {Gemeindeixdh, Conseil 3Iunicipal), the town clerk, and such other minor officers as are not left to the choice of the town council. Practice differs respecting the election of administrative officers for the Bilrger com- munity. Choice is given between the election of a separate council or the turning over of Bilrgir matters to the council of the political community. The latter method is more fre- quently used, and care is taken that a fair representation of full citizens is elected to the council. Thus one feature of what might seem a complicated matter is put aside by simply giving double functions to one body. The parish meeting, or Kirchf/emcinde, as stated above, is the assembly of all the members of the same confession living within the boundaries of the community or jn'ecinct. In Zurich the presiding officer of this assembly is the village mayor, or, where he does not belong to the same confession, his deputy ; but practice differs widely. In some places the manager of church property [Kirchcnvogt) is leader of this assembly. Plere all matters respecting the church are con- 168 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. sidered, election of pastors, building and repair of houses of worship, management of funds, just about as would be done in a single church in the United States, except that the state has a certain oversight of things, and the rights of voters and methods of procedure are regulated and guaranteed by law and constitution.^ The School District Assembly may include all the voters of a community, or a village may include a number of such districts. However this may be, the assembly, Schulgemeinde, is a meeting of all the voters of the precinct for action upon school matters. Here a Board of Education is elected, taxes voted for school buildings and similar purposes, and a gen- eral supervision exercised over all educational matters. Sometimes the teachers are elected by this assembly. Co m munitxj A dministration . The Gemeindeammann^ is the chief executive officer of the commune. He executes the decrees and ordinances of the Communal Assembly and Council, and maintains a general oversight of the municipal machinery. He is also the agent of the cantonal government for the local execution of state laws. This doubtless accounts for the fact that in Freiburg the Syndic is appointed by the Council of State instead of by popular election. He is often a police judge, with varying degrees of competence, and executes decrees of courts in matters of debt, forced sale and the like. The term of office is usually several years, but varies widely. The Communal Council ^ is a board associated with the mayor in the administration of local affairs. Its duties are but in a small degree legislative, since most matters of weight are re- ferred to the town-meeting. Constant supervision is expected ^ The relations of church and state are discussed later on, Chapter XVII. ^ Oemeindepresident, Syndic, Maire. ^ Qememderath, Conseil Municipal. Community and Citizenship. 169 of the Council in all matters toucliing the maintenance of order, sanitation, the management of domains and funds, fire extinction, lights, pavements, as well as general oversight of educational and religious endowments. The Council prepares and presents to the Communal Assembly drafts of laws and ordinances, which may have originated with the members of the Council themselves, or have been referred to them for opinion. They estimate the revenues and expenses of the community, and propose each year a budget for the consider- ation of the town-meeting. They provide for the levy and collection of taxes, including state as well as local. In addition to this, the Council is in many places an Orphans Court, and attends to matters of guardianship. As a rule the members are elected for three years or more, subject to the laws of kinship, mentioned above in connection with the state executive.^ Practice varies in the matter of payment for attendance. Sometiines it is by stated salary,'^ sometimes by fees,^ and again in other cases service is gratuitous and cou])led with compulsory acceptance of office. Space does not permit me to go into all the details of city and village government, nor to point out the varieties of officials and names by which they are designated. Enough, perhaps, has been said to show that as much local autonomy prevails as is compatible with inspection by the state. The town can tax itself as much as it pleases for improvements, and its spending powers are limited only by some such general provision as that the existing domains shall not be sold, or diminished in amount without the consent of the state government. Com])are this with the arrangement so prevalent in the United States, under which a township must go to the state legislature for permission to tax itself for the smallest kind of a sum beyond a fixed constitutional limit. This limit is usually so small as to cover only the bare necessities of government and poor relief, and subjects all effort for public im])rovement to the sanction of a distant assembly. The » Page 143. 'Ticino. ^Zurich. 170 State and Federal Oovernment in Switzerland. consent of this body is usually given through indiiFerence, or hostility is displayed for corrupt purposes. At best it is the perversion of independence.^ Connection with the state is maintained in most of the cantons, not by interfering in local matters in which the general public has no interest, but by exercising powers of administrative inspection which bring about uniformity in the execution of the general laws. The local mayor being also for certain purposes a state officer, the commune is in constant communication with the central government, and thus becomes a member of the body politic without being held in tutelage. The practice of certain Romance cantons should be noted here as indicating somewhat the different poHtical instincts of the two sections. In the Germanic commune the final source of power and authority is the popular assembly. That body elects the officials, votes the taxes, undertakes new enterprises, and supervises its administrative agents. In Freiburg, Vaud, Neuchatel, especially in the larger com- munes, and in the city of Geneva, an intermediate authority is established to which many of these functions are dele- gated. The Assemblee Generale elects a Conseil Generalc or Conseil Communal, varying in size according to the size of ' A case occurred recently in Ohio which illustrates two curious phases of this question : the insignificance of the amount needed, and constitu- tional trespass upon popular rights. At one of the county seats a public reading-room was desired, and a few persons interested in the project urged the levy of a tax of one-tenth of one mill ou the dollar, to raise, in all, the sum of $600 a year. The local member of the state legislature being agreeable, a bill was immediately passed, and before tlie citizens were aware of it, they were provided with the means for sustaining a reading-room. Few objected to such an in- stitution, but the matter had been done so quietly and suddenly, that the town's people felt that they had not been consulted, and so great was the outcry that it was deemed best to repeal the law. The act had been passed with the best of intentions, but it shows how undemocratically we may do things. -See Orelli, p. 134. Community and Citizenship. 171 the commune, to which are referred many quetions whicli would in the German villages be laid before the whole body. In Vaud the constitution provides that in all the town coun- cils, general council as well as the smaller executive council, there shall be a majority of full citizens [boun/cois)^' The conseil generak is in reality a legislature which acts for the people, the citizens becoming simply a body of electors. The councils discuss and vote upon the annual budget, super- vise the administration of the public domains and funds, the various departments of government, construction of public works, and in general all matters which pertain to the interests of the commune. In Geneva, the deliberations of the councils are sent to the Council of State, and should not be put into execution without the approval of the latter, especially if matters which touch upon finance, sale or division of real estate and judicial decisions pertaining thereto, legacies or donations for definite purposes, opening and closing of streets, changes of alignment, or expro- priation for public uses.^ Thus a real control is exerted from above, more evident than in the Germanic states, where supervision does not extend to such a degree of detail. Two advantages are gained by this system. Where councils are employed, the life of the community is less liable to Re directed by the transient voters, who often form a majority of the residents. Members of the council, elected for three or four years, even if not full citizens, as required by law in some places, would act less heedlessly than a larger assembly of less permanent inhabitants. The power of state inspection brings about a certain uni- formity which perhaps may be lacking in German cantons. The actions of all communities being submitted to one central 1 Vaud, 25-100, (Art. 82), Geneva 8-18. -Const. Vaud, Art. 84. ^Droz. Inst. Civique, Appendix by Gavard, p. 38. 172 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. authority, a likeness would necessarily follow from the super- vision of such a court.^ These results, however, are obtained at a certain sacrifice of freedom and originality. The Teutonic communes pre- sent a varied picture of social life and organization, all of which is chiefly the result of local initiative. What is done is accomplished by self-government, with the participation of every citizen. The French communes are by no means less civilized, but their advancement is less a product of their own making. They exhibit traits characteristic of their neighbors of France; a liking for order and uniformity, and the logical application of any established regulation, 'Orelli, Staatsrecht, 137. CHAPTER XVII. Church and State. The general principles which govern the exercise of religious worship, and the measure of freedom of conscience, which by law prevail throughout the whole confederation, have been briefly indicated in a previous chapter.^ The practical appli- cation of these fundamental rules belongs, however, not to the union, but to the states, and as it is in respect to political institutions, so in religious matters, there is wide variety in the form of church government and in the actual amount of personal liberty. The relations of church and state bear traces of the historical experiences through which they have passed, and their present condition has been largely deter- mined by natural characteristics of race and locality, moulded into form by events which have occurred chiefly since the beginning of the sixteenth century. Previous to the great religious revolution which we call the Reformation, the allegiance of both people and govern- ment was unhesitatingly given to a single church, the Roman Catholic. Government, as everywhere customary at that period, was the sword-arm of religion in maintaining disci- pline and in exacting material support. It was regarded as a simple matter of course that the management of religious affairs should be included among the duties of ordinary civil authorities, and taxes were laid upon all for the support of a common worship. Although the Swiss had been somewhat independent in their relations to the Papal See, there was no other religious authority, nor system of belief, which received any recognition, or even toleration in that country. ^ See page 92. 174 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. The preaching of the reformers, however, soon changed this level condition of affairs. Certain parts of the popula- tion adhered to the new doctrine, and, wherever the converts Avere strong enough, they proceeded to make a place for the new form of worship. Owing to the completeness of state- sovereignty in the old confederation, every canton could regulate religious affairs entirely to suit itself, and wherever the Reformation gained a foothold this right was exercised in its behalf. The new worship, in such cases, supplanted the old and became the exclusive religion of state. Tolera- tion of sects was as yet unknown, and discrimination went so far that one canton, Appenzell, was in 1597 divided into two parts, in one of which only Catholics, in the other only Protestants might dwell. Much unpleasantness, even war, grew out of this condition of things; but the states, finding themselves about equally balanced between the two parties, finally agreed not to combine against each other to force the adoption of any belief. This caused more or less cessation of hostilities across state borders, but within each canton exclu- siveness reigned, whichever party was at the helm. There were certain territories, however, which were not independent, but owned and governed in common^ by part- nerships of Catholic and Protestant states. The people of these districts were divided in their religious convictions, and some method of satisfying their demands and some com- promise between the ruling cantons had to be found. It was here that the entering-wedge of religious liberty for the whole confederation was inserted, for, although individual liberty was long held in abeyance, the states were obliged to recog- nize community choice in the subject territories. There each parish was allowed to decide for itself whether it would worship under Catholic or Protestant forms, and the minority must conform to the vote. The sects were thus put on an equality, and the principle of " parity " [Paritclt), which still plays something of a role in religious matters, took its begin- ^Oemeine Vogteien. See page 17. CJiuroh and State. 175 ning. Outside of the territories, equality was a question for states, not for communities. In a few cantons some local freedom was allowed, but personal liberty and the quieting of denominational animosity were brought about only by the lapse of long periods of time. Four interstate treaties, called Landfrieden, dating from 1529, 1531, 1656 and 1712, mark the slow steps of religious liberty through all those centuries. None of these acts estab- lished more than territorial freedom of worship. The Hel- vetic Republic afforded a short breathing-space for unob- structed liberty of conscience, but gave way, under the Act of Mediation, to simple liberty of worship for Catholics and Protestants. The Pact of 1815 failed to determine the status of religion, except to sustain existing institutions by guaranteeing the inviolability of monasteries and their ])rop- erty, thereby leaving an opening for misunderstandings which culminated in the civil war of 1847. Even the con- stitution of 1848 recognized only the "Christian confessions," and guaranteed the right of domicile and of worship only to adherents of these. It is to the revision of 1874 that we must look for the religious rights now enjoyed by the Swiss citizen. As of old, the regulation of worship lies within the prov- ince of the canton, but not, as formerly, under the eye of a nerveless confederation, but according to the directions of a central government whose rules are few but firmly adminis- tered. These rules affect the individual and society in gen- eral, rather than the constitution of religious bodies. The freedom of belief and of conscience is inviolable, choice of worship shall not be constrained, religion shall not interfere with marriage, nor the legitimacy of children; religious doc- trine shall not be forced upon the young in educational systems, and, finally, religious contention shall at least stop at the grave, and every man be decently buried, whatever his belief may have been. All these are uniform laws for the confederation, but for each state there is a different system for giving expression to the more particular religious needs 176 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. of communities and individuals. In some parts, government does all things, in others, more is left to private initiative; hence it is difficult to present an exact picture of the state of religious institutions for the whole country. Federal and state constitutions must be studied side by side. The two grand divisions of religious belief are the Protes- tant and Roman Catholic Churches, the former being some- what more numerous than the latter. In nine cantons Catholics preponderate to such a degree that the Roman Church is the exclusive, established religion ; in six, both Catholic and Evangelical are supported by the state; in five others there are three state churches, the Old Catholic being added to the former two. In Bern, Geneva and Basel-city, Evangelical and Old Catholic are established; in Appenzell Exterior the Protestant Church is the sole Landeshirche ; while Neuchatel supports an Israelitish society beside all three of the Christian sects.^ Thus in all of the states, one or more denominations are supported by the public treasury, but there are also numerous independent churches supported by the voluntary contributions of their members. In addi- tion to congregations of Methodists, Baptists, Irvingites, Darbyites and Swedenborgians, there is, especially in Vaud, Neuchatel and Geneva, a considerable religious body known as the Free Church. This latter denomination sprang from an endeavor to gain freedom from state interference, and at the same time maintain a stricter confession of faith. It was, in reality, a protest within the Protestant Church, and in Geneva and Vaud goes back to the time of the abolition of the Helvetic Confession. In Neuchatel it was a result of the ecclesiastical law of 1873, which made every citizen, ipso facto, a member of the church, and abolished all theological tests for ministers. The Roman Catholic Church of Switzerland is governed by the same forms and authorities that are usually found in other countries. In most cantons the government retains 1 Orelli, Staatsrecht, 15G. Church and State. 177 the right to confirm appointments to ecclesiastical office, and exercises a general supervision over the management of church affairs. The confederation is divided into five bish- oprics, Chur, St. Gallen, Basel, Lausanne, and Sitten. At present the canton of Ticino is outside of any recognized episcopal jurisdiction, as the federal government refuses to have it made a part of adjoining Italian bishoprics. This is one of those cases, mentioned before,^ where the state en- deavors to prevent divided allegiance in case difficulty should arise with foreign countries. The bishopric Sitten [Sion) is governed in ecclesiastical matters entirely by canon law, as no state laws have as yet attempted to change the ancient order of things. The Old Catholics (die christkatholische Kirche der Schiveiz) are a body of seceders who separated from the Roman Church during the agitation caused by the proclamation of the doctrine of Papal infallibility. They were sufficiently numer- ous in 1873 to organize into separate churches, and soon commanded recognition on the part of the state; in Bern, Geneva and Basel-city, the support formerly given to Roman Catholics being now turned over to the Old Catholic denom- ination. One bishop stands at the head of all Old Catholics in Switzerland, and the general interests of the sect ar<3 gov- erned by a synod of all priests in active service, assisted by lay delegates from the churches. A Synodal Council, con- sisting of five laymen and four ecclesiastics, acts as chief executive committee. The Evangelical Church, as the established reformed body is usually called, being independent of any foreign hierarchy, displays the most complete forms of local and state self- government. There is no chief person, or persons, whose jurisdiction in religious matters extends over the whole con- federation, or even passes over the borders of states. General conventions upon church affairs may be called, but they are without final authority, the ecclesiastical government of each ' See page 94. 178 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. canton being the highest power within its own territory. Hence we shall find in the Protestant system, the relations of the church to the civil state most fully exemplified. The gfineral principles upon which this relationship is based are, first, that in purely ecclesiastical matters, such as the regula- tion of church service, choice of hymnals, forms of liturgy, or the instruction of candidates for confirmation, the church authorities shall decide, sometimes with, sometimes without the assent of the state. On the other hand, aifairs of a mixed nature, such as the management of church property, payment of salaries, regvilation of parish boundaries, and the like, are ordered by the state, on the recommendation of the ecclesias- tical authorities. But no exact statement of these relations can well be made, for in some states the church, in others, the civil authority preponderates.^ The central church authority in each canton is the Synod.^ This consists, in some cases, of all the ministers in the state. Math deputies of the civil government ; in other states it is a variable number of clergy and laity together. As a rule the Synod meets annually to consider the prosperity and disci- pline of the church. A central executive committee, known by various names [Synodalkommission, Kirchenraih, etc.), which, as representative of the general assembly of the church, becomes the chief organ of Protestant religious life in the states where it exists, is the power wliich prepares the business and executes the orders of the Synod. Sometimes this council is elected by the Synod, sometimes only in part ; and practice varies as to giving the state authorities a place in it. Its duties include the regulation of admission of can- didates for the ministry, oversight of pastoral work, decision of cases of discipline which have been appealed to them, and in some states general supervision of church property. In a few states an intermediate church authority is established in the district. Only in Zurich and Vaud is this a standing committee ; more frequently the pastors of the district act as ^ Orelli, Staatsrecht, 148. '^ In Geneva, the Consistory. Church and State. 179 a minor assembly for the regulation of aifairs within their territory, and suggest improvements to the state Synod. Local religious life finds expression in the parish [Kirchge- meinde), which, as we have seen in the study of the commu- nity, covers a variable amount of territory according to the number of communicants, and includes all voters within its precincts, who belong to the same denomination. The gov- ernment of the parish is eminently democratic. As a rule the societies choose their own pastors, though practice varies as to the process of nomination and as to the consent of the civil authorities. The members also elect the church officers and control expenditures and administration by periodical votes and approval of accounts. These local officials, known by diiferent names {Kirchenrath, Stillstand, Ehe-gaumer , etc.), administer the aifairs of the society, supervise the work of the pastor, the instruction of the young, and in general keep an oversight of the moral condition of the parish. In some states the church council is also the regular local board of overseers of the poor, and channel of pauper and orphan relief. In some cases, also, entire independence is granted to each congregation in more spiritual matters, as in the choice of an order of worship, hymnal, or liturgy, in others they may choose between those sanctioned by the Synod. Under these conditions, the pastor becomes in reality an officer of state, drawing his salary, usually, from the cantonal treasury, though sometimes from the parish. The support is very modest, salaries ranging from 1000 to 4500 francs a year, but are sometimes supplemented by the congregation. The term of service in five states is for life, in others it varies from three to eight years, yet there are means by which unpleasant pastoral relations can be changed at any time for cause. Under all circumstances, however, long periods of continuous service are usual, the power of election being a safeguard held more in reserve than in use. The suspen- sion and dismissal of delinquent clergy is accomplished by church boards and synods, under conditions which vary 180 State and Federal Government in Sioitzerland. according to the relations of civil and ecclesiastical authori- ties in the diiferent cantons. In Bern, dismissal can take place only through j udgmeut of court. Once elected, the pastor is comparatively free to teach and preach as he thinks best. As it is in civil institutions, so also in Protestant religious life there will be found a large measure of local independence in spiritual matters. The clergy are in every state expected to have had a university training and be able to show a diploma from a theological faculty, but the test of theological belief is limited to some form of oath, of which the import is, that the subscriber will observe the Bible as the highest rule of faith and practice. In none of the established churches is the minister bound by articles, or by an official confession of faith, other than the oath, and in Neuchatel and Geneva even this is prohibited ; in those states the responsibility for doctrine rests entirely upon the conscience of the minister. "The liberty of the conscience of the ecclesiastic is inviolable; it shall be re- strained neither by regulations, nor by oaths, nor by engage- ments, nor by disciplinary punishments, nor by the articles of a creed, nor by any other measure whatever."^ "Every pastor teaches and preaches freely upon his own responsi- bility ; this liberty shall be restrained neither by confessions of faith nor by forms of liturgy."' In the free churches and self-supporting congregations of all denominations restrictions may be imposed upon the minister, or not, as may suit the convictions of the sect, but these do not come into a con- sideration of the constitutional aspect of church and state. It would be impertinent to attempt to sum up in a few sentences the religious life of a numerous people of diversi- fied nationalities and living under diflPerent forms of govern- ment. It must suffice to recall to mind that in the religious history of Switzerland we have to do with a country which on account of its moral earnestness has always been peculi- ' Neuchatel. 'Geneva, Constitution, Art. 123 as amended 1874. Church and State. 181 arly favored by the Roman Papacy, and at the same time has given birth to two of the greatest movements of the Protes- tant Reformation. Among its citizens were enrolled two of the sublimest figures in the history of the church — Zwingli and Calvin. CHAPTER XVIII. Education. The fundamental principles upon which the school systems of SMatzerland are built are, that the rudiments of knowledge shall be freely given to every child, and that every child shall be compelled to receive them. " Primary education is compulsory, and in the public schools free," says the fed- eral constitution,^ and, following in its wake, say also, if not in word, in fact, the laws and constitutions of the can- tons. Beyond this point there is no general law to which the states feel obliged to render obedience, hence secondary and higher education are carried on according to the ideas and desires of the various states independently, and a wide divergence is exhibited. Primary education is also inter- preted differently in different states, the amount of training due to a child being considered in some cantons far greater than in others. Yet everywhere it is the law, that for a certain portion of the year the child must go to school, conse- quently schoolhouses and teachers must be provided, and the machinery of instruction kept in motion by the same power that made the law. It is this connection between govern- ment and education, rather than the pedagogical or moral result, that is intended to be brought out in this brief summary. The local authorities for the management of schools were mentioned in connection with community government.^ In every township are to be found one or more school districts in which the highest power is the Schulffemeinde or assembly ^ Art. 27. See page 91, above. -See page 168. Education. 183 of voters belonging to that precinct. This assembly decides the larger questions of local school economy, and usually elects, for nearer management and oversight, a Sehulrath or school-board, which varies in size in different states. This body is, almost without exception, independent of the political government of the community, for, even where originating as a committee of the regular town council, it manages sepa-. rately the details of school business. The school council occupies a position very similar to the Boards of Education in the United States. Except in two states^ of small area, there stands above the local board an intermediate school authority for the district. In Zurich this consists of a body of representatives chosen from the town school committees and from the teaching force of the district. St. Gallen has a similar district board ap- pointed by the state educational commission, but usually the district authority is an inspector, like the American county superintendent, or may consist of several co-ordinated super- visors whose collective duty is to see that instruction is given according to law and on a uniform plan. State supervision of schools prevails throughout the con- federation, but in widely diiferent forms. In all of the can- tons there are state boards chosen for fixed terms of office and given various denominations, but in some of the small democracies this body is elected by the people and is indepen- dent of any other executive authority, except, perhaps, so far as to render to the cabinet an annual report. In other states there is more or less organic connection ; the cabinet will have a representative in the state board of education, or the executive authority will either have the final decision upon school matters, or be called upon to approve the action of the school council. In any event there is complete con- nection between the lowest units and the highest powers of state in educational affairs, and in a few cantons the state ^Appenzell Exterior and Zug. 184 State and Federal Government in Switzei-land. associations of teachers and inspectors are assured a legal influence upon the management of the school system. The burden of primary education is divided between the state and the community, but in diiferent degrees. In about half of the cantons, most of which are predominantly agri- cultural states, the duty falls chiefly upon the community, •but with assurance of state assistance. On the other hand, in Basel-city the state government is almost wholly responsi- ble for the maintenance of schools, while in other places the canton may bear one-half or one-fourth of the expense. The average for the whole confederation is estimated at two- sevenths for the canton, against five-sevenths for the commu- nity. In most of the states, communities are obliged to maintain permanent funds, from the increase of which the schools are, so far as possible, to be supported. We may see here a reason for that cantonal inspection of local govern- ment mentioned before,^ since the state is, above all things, interested in the education of its youth, and could not suffer the possible greed or short-sightedness of a town to deprive the children of proper school privileges, or throw more of the burden upon the general public. Several states also possess distinct cantonal educational funds. The total amount of school property in some of the cantons is large ; in Zurich and Bern over twenty millions of francs each, in little Zug over one million, and according to population ranging from nine to seventy-six francs for each inhabitant.^ The amount of money expended throughout the whole confederation, for primary education alone, in 1888 was over eighteen millions of francs, or about forty francs for each pupil.'" The period of obligatory attendance covers from six to nine years of the child's life, beginning at the age of six or seven,* 1 See page 169. 5 Figures for 1881. Volksw. Lex. III. 35. ''Grob. Jahrbuch, 1889, p. 160? * The school year begins in nearly all states in the spring, not in the autumn as iu America. Education. 185 the gradations of instruction varying greatly according to the advancement of the educational system in the canton in ques- tion. Frequently the school program for all grades is the subject of elaborate state laws, and at least the minimum amount of instruction in the elements of knowledge is made uniform for the whole canton. The federal factory law regu- lates the employment of child-labor in establishments of a certain class, hence the states are assisted by that much in getting all children into the schools, up to the age of fifteen. The primary school leads up to higher grades which are sup- ported by the state, but these may be classed as optional, so far as attendance is concerned. The first step is the FoH- bildungschuk, Ecole complementaire, in w^hich youth who have completed their obligatory schooling may continue studies for general culture, for special instruction needed in their future vocation, or to bring themselves up to the legal educational qualification for citizenship demanded by the annual exam- ination of recruits. These schools are usually arranged to meet evenings or Sundays, so that persons in active business may get the benefit; their support coming in the first place from associations, unions, or societies, with assistance from the states ; in the case of technical Foiibildungschulen also with assistance from the confederation, provided the state and community give at least twice as much. In some cantons attendance at such a school is made obligatory upon certain classes of scholars who have not properly obtained their primary education, or need to review for military examina- tion. More strictly in line with a progressive scheme of educa- tion are the secondary and so-called " middle schools," which take the scholar at the completion of the primary period ^ and carry him forward three to seven years longer. Like the high schools in the United States their object is two-fold : to prepare the youth for practical life, and for such as desire it, advancement to the universities and professional schools. In ' Usually about tlie age of twelve. 186 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. this class of institutions the state calls upon the parent to bear part of the burden of support. In two cantons^ even these schools are free, but in all other states an annual tuition fee, ranging from twenty to ififty francs, must be paid. Private schools also exist through all these grades, but always subject to state inspection. The test of educational advancement, however, and per- haps of social condition in general, in a given country, is the state of higher education and the amount of support given to universities and scientific research. In this respect Switzerland is not behind, for beside several advanced colleges and professional schools there are four fully equipped universities, situated at Zurich, Bern, Basel and Geneva. Each of these has the four faculties of theolog}^, political science, medicine, and philosophy, and together they employ over three hundred instructors. It is not necessary to call attention to the reputation of the universities of Switzerland, for that is a matter of common knowledge. The point of interest in this connection, is the fact that they are supported by the treasury of the states in which they are located, and are the products of democratic government. They do not, it is true, rival the great institutions of Berlin and Vienna, but Zurich, for instance, stands second to few of the German universities, and is maintained by a state which contains less than three hundred and fifty thousand people within an area of less than seven hundred square miles. It has been alleged that only monarchical governments and princes are favorable to the highest development of education, science and the arts. It is true that in European history, monarchs, even despots, have been largely responsible for the great institutions of learning which have depended upon foundations for their support, but it will also be remembered that in the beginning universities were themselves democracies,'^ in which the ^ Basel and Zurich. ^The title by which Uri was known in the charter of the original con- federation was " Universitas vallis Uraniae." See Part III. Education. 187 students were everything and lecturers nothing;, as regards government and discipline. There was, in the days when professors as well as students were nomadic, no such thing as an " aristocracy of letters." It has been the custom in the United States to leave the support of higher education chiefly to private philanthropy and to the ambitions of religious sects. This has been due partly to utilitarian notions as to the objects of education, partly to the fear that state schools must be irreligious, and partly to the idea that it was undemocratic for the state to provide educational facilities in which all citizens could not participate. Philan- thropy came nobly to the rescue, and governments have made excellent beginnings in behalf of higher education and research, but much waste of effort and division of forces might have been avoided had the people sooner realized that the quality of education in the whole state is determined by the quality of that at the top, and that the state is responsi- ble for its excellence. Of the democracies of Switzerland, which have thus set for themselves a high standard of instruction, Zurich is doubtless the best example, though the cities of Bern and Basel might not be willing to admit as much. Zurich expended in 1888 for all grades of schools over five millions of francs,^ being an outlay of about fifteen francs for each inhabitant. Basel during the same time spent about twenty- four francs per inhabitant, but supports a university with only about one-fifth of the population of Zurich. In the rural cantons, such as Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden and others, the sums expended are relatively small, amounting to three, four or six francs per capita, while in the industrial centres the expenditures will amount to ten, eleven or fourteen. When we consider that the Confederation also is a supporter of education,'^ art and science, the showing made by one small republic is decidedly noteworthy. iFr. 5,208,283. Grob. Jahrbuch, 1889, p. 161. 'See page 91. above. PART III SELECTIONS FROM THE SOURCES OF SWISS CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 1291-1891 THE FIRST FEDERAL CONSTITUTION OF SWITZERLAND. perpetual fCcague ot tr^t 3''arest Bluntsclili, J. C. Geschichte des schweizerischcu Bundesrechts von den ersten ewigen Biinden bis auf die Gegenwarr. 2 Bde. Ziirich, 1849-1852. Bd. I, zweite Auflage. Stuttgart, 1875. 232 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. and present constitutions, and is still the best authority on the subject. For a shorter account of the whole subject the introduction to Blumer's Constitutional Law^ is very satis- factory. The work itself is an exhaustive study . of the federal government, reinforced by the decisions of the higher courts. It is the best work to be had, but more convenient is Dubs' Public Law,^ which is written for a more popular audience. Better still, because including both federal and cantonal institutions, is the work of Orelli.^ Kaiser often has a crisp way of saying things somewhat in contradiction to Bluntschli and others.^ For historical views of the states and confederation before 1848, one may read Cherbuliez^ and Snell.'' The latter gives texts of laws and constitutions. For the federal constitution alone, the work of Prof. Moses' is more scientifically written than that of Adams and Cunningham.^ The former is interesting for its comparisons with South American republics, but the latter is perhaps more useful because of its treatment of cantonal affairs. The French translation is an improvement upon the original." Marsauche^" is the latest in the field and contrib- ' Bhimer, J. J. Handbuch des schweizerischen Bundesstaatsreclits. 2 Bde. Sehaflhausen, 1863-65. - Dubs, J. Das offentliche Recht der schweizerischen Eidgenossen- sehaft. 2 Bde. Zurich, 1877-78. ^ V. Orelli, A. Das Staatsrecht der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. (Marquardsen's Handbuch des offentlichen Rechts. Bd. 4.) Freiburg i. Br., 1885. * Kaiser, S. Schweizerisehes Staatsrecht, in drei Biichern dargestellt. St. Gallen, 1858-60. ^Cherbuliez, A. De la democratie en Suisse. 2 Toms. Geneve et Paris, 1843. '^Snell, Ludwig. Handbuch des schweizerischen Staatsrechts. 2 Bde. Zurich, 1887-1845. ■" Moses, B. The Federal Government of Switzerland. 1 vol. Oak- land, Cal., 1889. ^ Adams, P. 0., and C. D. Cunningham. The Swiss Confederation. 1 vol. London, 1889. ^ La Confederation Suisse. Edition franpaise avec notes et addi- tions par H. G. Loumyer. 1 Tom. Bale, Geneve et Lyon, 1890. '° Marsauche, L. La Confederation Helvetique. 1 vol. Neuchatel, 1890. Literature of Sioiss Constitutional History. 233 utes a useful chapter on the social problems of Switzerland. Strickler's new pamphlet^ gifes a very succinct account of federal constitutional history. Droz' Instruction Giviquc is a manual of public law, using Swiss institutions for illustrative examples, and is valuable. Hart's Introduction to the Study of Federal Government^ devotes considerable space to Switzer- land. This book is most useful as a basis for wider study, as it points the way through the subject by brief historical sketches, comparisons of constitutions, and bibliographical notes. Vincent's Study in Swiss History^ is an attempt to show the origin and continuity of the peculiar state-rights ideas of Switzerland. Valuable comparisons will be found in Bour- inot,^ Freeman** and May.' A recent work on Geneva may be cited as a typical constitutional history of a Romance canton.^ Special Qiiestiosis. For keeping in touch with the operations of Swiss institutions, the Political Year Books edited by Professor Hilty, of Bern, are exceedingly helpful.'^ They contain, beside monographs on various historical topics, annual summaries of political movements both in the confed- ' Strickler, J. Schweizerisches Verfassungsbiichlein. 167 Seiten Br. Bern, 1890. - Droz, Numa. Instruction Civique. Suivi d'un Expose des Institu- tions du Canton de Geneve, par A. Gavard. 1 Tom. Lausanne, 1885. ■^ Hart, A. B. Introduction to the Study of Federal Government. (Harvard Historical Monographs.) * Vincent, J. M. A Study in Swiss History. Papers of American Historical Association, vol. 3, pp. 146-164. (1887.) ^ Bourinot, J. G. Canadian Studies in Comparative Politics. 1 vol. Montreal, 1890. •■' Freeman, E. A. The Federal Constitution of Switzerland. Fort- nightly Review, Vol. 2, pp. 533-548. Presidential Government. National Review, Nov. 1864. Histo- rical Essays, Series I., p. 373. ^ May, T. E. Democracy in Europe. I. 333-403. "Pazy. Les Constitutions de la Republique de Geneve. Geneve et Bale, 1890. ^ Hilty, C. Politisches Jahrlnich der schweizerischen Eidgenossen- schaft, 1886-90. 5 Bde. Bern. 234 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. eration and the states, and are written, not in a perfunctory, but in a critical and judicial Ipirit. Hilty's essay on the international relations of Switzerland is also admirable.^ Stoll explains the durability of citizenship.^ Euttiman's essay on the origin of citizenship^ is old, but authoritative. Martin has recently written upon the federal laws on civil status.'* BoreP and Zeerleder® comment upon the federal bankruptcy law. Schollenberger has gathered into compact form all the private liberties which the citizen may enjoy under the protection of state and nation.' Vogt has illus- trated the state-rights problem in his pamphlet on the Ticino question.^ Among books on cantonal subjects, Curti's history of popular lawmaking will be read with interest.'' It is the story of the rise and development of the Referendum. He has also a shorter essay on the same subject."^ The present condition of this institution is treated from the legal and philosophical standpoint by Keller. His Volksinitiativ- recht^^ is as clear a statement of the actual laws on the sub- ' Hilty, C. Die Neutralitat der Schweiz in ihrer heutigen AufEassung. ^ Stoll, H. Der Verlust des Schweizerbiirgerrechts. Br. Ziirich, 1888. ^Ruttiman. Ueber die Geschichte des sehweizerischen Gemeinde- biirgerrechts. Br, Ziirich, 1862. •* Martin, Alfred. Etude des Lois Ped6rales sur la Responsabilit§ Civile. Geneve, 1890. * Borel, Eug. Das Bundesgesetz iiber Schuldbetreibung und Konkurs. Br. Neuchatel, 1889. 'Zeerleder. Das Bundesgesetz iiber Schuldbetreibung und Konkurs. Br. Bern, 1889. 'Schollenberger, J. Die sehweizerischen Freiheitsrechte. 81 Seiten. Ziirich, 1888. Die sehweizerischen Handels- und Gewerbeordnungen, 95 Seiten. Ziirich, 1889. » Vogt, G. Zur Tessiner-Frage. Br. Ziirich, 1889. ^Curti, T. Geschichte der sehweizerischen Volksgesetzgebung. 1 Bd. Zurich, 1885. '° Die Volksabstimmung in der sehweizerischen Gesetzgebung. Br. Ziirich, 1886. " Keller, A. Das Volksinitiativrecht nach den sehweizerischen Kan- tonsverfassungen. Br. Ziirich, 1889. Literature of Sioiss Constitutional Hidorij. 235 ject as can be found. The best descriptions of the Landesge- meinde are to be found in Rambert's Studies.^ Unlike most writers, he has visited all the existing folk-motes, and writes about them and other Swiss institutions in a genial as well as discriminating manner. Taxation in Switzerland has been most exhaustively treated by Georg Schanz.~ His first vol- ume contains a historical account of the development of tax- ation from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the present. The other four volumes contain the laws of all the states on the subject, not only the existing statutes, but the measures which led up to them. It is a monument of in- dustry, and invaluable to the economist. Huber's Private Law is a comparative study, in which he gives under each topic the principles followed in the various states or regions of the confederation.'' liaws and Official Publications. Collections of docu- ments which are especially useful for constitutional study of the past are the reports of the old Federal Diets.^ It was the custom at the close of each session to prepare a paper embodying the action and recommendations of the assembly upon the subjects brought before it. This was for the in- struction of the state governments who sent delegates, and, as iis name indicates, was the last word of the convention, a " letter of departure." The first series includes all known federal agreements between 1245 and 1798. Another series covers the period of the modern Diet, 1803 to 1848,'' while the papers of the Helvetic period are in process of collection and publication. ^ Rambert, Eugene. Etudes historiques et uatioiiales. Lausanne, 1889. - Schanz, Georg. Die Steuern der Schweiz in ihi-er Entwickelung seit Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts. 5 Bde. Stuttgart, 1890. ' fluber, Eug. System und Qeschichte des schweizerisehen Privatrechts. 3 Bde. Basel, 1886-89. ■• Amtliche Sammlung der alteren eidgenossischen Abschiede (1245- 1798). 8 Bde. 'Repertoriura der Abscbiede der eidgenossischen Tagsatzungen v. Jahr 1803 bis 1848. 3 Bde. 236 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. The present federal and state constitutions are published in an official collection/' Several cantons, however, have made revisions since the edition of 1880. An excellent commentary on the federal constitution will be found in the records of the convention which formulated it in 1874.'~ The Federal Statutes have entered u])on a third series since 1849.° A very conve- nient collection in three volumes is that of Wolf, which shows the revisions to date, and gains compactness by omit- ting preambles and signatures.* Carl Stoss has assembled ' the various criminal laws of the country under topics for comparison.^ The complete decisions of the Federal Supreme Court have been published since 1874, but Ullmer's digest covers the period 1848-1863.'' The principal federal documents needed are the reports of the Federal Council' on the conduct of business, the Financial Reports,^ and the Official Gazette.'' The latter is the organ through which laws and ordinances are announced weekly. Parliamentary practice is regulated by a printed code of rules, found in the statutes in a separate edition. ^^ The financial ^Sammlung der Bundesverfassung und Kantonsverfassungen. Amt- liche Ausgabe. 1 Bd. 1880. - Protokolle liber Bundesrevision. 1873-4. 1 Bd. Q. ^Amtliche Sammlung der Bundesgesetze uud Verorduungen. 1849- 1874. 11 Bde. Neue Polge. 1874-1889. Neue Folge, Zweite Serie (seit dem Jahre 1889). *Die schweizerischen Butidesgesetzgebung. Herausgegeben und mit Anmerkungen versehen, von P. Wolf. 3 Bde. Basel, 1890-91. 5 Stoss, Carl. Die schweizerischen Strafgesetzbiicher, zur Vergleichung zusammengestellt. ^Entscheidungen des schweizerischen Bundesgerichtes. Amtliche Sammlung. 1875-1889. 15 Bde. UUmer, R. B. Die staatsrechtliche Praxis der schweizerischen Bundes- behorden. 2 Bde. Also translated into French by Borel, 1867. ■> Bericht des schweizerischen Bundesrathes an die Bundesversammlung. (Annual.) ^ Die eidgenossische Staats-Rechnung. (Annual. ) *Schweizerisches Bundesblatt. (Feuille FM6ral Suisse.) (Weekly.) '"Geschaftsregelmentarische Bestimmungen fiir den eidgenossischen Rathe. Literature of Swiss Constitutional History. '237 history is graphically displayed in a tabular view which includes the years 1853-1884.^ U. S. Consular Reports, Nos. 81, 90, 99-100, contain matters especially interesting to financial methods employed in Switzerland.' Other numbers frequently report upon the industrial situation. Grob's Jahrbuch is the central authority upon educational matters.^ As a single specimen from the many local govern- ment laws, that of' Zurich may be especially recommended.* Statistics. The statistics of population are found best in the federal census.^' This is confined chiefly to civil status; commercial and other statistics being published in special reports" which are issued from time to time by the Statis- tical Bureau of the Interior Department. From the same source comes also a quarterly journal of statistics.' AYirth's general description of Switzerland, although pub- lished in 1875, contains much of permanent value.^ It is divided into parts, which describe successively the natural features of the country, the people, commerce, insurance, jus- tice, constitutions and laws, education. Many changes have taken place in constitutions since this was published. The best statistical work now is Furrer's Lexicon.'^ One may ' Uebersicht der Einnahmen iind Ausgaben der Eidgenossenschaft. 1853-1884. ^ U. S. Consular Reports, Nos. 81, 90, 99-100. Wash. State Dept. "Grob, C. Jahrbuch des Unterrichtswesens in der Schweiz. 9 Bde. Zurich, 1881-1889. ^Kanton Zurich. Gesetz betreflfend das Gemeindewesen, vom 27 Juni, 1875. Br. Zurich, 1889. 5 Die eidgenossische Volksziihlung, 1880, 1888. (Published by the Fed- eral Government.) •■' Schweizerische Statistik. Herausgegeben von dera Statistischen Bu- reau d. Eidgen. Department des Innern. 1-65 Lieferungen, 1862-1886. •Zeitschrift flir schweizerische Statistik. Herausgegeben von der Central Kommission der schweiz. statist. Gesellschaft, unter Mitwirkung des eidg. statist. Bureau. (Quarterly.) Bern. *Wirth, Max. Allgemeine Beschreibung und Statistik der Schweiz. 3 Bde. Ziirich, 1871-75. '■* Purrer, A. Volkswirthschafts-Lcxikon der Schweiz. 3 Bde. Bern, 1885-91. 238 State and Federal Government in Switzerland. also consult the Statesman's Year-Book and the Encyclo- paedia Britannica. Topography. The best map of Switzerland is that known sometimes as the Siegfried Atlas, which is published on the scale of the original measurements, namely 1 : 25,000 for flat land and 1 : 50,000 for mountains. When com- plete this will consist of over 500 sheets.^' Smaller than this is the map made under the direction of General Dufour, in twenty-five sheets, which, in its day, was also the federal ordnance map." An excellent wall-map, because of the dis- tinctness with which the physical features of the country are thrown up, is a late one of Ziegler.'^ W. A. B. Coolidge has written a history and bibliography of Swiss travel, especi- ally of mountain exploration.* There are numerous other small maps and guide-books. Bibliography. To find out everything that has been w^ritten upon Swiss history, one should begin with Haller.^ His work was continued by Meyer von Knonau*' in maga- zine reports, and in book-form by Sinner^ as far as 1851. Later, Von Mulinen wrote an introduction to the whole sub- ject of Swiss bibliography.'' Since 1871 a monthly record of 1 Topographiseher Atlas der Schweiz, ira Massstab der Original- Auf- namen. Herausgegeben v. Eidg. Stabsbureau. -Dufour. Topographische Karte d. Schweiz. 1 : 100,000. Complet in 25 Slattern. ^Ziegler. Zweite Wandkarte der Schweiz, in 8 Blatter. J. Wiirster & Co. Zurich. ■* Coolidge, W. A. B. Swiss Travel and Swiss Guide-Books. 1 vol. London, 1889. * V. Haller, Gr. C. Bibliothek d. schweiz. Geschichte und aller Theile so dahin Bezug haben. 6 Bde. Bern, 1875-88. ^ Meyer von Knonau, G. Fortsetzung von Haller's Bib. in Archiv fiir schweiz. Gesch., 1840-45. 'v. Sinner, G. Bibliographie der Schweiz. Geschichte, 1786-1851. Bern, 1851. *T. Mulinen. Prodromus einer schweiz. Historiographie. Bern, 1874. Literature of Swiss Constitutional History. 239 all publications has appeared in Bibliographie Suisse,^ to which an annual index is furnished. Switzerland is also represented in the Historical Year-Book, published under the auspices of the Historical Society of Berlin.- Annual reports on the historical and political literature will be found in Hilty's Jahrhuch? and in the Anzeigeir fiir schweizerische Geschichte.* ^Bibliographie und Literarische Chronik der Schweiz. 1870-1891. Basel. B. Georg. (3 fr. per year in Postal Union.) ' JahresberichtderGeschichtswissenschaft. Berlin. J. .Jastrow (editor). 1878-1888. 2 See Special Questions, above. ■'Anzeiger fiir schweizerische Geschichte. Herausg. von der Allgem. geschichtsforschenden Gesellschaft der Schweiz. Bern. 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Act of Mediation, 22, 175. Adams, H. B., viii. | Adolph of Nassau, elected king and renewed privileges of Frederic II., 8. Alamanni, settlement of, 3, 4. Alcohol monopoly, 76, 38, 201, 202, 222 ; text of law, 223 ; in Basel, 149. Amendment of constitutions. See Constitution. Amtsstatthalter, 136. Appenzell joins League of Thirteen, 17; Landesgemeinde, 113; legis- lature, 116 ; village court, 140 ; religion, 176. Arbitration in the three ca.ntons of the League, 7. Area of cantons, 240. Army, 33, 62 ; history of, 62 ; state and federal authority over, 63 ; organization, 64, 198; pensions, 65 ; military tax, 74, 153 ; expense, 81 ; education of recruits, 92 ; do standing troops, 196. Assembly, popular, in early times, 6 ; and democracies, 106. Assembly, the right of, 208. Asylums, established for the inebri- ate, and for feeble-minded children, by Zurich, under law concerning government alcohol monopoly, 81. Attorney-General, federal, 60. Austria, house of Habsburg became imperial administrators of Swiss districts, 6 ; contention about lo- cal rights of Swiss, 7, 8, 9 ; revolt of Glarus against, 10, 11. Balance of power, held by Switzer- land, 67. Ball, W. D., viii. "Bank notes, no monopoly, 76, 203. Bankruptcy, 85, 209 ; treatises, 234. Banks, state, 151. Basel, bishopric, ally of League, 17 ; partition of, 27 ; popular legisla- tion, 106 ; Justice of the Peace, 140 ; salt monopoly, 147 ; liquor monopoly, 149; state expendi- tures, 156 ; religion, 176 ; educa- tion, 184, 186. Beiwagen, 112. Berlin, university, 186. Bern, joins confederation, 10 ; under Helvetic Republic, 21 ; Act of Mediation, 23 ; government of, 115 ; public funds, 146 ; state railways, 150 ; religion, 176 ; edu- cation. 184, 186. Bezirksrath, district council, 136. Bezirksammanii, president of dis- trict, 136. Bezirksstattlialler, vice-president of district, 136. Bibliography of Swiss history, 237. Biel, 17. Bishopries, 94, 207. Bluntschli, ,J. C., viii; Swiss his- tory, 230. Bridges and highways, federal care of, 89. Bundesgerichi, 58. Bundeska?izlei. See Federal Chan- cellor. Bundesrath, 52. Bxmdesversammlung . See Federal Assembly. Bureau of National Council, 39, 43. Bureaucracy, 144. Burg, the beginning of the fortified city, 159. Burgundians, 3. Burial of paupers, 206. Calvin, 181. 242 Index. Cantons, boundaries of, fixed by fed- eral government, 33 ; cannot make political alliance with each other, 35 ; in strife with each other must not take up arms, 36 ; interstate laws by treaty, 50 ; disputes, 58 ; and federal government in mili- tary regulations, 63, 64 ; military tax, 74 ; contributions from, to federal government, 75 ; retain salt monopoly, 83 ; free tradg among the, 83 ; former manage- ment of posts by, 85 ; and the right of citizens to form associations, 99; the confederation guarantees laws, 101 ; state legislation, 105 ; democratic and representative, lOG ; legislatures of, 115; the state supreme court, 121 ; the Grand Council, 119 ; the Council of State, 130 ; Referendum and initiative, 132 ; state executive and judiciary, 132 ; capital cities, 339 ; judges of court elected by district, 138 ; courts, 141 ; consti- tutions, revision of, 143 ; federal guaranty, 195 ; state and local finance, 145 ; state fire insur- ance, 151 ; community and citi- zenship, 157 ; beginnings of the state, 159; state and lo3al govern- ment, 170 ; state inspection of local government, 171 ; church and state, 173; use of armed force, 198. See also State Sovereignty. Capital, the federal, 320. Capital, taxable ^;er capita, 339. Capital punishment, 100, 309. Capitals of cantons, 239. Catholics, during Sonderhund war, 27. Centgraf, 4, 5. Chancellor. See Federal. Charlemagne, 4. Children, and the folk-mote at GlaiTis, 110. Church and state, 98, 173 ; medi- jeval poor relief, 161. Cities, origin of ; the burg, the be- ginning of the fortified city, 159. Citizen, rights of the. See Popular Rights. Citizenship, 157, 205, 334. Civil registration, 98, 308. Civil war of 1847, 175. Coal, 149. Coinage, 88, 204. Commerce, freedom of, 100. Commercial laws, and the confeder- ation, 83 ; uniformity of, 84. Communal Council, 168. Community, and citizenship, 157 ; organization of the, 166 ; adminis- tration, 168. Concordats, 35 ; list of, 50, 51 ; va- lidity, 331. Confederation, Swiss, the starting- point of, 7, 31 ; joined by Luzern, 9 ; joined by Zlirich, Glarus, Zug and Bern, 10, 11 ; admission of Geneva, Valais, Neuchatel, 24 ; extent, 30; relation to cantons, vii, 30, 33 ; relation to the common welfare, 83 ; relation to the indi- vidual, 97 ; education, 187. Congress of Vienna, 167. Gonseil des Mats. See Council of States. Gonseil Federal. See Council, Fed- eral. Conseil National. See Council, Na- tional. Constance, Council of, 18. Constitution, League of Thirteen, 17; of 1833 rejected, 37; of 1848, 28, 35, 91, 93 ; federal, revision of, 49 ; of 1874, 28, 49, 58, 91, 93 ; of 1874, in regard to army, 63 ; text of first federal, 191 ; text of present, 194- 233. Constitutions, state, compared with federal, 33 ; revision of. 185, 126, 143; compared with U. S., 137; collection of texts, 236. Constitutional history, works on, 227, 230. Contracts, federal law, 84. Copyright, 84, 209. Corporal punishment, 209. Council, the cantonal, and state leg- islature, 115 ; Grand, in state leg- islation, 119 ; of State, 121. Council of State, 138, 171. Council of states, formed on Ameri- can plan, 39 ; members, how elec- ted, 40 ; committees in, 43 ; rules of, 44, 211. Council. See National, Federal, etc. Courts. See Judiciary. Criminal laws, 335. Index. 243 Criminal Court. See Judiciiiry. Customs duties, sources of federal revenue, 72, 201 ; cantonal, 201. Death penalty, 209. Debt, federal, 82; collection of debts and bankruptcy law, 85 ; irnprisoti- ment for, 100 ; state, public, 240. Democracies and republics, 106. Democracy and higher education, 186. Democratic principles, in judicial in- stitutions, 142 ; in state a,nd dis- trict government, 138, 139. Diet, 18, 19; under Act of Mediation, 23 ; under Pact of 1815, 24 ; refuses to hinder constitutional reform, 26 ; constructs new constitution 1847, 28; published acts, 234. District administration, 13G, District Court. See Judiciary. Domains, state, 140. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 209, Ecole complayientaire, 185. Economic questions, bring political changes, 25. Education, federal aid, 90, 199, 221 ; general principles, 182, 184 ; local authorities, 182; district super- vision, 183 ; state supervision, 183 ; school funds, 184 ; expenditures, 184, 187 ; compulsory, 184 ; sup- plementary, 185 ; secondary, 185 ; higher universities, I8(j. Elections, of members of National Council, 38 ; federal constitutional convention, 49. Emigration agencies, federal con- trol, 203. England, constitution of, same origin as that of Switzerland, 4 ; parlia- ment, compared with Swiss legis- latures, 118. Epidemic diseases, 84. Eschenthal, subjugation of, 18. European powers, control of, 23. Evangelical church, 177. Executive Council, Helvetic, 21 ; state, 119, 123, 132. Executive, federal. See Federal Council. Expenditures. See Finance, Extradition, interstate, 210. Factory legislation, 84, 95, Federal Assembly, composed of two chambers, 38 ; functions of, 40 ; conduct of business, 41 ; Federal Chancellor, elected by, 44 ; refers bills after passing to Federal Coun- cil, 40-49; superior to Federal Court, 61; duties, 210, 211. Federal Chancellor, 44, 45, 217. Federal constitution. See Constitu- tion. Federal Council, called upon in case of insurrection in cantons, 35 ; re- ceives bills passed by both houses of Federal Assembly, 46; orders popular vote (on bills) on petition of 30,000 citizens, 47 ; like American cabinet, 39; sends lists of matters of business to Federal Assembly, 41 ; members can speak in either branch of Assembly, 42 ; bills referred back from Assembly, 43; consists of seven members, 52 ; its powers and duties, 53,54; compared with cabinet of United States, 55 ; re- sponsibility of members and tenure of office, 56, 57, 214 ; compared with Council of State, 135. Federal intervention, 197. Federal legishxtion, 38. Federal Supreme Court, origin of, 19. See also Judiciary. Feudal system in Switzerland, 4,5. Finances of confederation, adminis- tered by Federal Council, 54 ; beginning of federal finance in present century, 70 ; sources of revenue, 71 ; customs, 72 ; posts and telegraph, 73; military tax, 74; contributions from cantons, 75 ; alcohol monopoly, 76 ; expenses, 81,82; management, 204.221; instate legislatures, 119; sources of state revenue, 146; state and local, 145, 222, 240. Pishing privileges, 150, 199. Folk-mote. See Landcsgemeinde. Foreign affiurs, under the supervision of Federal Council, 53. Foreign powers, no presents to be received from by any ofiicers of government or army. 68. Foreigners, expulsion, 69, 210. Forest cantons, under Act of Media- tion, 22. 244 Index. Forestry of the Alps, protected by federal law, 90, 199. Fortbildu7igsschule, 185. France, controls Switzerland, 23. Franks, form of government, 4. Free trade between cantons, 201. French language, proportion of pop- ulation speaking, 31. French Revolution, reflected in Swit- zerland, 21 ; effects effaced in 1815, 24 ; effect of July revolution, 25. Frederic II., 6. Freiburg, 106, 120. Freischaren, 28. Frey, Bmile, Bundesrath, viii. Gaming houses prohibited, 85, 203. Gau, Alamannic, 4. Oemeinde-President, or Mayor, 137. Geneva, ally of League, 17 ; admit- ted to confederation, 24 ; Justice of. the Peace in, 140 ; railroads, 150 ; religions, 176, 180 ; educa- tion, 186. Germanic influence, 31. Germanic laws, 3. Gersau, democracy of, 108. Gipsies, 162. Glarus, joined the confederation, 10, 11 ; form of Landesgevieinde, 108; royalties from mines, 149. Government, federal and state, 33 ; federal made more effective by "referendum," 46-49 ; federal and state rights in military affairs, 63 ; popular, 115; compared with United States, 127 ; district, 136. Graf, 4, 5. Grand Council. 119. Grand Jury, 141. Graubiiuden, ally of League, 17 ; origin of "referendum," 122; tax- ation, 153. Guide-books, bibliography of, 238. Habsburg, Counts of, became imperial administrators of Swiss districts, 6 ; Rudolf, 7 ; Albert, 7, 8. Hart, A. B., 194. Eeimathlosen, 210, 219. Helvetians, 3, Helvetic Republic, 21, 23. Henry VII. confirmed privileges, 8. Histories of Switzerland, general, 227 ; constitutional, 230. Hofgericht, 107. Hundred, Alamannic, 4. Hunting privileges, 199. Initiative and Referendum, 123, 240. Insurance, compulsory invalid and accident, 95, 203 ; inspection of companies, 203 ; state fire insur- ance, 151. Insurrection, within a state, 35 ; power to raise troops in case of, rests with Federal Assembly and Federal Council, 53 ; incitement to, 99. International agreements, Switzer- land headquarters of, 69. International relations, 67. Intervention, federal, 197. Italian language, proportion of pop- ulation speaking, 31. Jesuits, activity of, 27 ; forbidden to locate in the country, 94, 207. Judiciary, federal, number of mem- bers and term of office, 58 ; juris- diction, 59 ; conduct of business, division of courts, 60 ; limited by Federal Assembly, 61 ; functions, 218, 221 ; published decisions, 236. Judiciary, state, 121, 132; judges, 138 ; relation to Federal Supreme Court, 139 ; Justice of the Peace, 140 ; district court, 140 ; criminal courts, 140, 141. Jury, and Grand Jury, 141, Jus non evocando, 8. Kantonsgericlit. See Judiciary. Kelts, 1. Kopp, J. E.,229. Labor laws, 203. Landammann of Switzerland, 23. Landammann, 110, 134. Landesgemeinde, under Act of Medi- ation, 22 ; origin of, 106 ; in Schwyz, 137. Landfrieden, 175. Language, difference in, 30, 31; oflB- cial, 220. Landrath. 119. Latin civilization, 3. Laws, criminal, 236 ; federal, 236 ; private, 235. Index. 245 League, the first perpetual, 7, 107 ; renewal of, 9. League of Eight, 11, 12. League of Thirteen, 19, 108. Legislation, federal, 38, 46. Legislature, federal, and popular veto, 32, 46. Legislature of Helvetic Republic, 21. Legislatures, state, 115 ; relation to Executive Council, 135, 143. Leopold of Austria, 9. Liberty, of religious belief, 92, 98, 173 ; of press, 99 ; commercial and industrial, 100 ; of opinion to legis- lators, 41, 116. Liquor monopoly. See Monopoly. Literature of Swiss constitutional history, 227. Local administration, Helvetic Re- public, 21 ; state inspection, 138, 171; finance, 145 ; community, 158. Local independence, vitality of, 29 ; and federal government, 32-37, 46-49. Lotteries, 85, 203. Louis of Bavaria, 9. Luzern, purchase of by Rudolf of Habsburg, 7 ; joined the confeder- ation, 9; reactionary policy 1846, 27; legislature, 120; public serv- ice, 144. Maps, 238. Maritime rights, 68. Mark, 5, 146. Markgenossenschaft, 5, 157, 165. Marriage, registry of, 95 ; right of, under confederation, 98 ; federal protection of, 208. Mayors of towns, 137, 167. Mediation, Act of, 21. Merovingian Empire, 4. Migration of Germanic tribes, effect on Switzerland, 1. Military capitulation with Bonaparte, 23 ; prohibited, 196. Military service, 197. Monasteries, feudal position, 4, 5, 8 ; inviolability, 175. Monopolies, 146. Morgarten, battle of, 9. V. Miiller, Johann, histories, 227. Napoleon L, gives constitution to Switzerland. 22 ; effect of his fall, 28. National Council, its members how chosen, 38; bureau of, 39; func- tions, 210; members from each canton, 239. Nationalratk. See National Council. Naturalization, 98, 205. Neuchatel, 17 ; admitted to confeder- ation, 24 ; state railroads, 150 ; religion, 176, 180. Neutrality, the policy of Switzerland , 67. Nidwalden, Landesgemeinde, 111 ; the legislature, 116. Oath of office, 144. Oberamtmdnner , 136. Obwalden, number of delegates to legislature, 116. Pact of 1815, 24. Papacy, 181. Paris, treaty of 1856, and Swiss neu- tralitv, 68. Parish meeting, the, 166, 107, 179. Pastors, both state and church offi- cials, 179 ; liberty of opinion. 179, 180. Patents, 76, 84, 209. Patrician families, supremacy of, 20. Pensions, 65, 196, 197. Personal rights, 97, 195. 209. Petition, imperative, 123. Petition, right of, 208. Pfaffenbrief, 12. Pippin abolishes dukedoms, 4. Popular rights, in early times, 5 ; protection of, 7; put down by bail- iffs of Albert of Habsburg, 8 ; all made equal, 9 ; right of veto in Federal Legislature, 33 ; popular vote upon laws passed by Federal Legislature, 46 ; rights of the citi- zen in the confederation, 97 ; the folk-mote, 106 ; and popular gov- ernment, 115. Popular vote, in electing judges, 140 ; element in judicial proceedings, 141; rights and judicial tribunal, 43. Popular vote. See also "Vote. Political institutions, origin Ger- manic, 3. Political questions, literature on,233. Political rights, deprivation, 210, Polytechnic, 91, 199. Population, 239. 246 Index. Postal Union, Universal, 69. Posts and telegraph, as sources of federal revenue, 73, 85, 203. Powder moaopoly, 78, 83, 204. Powers. See European. Prefects of districts, 136. Presents, from foreign powers can- not be received by officers of gov- ernment or soldiers of army, 68, 196. President, of the confederation, 52 ; of Council of State, 134 ; of village council, 168. Press, liberty of the, 99, 208. Private law, Huber's work on, 235. Profession, exercise of, 203, 221. Property, state, 146, 240. Protestant Church, 173, 177. Protestants, during Sonderhund wars, 27. Public debts, 83. Public service, 143. Public works, federal assistance in construction of, 90, 199. Punishment of crime, 100; capital. 100. Races, influence of different, 31. Railways, federal laws regulating, 87; state, 150, 19y. Red Cross, Order of, 69. Referendum, 46-49, 105 ; obligatory and optional, 106. 115, 119, 120; and initiative, 122 ; in America, 126 ; Curti, history, 234 ; Keller's law of, 233. Religious liberty, under Pact of 1815. 25 ; present conditions, 92, 98, 173, 206. Religious orders, new, forbidden, 94, 208. Reformation, 19 ; the folk-mote after the, 108 ; effects of, in church and state, 173. Regierungsrath, 119. 133. Relatives. oiHcial disqualifications. 143. Republic, the Helvetic, 21. Republics and democracies, 106. Responsibility, official, 144, 220. Revenue. See Finance. Roads and bridges, federal care of, 89, 200. Roman Church, government and the, 173. Romance ideas, influence of, 31. Rousseau's ideal democratic govern- ment fulfilled in Swiss Imperative Petition. Royalties, state revenues, 146. St. Gallen, 17 ; origin of Referen- dum, 122; education, 183. Salaries of officials, 144, 169. Salt, monopoly, 83, 147. Sanitary laws, 210. Sarnerbund, 26. Schaffhausen, admission, 17 : legis- lature, 120 ; public funds. 146. Schools, 91, 165, 168. See also Edu- cation. Schulgemeinde, 183. Schultheiss, 134. Schwyz, early government of, 4, 5, 6 ; entered into a league with Uri and Unterwalden, 7 ; attempted partition, 27; the folk-mote in, 107; district government, 137 ; govern- ment expenses in, 156 ; education, 187. Secession, 27. Sempach, 17. Sempacher Brief, 13, 14, 62. Senate, Helvetic Republic, 21. Settlement, form of Alamaunic, 4; right of, 205. Siehner concordat, 26. Social problems and the confeder- ation, 83 ; right of citizens to form associations, 99 ; monopoly of re- tail distribution of liquor at Basel, 150 ; progressive taxation, 154, 155 ; laws for the poor in the 16th century, 161. Solothurn, State Council of, 133. Sonderhund, 27; dissolved, 28; se- cession of, 94. Sovereignty, cantonal, 195. Staatsanivalt, 141. Stdnderath, 39. State. See also Caiiton. State-rights. See State Sovereignty. State sovereignty, 28 ; reason of vitality, 28 ; and federal rights, 32, 33, 36 ; compared with U. S., 34; military affairs, 63. Statistics, treatises, 236 ; tables, 239. Statthalter, or Vice-President of Council of State, 134. Strassburg, ally of Swiss League, 17. Index. 247 Subject lands, 30. See Vogteien. Synod, 178. Tacitus, beginning of the folk-mote, 107, 110. Tiixation, stateand local, 145 ; direct, 152 ; double, prevented, 20G ; treat- ises on, 235. Telegraph, 73, 86,203. Temperance problems, uudergovern- rnent alcohol monopoly, 80, 81. Thurgau, 4, 6 ; enters confederation, 18. " Ticino Question," 36. Topography, list of works, 238. Town-meeting. See Community. Tramps, in the 16th century, 160. Treaties, cantons allowed to make, 33 ; interstate laws by, 50 ; of can- tons, watched over by Federal Council, 53 ; confederation sole power with foreigners, 35, 195. Treason, as dealt with in Sempacher Brief, Ql, 63. Tribunals, extraordinary, forbidden, 209. Tribunal federal. See Federal Ju- diciary. Triple Council in Glarus, 112. Trogen, meeting of folk-mote, 114. United States, Germanic origin of institutions, 4 ; compared with old Swiss confederation, 20 ; fed- eral government earlier than Swiss, 28 ; compared, vii, 32, 33 ; amend- ment of constitution, 49 ; cabinet compared with Swiss Federal Coun- cil, 55 ; Federal Court of, as com- pared with Swiss federal judici- ary, 61, 142; religious liberty in, 98; power of legislature, 125; re- ferendum in, 126 ; State Governor compared with Swiss President of Council of State, 135 ; township taxation, 169 ; boards of educa- tion, 183. Universities, and federal polytechnic school, 91, 199 ; democratic, 186. Unterwalden, early government of, 4, 5, 6 ; entered the league with UriandSehwyz, 7 ; education, 187. Uri, early government of, 4, 5, 6 ; entered into a league with Schwyz and Unterwalden. 7 ; Landesge- meinde, 108 ; legislature. 116 ; edu- cation, 187. Valais, ally of League, 17 ; admitted, 24 ; legislature, 120 ; origin of ref- erendum, 122. Vaud, salt monopoly, 147; taxation, 153: religions in, 176. Veto, 32, 46, 47, 48, 122 ; in U. S.. 137. Vienna, Congress of, 23, 24, 67 ; uni- versity, 186. Vogteien. Oemeine, 17. Vorort, 23. Vote, popular, Landesgemevnde, 106 ; for members of state legislature, 116; the "referendum," 122; in United States, 127. War, Civil, of 1847, 175. War, declared by confederation, 195. Weibel, 111. Weights and measures, 89, 204. Wilson, W,, viii. Zahringen, Dukes of, 6. Zug, admitted to confederatioQ, 10, 11 ; Landesgemeinde, 108 ; legisla- ture, 120 ; referendum, 123. Zugewandte Orte, 17. Zurich, abbey of, 5, 6 ; joins the con- federation, 10; secret treaty with Austria, 13; government of, 115, 124 ; public service compulsory, 144; public funds of, 146; town- meeting, 167 ; education, 183, 184, 186, 18'? ; Bluntschli'shistorv, viii, 231. Zwingli, 181. JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVEESITY STUDIES IN HISTORY AND POLITICS. Herbert B. Adams, Editor. FIRST SERIES.— Local Institutions.~i883. $4.00. I. An Introduction to American Institutional History. By Edward A. Freeman. 25 cents, II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns. By H. B. Adams. 50 cents. III. Local Government in Illinois. By Albert Shaw. — Local Government in Pennsylvania. By E. R. L. Gould. 30 cents, IV. Saxon Tithingmen in America. By H. B. Adams. 50 cents. V. Local Government in Michigan, and the Northwest. By E. W. Bemis. •^J5 cents. VI. Parish Institutions of Maryland. By Edward Ingle. 40 cents, VII. Old Maryland Manors. By John Hemsley Johnson. 30 cents, VIII. Norman Constables in America. By II. B. Adams. 50 cents. IX-X. Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem. By H. B. Adams. 50 cents. XI. The Genesis of a New England State (Connecticut). By Alexander Johnston. 30 cents. XII. Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina. By B. J. Ramage. 40 cents. SECOND SERIES.— Institutions and Economics.— 1884. $4.00. I-II. Methods of Historical Study. By II. B. Adams. 50 cents. 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Cloth, $2.00. NOTES SUPPLEMENTARY TO THE STUDIES. The publication of this series of Notes was begun in January, 1889. The following hiive thus far been issued : Municipal Government in England. By Dr. Albert Shaw, of Minneapolis. Social Work in Australia and London. By Mr. Wm. Grey, of the Denison Club, London. Encouragement of Higher Education. By Professor Herbert B. Adams. The Problem of City Government. By Hon. Seth Low, President of Col- umbia College. The Libraries of Baltimore. By Mr. P. R. Uhler, of the Peabody Institute. Work among the Workingmen in Baltimore. By Professor Herbert B. Adams. Charities : The Relation of the State, the City, and the Individual to Modern Philanthropic Work. By A. G. Warner, Ph. D., Associate Pro- fessor in the University of Nebraska. Law and History. By Dr. Walter B. Scaife, Reader on Historical Geography in the Johns Hopkins University. The Needs of Self-Supporting Women. By Miss Clare de Graffenried, of the Department of Labor, Washington, D. 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